My question is for Mr. Seltzer. You've all spoken extensively about Fox News being a purveyor of disinformation. But CNN is right up there with them. They pushed the Russian collusion hoax. They pushed the Justin Smollett hoax. They smeared Justice Kavanaugh as a rapist. And they also smeared Nick Sandman as a white supremacist. And yes, they dismissed the Hunter Biden laptop affair as pure Russian disinformation. With mainstream corporate journalists becoming little more than apologists and cheerleaders for the regime, all the mistakes of the mainstream media and CNN in particular seem to magically all go in one direction. Are we expected to believe that this is all just some sort of random coincidence, or is there something else behind it?  It's too bad it's time for lunch. I think you're describing a different channel than the one that I watched. Excuse me. What? But I understand that that is a popular right wing narrative about CNN. How does a guy who is a notorious spreader of disinformation who recently got fired from his job at CNN end up hosting multiple panels on stopping disinformation? At the dark and ominous world economic forum, no less. Wait a minute. That makes perfect sense.  And we'll get right into this ridiculous panel after this quick message about a free coin offer from Noble Gold. Noble Gold Investments is pleased to let you know that gold is the best investment class of 2022. According to longtermtrends.net, gold has actually outperformed the S&P 500, Dow, and Bitcoin for 2022. So what are you waiting for? Open a gold or silver IRA with Noble Gold Investments this month and receive a free one quarter ounce of American Gold Eagle Coin with every qualified IRA of $50,000. You can't go wrong with Noble Gold and their thousands of five-star reviews. So call<PHONE_NUMBER> to find out more or visit noblegoldinvestments.com. And remember, there's always risk in investment and there are no guarantees of any kind. How does this discussion of disinformation relate to everything else happening here today in Davos? Stelter seemed to have gained some LBs on his time off.  How does this discussion of disinformation relate to everything else happening here today in Davos? Well, first, that's A.G. Salzburger, chairman and publisher of The New York Times, a notoriously left-wing Democrat-friendly partisan newspaper that always coincidentally makes mistakes that cut against their opponents. So he's in good company with Butterball Brian. Salzburger is most recently known for forcing the resignation of an editor for the high crime of allowing Tom Cotton to publish an op-ed. Thanks for having me as part of this conversation. As you can imagine, this is something I really care deeply about. So I think if you look at this question of disinformation, I think it maps basically to every other major challenge that we are grappling with this society and particularly the most existential among them. So disinformation and in the broader set of misinformation, conspiracy, propaganda, clickbait, you know, the broader mix of bad information that's corrupting the information ecosystem. Yes, all the things that you're known for, go on. What it attacks is trust. And once you see trust decline, what you then see is societies start to fracture. And so you see people fracture along tribal lines and it seems like all the supposed guardians of disinformation are themselves prolific spreaders of disinformation. And here we have yet another panel of these obviously dishonest actors who we know are doing all of this as they pretext to censor their critics and opponents. If, you know, if you're spending this week thinking about the health of democracies and democratic erosion, I think it's really important to work your way back up to where this starts. These people are incapable of seeing themselves. They just helped influence the outcome of an election in favor of Joe Biden by giving credence to the actual disinformation that the Hunter Biden laptop story wasn't real. You spent four years spreading the myth that Trump was president because of Russian influence. It was probably a Russian agent which you earned a Pulitzer Prize for.  That is what's so utterly absurd about this panel of political propagandists who think they should have the power to decide what is and isn't disinformation. It does not take a high level of intelligence to see that this is an attack on the First Amendment which they think only they should have. In terms of fake news and then disinformation, it was popularized six years ago at this point. Where are we today versus then? What do you mean, where are we today versus then? Wait, wait, so this was a hot, popular topic. There was an awakening about it. The social networks fell pressure, but now where are we? And the same question for Jeannie, but where are we today? Oh, I see. Yeah, it's a great, you know. And to be clear, actually, in terms like fake news and enemies of the people have been popularized cyclically in society and in some of the most repressive and dangerous moments, Nazi Germany, Stalinist Russia, right? No. Don't you just love how they have free range to compare everything they don't like to Nazis?  But no, as usual, it was Democrats who started the fake news trend with their so-called war on Fox News as Obama Communications Director Anita Dunn called it and wasn't Stelter's full-time job attacking Fox News, but I guess it's different. Yes. So I think anytime we're hearing language like that applied to a free press or more broadly, free expression, I think we should be really worried. That's exactly the problem. So-called free press like the New York Times and CNN are clearly just tools of the Democrat Party and are used to protect them from accountability while also constantly demonizing and otherizing their opponents. They even stoke political violence using this information when needed. You know, where there are reliable transparent standards, you know, for example, an institution like mine, when we make mistakes, we acknowledge them in public and we correct them, right? Again, these so-called mistakes always cut against and hurt Republicans. Then the correction is never as loud as the initial disinformation. That's exactly why we call them the dry by media. Once the damage is done, it's done. And I think they know that. They just tell themselves that their deception is being done for good reasons. Just like Sam Harris said to justify a self-admitted left-wing conspiracy to rig the election for Joe Biden. That's a left-wing conspiracy to deny the presidency to Donald Trump. Absolutely it was, absolutely, right? But I think it was warranted. It's like, if there was an asteroid hurtling toward Earth and we got in a room together with all of our friends and had a conversation about what we could do to deflect its course, right? Is that a conspiracy? All right, folks, that's it for that one. I hope you enjoyed it. If you did, please hit that like button, share and leave a comment to let us all know what you think. Thanks a lot. I'll see you on the next one.


Hello, hello, hello, and welcome, I'm Meroen Kellele. We are DM25, a radical political movement for Europe. And this is another live debate with our coordinating team featuring subversive ideas. You won't hear anywhere else. Italy has just voted in its most right-wing government since World War II. Can't believe I'm saying that. A coalition led by the Brothers of Italy party that commanded 4% in the previous national election will now head up the Eurozone's third largest and second most indebted economy. Yes, the Brothers of Italy party who want a naval blockade to stop migrant boats leaving from Libya and have threatened to roll back abortion rights. The party is headed by Giorgio Miloni, who is set to become the country's first female prime minister. She's a critic of globalization and big finance, a religious nationalist who's vowed to protect God, family and country. But she's also reassured the US that she's all in with the Ukraine war and she's signaled to the European establishment that she won't rock the boat regarding the economic policies dictated by Brussels and the ECB. So how did Italy get here? What happens now? How did the left in Italy screw up so hard? And what would a progressive alternative that's in with a chance that the next Italian election look like? Our panel, including our own Giannis Farofakis and two of our colleagues from Italy, Federico Dolce and Patrizia Pozzo as well as our crew of campaigning and policy gurus are here with me to answer that and more.  If you've got any thoughts, comments, questions, rants, concerns, anything you want to throw at us, just put them in the YouTube chat and we'll put them to our panel. Now let's hand it over to Federico to kick us off. Federico. Hi, me Haran. Hi everyone. Pleasure to be here. Well, what do we start because you throw some very big questions in the beginning. We kind of see it coming. Okay, we're looking at the polls. There's nothing particularly shocking about these actually results from the election. They are dreadful, not the last, but it was expected. It was expected because Brothers of Italy invested hugely with the last government invested in being in the opposition, stayed at the position while all the other partners in the right wing coalition jumped in into the drug coalition supporters. And that was due to payout somehow. And it was already paying out in the polls and it turns out it paid out pretty well. What we expected was a very, very low turnout. And we, it was kind of easy to predict because these were the first election held in the summertime. It was the first time in the Republican history that we actually launched an election in these times with this timing and in this situation. And it was in a situation of very low trust in every political competitor. We had the biggest drop in turnout, more than 10% drop and the lowest turnout ever. And those two are the main two key factor about reading what we are facing right now. For everybody else, we see that in terms of absolute vote, the right wing coalition stays the same, didn't gain anything. Fratelli d'Italia just waited their turn and they eroded their partner in the coalition, especially Salvini and Leganoff. And they are now leading. They are now, and because they were expecting that they actually ran a low key campaign in order to avoid all the other competitors to join in a sort of Republican pact and to polarize too much the competition, they succeeded very well because the left, I mean, every other competitors and not just the left run separately and with our electoral system, they easily gained the majority in both of chambers. For everybody else, it was a very disappointing election starting from the neoliberal poll in the center, they are friends of Partito Democratico, they are the light of Partito PD in the left and the five-star movement. Five-star movement, actually they were pulled very low, around eight, nine percent, everybody predicted they used to be their last election. They managed to achieve a decent result, about 15 percent. They are very far from the fast of the 33 percent of five years ago, but basically when everybody else campaign against you, you gain somehow, you gain publicity, you gain visibility and most of all, they are somehow still seen by some supporters as an anti-system force, even though they were the only party that governed for the whole legislation for the whole five years, first with Mussalini and then with Draghi. And with those with Fratelli d'Italia are the only one who campaign against the system. So if we have to read something into these results, we have to see a low turnout and the two biggest results achieved by the two anti-system parties. We have, yeah, sorry. No, that's cool. Thanks Federico for setting the scene. We're gonna return to a lot of those details later in the conversation. Patricia, Patricia Pozzo. Thank you. Good afternoon to everyone. Well, Federico just did a quite interesting pick of the Italian situation, but let me add a couple of reflection to keep moving ahead and see what's happening next. As Federico already mentioned, abstention has been a great topic in this last election. But pay attention, not only in the last election, it has been increasing constantly in last years. Now we know why we can't think of different reasons, but what we should do and when I'm saying we, I'm thinking of our part of the game. Let's say the left part of this political situation is to reactive democracy, but to reactive democracy, we need to do it at transnational level because right now we have common problems which need common solution. Let me make an example. Just look at what's happening right now in Germany. Germany has organized and announced to come with almost 2,000 billion euros energy crisis. Of course, Germany can manage this and okay, that's it. We do that and what happened to other countries of Europe? This is one example in my opinion that we really ask us to find out and to move ahead at transnational level, building something together. Another point of reflection, the winner has been Giorgio Meloni. We already know that, of course. From one hand, we have Giorgio Meloni. From the other one, the second winner of this election is Giorgio Meloni. From the other one, the second winner of this Italian election has been Conte. Conte, the leader of five-star movements, has been the man who brought down Draghi's government. So basically, the winner are people who work in opposition of Draghi's government. Now, what's happening? Seems that Giorgio Meloni is having a lot of problems in creating the new ministers because seems she need to put technical figures in key roles. That what means? That basically she's keep moving ahead on Draghi, let's say, guideline. So we need to subvert, to invert this trend. And what I can say, in my opinion, this trend can be subverted only working on a new, completely new political class. What we really miss in Italy is a good political class which looks at a long-term vision and not only at our electoral outcome. So that's why even, we can even say that we need someone who has the courage to make unpopular decisions, maybe, but to move in that direction. So that are a very good point to start a new kind of debate. Thank you, Patrician. Giannis. Good evening from me too. Let me begin at the beginning, which is not this election. When I say the beginning, I mean the beginning of the return of neo-fascism to government. There is this popular narrative in the establishment press that this is the first time the neo-fascists are in government. This is the first time that they have been inducted into the corridors of power. It ain't. And you don't have to believe me. Silvio Berlusconi, who's already been prime minister twice in the 90s and beyond. Couple of years ago, three years ago or so. A man who is present today but a systemic press as a moderating influence upon Meloni because he's part of this coalition. The three leaders that will form this government are Meloni, Tarvini, and Berlusconi. His party is referred to as a center-right party, for C'est d'Aguien. And he's being portrayed as a Christian Democrat, such a right, somebody like Sarkozy in France, who is going to hold a range on the post-fascist, neo-fascist Meloni, who will be prime minister because she scored the highest number of votes.  He himself, as I said three years ago, boasted. There is a YouTube video I can share with you. And I quote that he invented the alliance of the center-right with the League, Salvini, and the fascists. And the precise words he used were, we legitimized and constitutionalized them. Let us not forget that Berlusconi, when he was prime minister, he was the one that unleashed the anti-immigrant rhetoric. Routinely spoke highly of Mussolini and appointed members of the fascist movement in Italy to top-ranking positions. This is important because the liberal establishment, the liberal establishment, the people who supposedly go, ah, my goodness, neo-fascist is going to be prime minister. They want to inject in our blood an amnesiac liquid so that we forget what has already happened decades ago. The normalization, constitutionalization of fascism happened decades ago under Berlusconi. So there's nothing new there. What is new is that the fascist is not simply being co-opted by the right. The fascist now leads the right. Okay, that is a develop. But we've already had that because Salvini in the previous government between the five-star movement and the league, the leg up. Who's the one that introduced orchestrated misanthropy and organized murder and drownings in the Mediterranean as an instrument of immigration policy in Italy. We have our friend, the mayor, who is still in the courts being dragged through the mud for the heinous crime of having helped migrants. So let's get this clear. There's nothing new here. There's a simple twist, a small twist to the story, okay? Point number two. And there will be three points in my intervention. This is the second point. I'm saying this so that Maren doesn't fret. The second point that I want to make is that this is not going to be a fascist government. This is going to be a government with fascists in it. There's a big difference between the two, right? In the same day with Syriza was not the left-wing government. There was a government with leftists, like me, which failed to do anything in particular leftist. This is not going, I mean, they're not going to do anything different to Berlusconi or Salvini. In the past, they will be very anti-immigrant, anti-gay, anti-lesbian, anti-LGBGT, anti-trade union. They will introduce probably legislation similar to that of our bands. The Hungarian autocrats legislation, banning communist propaganda and Islamic propaganda. This will be fought in the courts. It will be nasty, brutal, but not particularly significant. What I find extremely significant, and that's my second point, madam, is that what this victory of Meloni represents in my eyes is a remarkable triumph for the liberal centrists. Because, let's face it, the liberal centrists were the ones that created the crisis of the Italian social fabric by adopting every stupid rule that came from Brussels or from the European Central Bank, by consenting to the banking union which wrecked the Italian banks and, as a result of that, created so much hardship amongst the indebted private privateers, private families, private business in Italy. You know, the Mario Montes of the world who said yes to fiscal rules that turned Italy from a success story into a disaster area. Now, that must be made blatantly clear. Italy is no Greece, comrades. Greece was bankrupt. Greece before 2008, 2009, 2010 had a huge current account deficit. We were importing a lot more than we were exporting.  We were indebted constantly to foreigners, to Societe Generale, Deutsche Bank, Finance Bank, Ben Peppari Bar, Barclays Bank, huh? Italy, yes, Italy had a large public debt, but it was a debt owed to Italians, not to the Germans, not to the French, not to the Japanese, not to the British, unlike Greece. And also, Italy was running a large current account surplus. In the sense it was a successful country. From 2011 onwards, Italy had a budget surplus, a primary budget surplus. It should be flying.  This is the liberal establishment which created so much discontent amongst the Italian population that the Italian population was ready to rebel. This is why they voted for five-star. Five-star was a non-entity. I mean, they had no program. It was a nothing party. It was a protest vote. They even gave them 30%. They were prepared to try anything. The question is, why did they try them and not the left? Which brings me to the third point. This is a failure of the left comrades. Okay? The liberal center succeeded because they copied the Milanese now working with Draghi and with NATO, you know, on how to implement everything that's coming for Brussels and Washington DC. So yet again, exactly as in the mid-war period, the fascists are doing the bidding of financialized capital even though they have this narrative against financialized capital, yeah? So Milan is going against globalization against, you know, even the Italian state because the fascists never liked the new republic that came out of the resistance, okay? But they are in the end running that very show along the lines of Mario Draghi and Mario Monti. So it's a fantastic success for the liberal establishment. Okay, Draghi doesn't like the fact that Miloni has taken his seat and Mario Monti doesn't like the fact that he would never be anyone who can walk down the street without people abusing him, right? But nevertheless, their project is successful. You know, they created all this discontent but this discontent came to nothing. The liberal establishment remained in power with Miloni running it. The question is why wasn't this discontent harvested by the left, by us? And what can we do to change that? Look, the reason, I'm going to be very simple, very simple in my analysis. There would be nothing complicated what I'm going to say. The liberal establishment has an internationalist agenda. The fascists have an internationalist agenda. The only ones who do not have an internationalist agenda is the internationalist left. This is a great paradox. We should be, you know, very ashamed of ourselves. The international agenda of Mario Draghi is what's known. It's the Washington Consensus. It's Brussels. It's the fiscal compact. It's, you know, the policies of the ECB. If you ask anyone of them, whether it's PD or I don't know, whatever. Those politicians or political parties that accept the Brussels agenda, they will tell you that, you know, our policy is the Brussels agenda. It comes from Davos, from Brussels, from Frankfurt, from Berlin, from most of them DC. Okay.  Okay. While they are serving the liberal agenda, they have a narrative. Their narrative is internationalist. It's called Europe of the Nations. We want to keep the common market so we can trade freely, but we want nothing to do with, you know, with each other. Every nation for itself, nationalism, religion, you know, the Catholic Church in Italy, the Protestant Church in Czech Republic, family, Donald blacks, we don't want gays. This is a common pan-European international agenda. You know, when Trump, Meloni, Orban, the Swedish Democrats, those fascists that got 20% in Sweden, when they get together, they create everything that I just said. The Europe of Nations, that is, you know, nationalism combined with some benefits for the poor, the old Mussolini style of looking after the poor, pensions and so on. Okay. As long as the many, we will look after them as long as they give up on their liberties and they accept the authoritarianism which is confirmed every four years by elections. This is the agenda of Orban, of Meloni, of Le Pen, of all, of Trump, of these people. They have an international agenda. Who doesn't have an international agenda? The internationalist left. And we, DL25, know this, because comrades let's, I mean, I know that you folks know this because we all suffered it, but the people who are watching us don't know it. Between 2017 and 2019, Patricia, Federico, me, Lorenzo, Srećko, Meran, all of us, those of us who were there then, okay? We were going up and down Italy, trying to put together a coalition of the left to run the European parliament today, in the, for the European parliament in 2019, together under one agenda across Europe, the green new deal for Europe. And we failed. And we failed, why? Because the left was not interested in having one agenda across Europe, across the world. So that which Mario Draghi takes for granted, one agenda across the world, that which Georgia Meloni takes for granted, the left did not want. And it was not even theoretical, ideological opposition to having the green new deal. None of them came to me or to Lorenzo, Richard said, you know what? We don't like the green new deal that you are proposing. Because had they done that, we'd say, okay, what would you like to change? Let's sit down and work it out. No, you know what the argument was? If Maurizio is with us, we cannot be in the coalition because Maurizio is good friends with Melonjon and we cannot be friends with a friend of Melonjon. That kind of stupidity is what undermined the left in Italy. It's not just in Italy, it's elsewhere as well, it's here in Greece too, okay? But this kind of an interest in a common agenda and focusing on, you know, the enemy of my friend is my enemy, but the enemy of my enemy is my friend, that kind of thing. And also, look at Podemos in Spain. We have the same problem with Podemos in Spain. Podemos had the policy of not having a European policy.  What will you do in the first Eurogroup? You know, what are you gonna say about the electricity situation if the European Union comes? And you have no answer because you have a national agenda. You know, the fascists, even though they're talking about the Europe of the nations, have an internationalist agenda. We don't, so I think it's time, the DIM 25 Italia, try again to bring together the progressive left in Italy, try to show that we can all learn lessons from the failure of 2019 because it is the failure of 2019 that has put the post-fascist, neo-fascist in government to carry out the dirty work of the establishment of the Troika, of the Mario Montes, of the Mario Draghi's. Thank you, Janis. Can I ask you something on that? Sure. I mean, you're talking about the failure of tribalism and the purity of the left, whereas the right was united in this case and therefore managed to win the election. Isn't the situation worse though, today? I mean, aren't we more tribal, more isolated today than even back then? What needs to change with regard to the political dynamics for people to overcome that and come together in order to make a credible alternative? I don't think we're more fragmented than we were in 2019. That's certainly not possible. Once you've divided the electron, you can't subdivide it much further, right? You go into the world of quantum mechanics. I mean, we were as fragmented as we would be in 2019. What we are now, and you're right in that, is we're more defeated, we're fewer. We've been abandoned by comrades. Comrades who didn't necessarily go to the fascist No, they stayed at home. They stayed at home, right? Now, a little aside, if I may, you noticed how wrong the Polsters were in Brazil about Bolsonaro and Lula. Bolsonaro did magnificently better than Polsters expected. The same thing happened with Trump, with Brexit, with the Swedish Democrats, with the fascists here in Greece. Why is this? Why is it that Polsters are not picking up their eyes of the extreme right? A rhetorical question. The answer that I'm going to give you is, the reason is that they are not picking up the people who have been sidelined by politics, who don't vote, who abstain, and who suddenly see in the fascists something that inspires them to say, look, I may not like these people, but if I vote for them, I will piss off the establishment. So I will vote for them, okay? So this is what has happened since our great grand failure in 2019. We are as fragmented as we were, we are fewer. Many of the people that might have come along with us in 2019 are now sitting on their couch, watching ridiculous reality shows and television. Yeah, as escapism. And so what do we need to do? What would, that would, which would, okay, this is my personal opinion, folks. And I'll end it here. What we didn't try to do in 2019 was to create a political party that is solid, that has a solid program, and which is not simply a confluence of people who want to walk together and sing Bella Ciao. I mean, we want to walk together and sing Bella Ciao, but we want more, we want to have any internationalist agenda. And I think that this time around, we should be working towards that. Okay, thank you, Yanis. A couple of comments from the chat. Yabbitz notes, austerity leads to fascism. Hashi notes that many European governments are swinging to the right, people are voting for them. Will the EU sustain this if many parties in government support leaving the EU? So question. Salvatore Stefanelli comments that we shouldn't forget the ties that Berlusconi has with the mafia that he was almost convicted, or that he would have been convicted had he not changed the law himself. And Stefano Vergari, in relation to this question of the last time that DiEM tried to construct an alternative in Italy says, there were some mistakes made by DiEM. I'm a big fan of DiEM, but the analysis is good. But DiEM, truly, if I wanted to, forgive me, Stefano, if I'm misquoting here, to speed up to build such an important movement, I think you mean to build a movement very fast. And they were not able to talk with people. I think what you're getting at there is talking to the common man. Perhaps that we were more, I don't know, a more elitist movement. Please qualify your comment in the chat if I've misquoted you. So some food for thought there for people to get out from the panel to think about. Johannes Fair for a take from Germany. Johannes. Thanks, thanks, Meran. And thanks for the interesting point raised so far. Hello to everyone listening in and tuning in. And thanks for participating in the chat and letting us know your opinion. I want to pick up on something that both Janis and Pavitia mentioned, which is, of course, that we need to build the credible alternative everywhere, an internationalist left. And that is, I think, something that Diem is trying from the very beginning and that we're still working very hard on. And it's, I guess, now more necessary than ever because also short story here from Germany today. In Germany today, the one person from the Liberal Center, our minister for economics, Mr. Habeck, went in front of the press next to a CEO from one of our four big monopolistic energy companies and announced that they made some deals to go out of cold a little bit earlier. And what they said was that one of the villages that local activists in Germany have been fighting very hard for to not be taken away because of coal mining, because it's right next to one of the big coal mining of the company of Habeck that I just mentioned, that this village now will be destroyed because they made a deal with the energy company. And studies have actually shown that because we need to stop mining coal because of climate change and to not go below the 1.5 degrees, it is actually not necessary to mine this coal. So the Liberal Center in Germany today made a deal with the devil to dig down this village for making some more profits for some more time. This is why what we are up against here in Germany with Meta 25. And this is why we need to do this everywhere because also, yeah, these big energy companies in Europe, they are basically, you know, they have strong links, they are one force. So we need to build one force as well. And the other thing that Pavica mentioned was the 200 billion that the German government announced. This is for sure big money, although what they didn't announce is to how exactly they actually in detail going to put the price on gas and going to put price break on electricity because they are also inside heavily divided. So they went in front of the press with a big announcement number, but not so much detail on how it's actually going to work in the end. And of course, at the same time ignoring, yeah, a kind of common approach in the EU, which is, yeah, I think just awful in terms of, yeah, that we should work on this crisis together. And this brings me to something, Jan has also mentioned the 2019 election of the M25. When we run for the European Parliament, we actually had the proposal of 500 billion every year for a Green New Deal, for like, for a just transition for an industrial revolution in Europe, all over Europe, not only in Italy or in Germany, but in all countries. And back then, of course, everyone said, ah, this is a crazy amount. We cannot even, we cannot ever spend this money. And now it turns out the German government is spending one package after the other in this kind of amount. And if we would have actually put this program into place in 2019, we would have been much better prepared for the energy crisis that at the moment, yeah, is running through Europe because of the war in Ukraine and our, yeah, very bad energy system, energy market system that we described in the last episode, I believe for two episodes ago. And yeah, I think those are more reasons why we need this agenda and why we need to work on a credible alternative in Italy, for example, that we are talking about today and I'm very happy. And at the moment, actually involved to work on a program for Italy, that is something that we are also doing trans-nationally in the M25. Thanks. Thanks for that, Johannes. And just to further qualify that question that came in in the chat, what our friend, Stefan, who in the chat was saying was we need to be able to talk to regular people, workers, not just university students. This often comes up with progressive parties and if you look at Georgia Melonium and she's, I think she was described as a pugnacious working class woman with, if I understand it, the equivalent of a Cockney accent. Somehow I heard that in a podcast, a Rome accent with sort of very sort of woman of the people. So I think please also factor this into your analysis because it's very true if we're just speaking to intellectuals, it's not going to happen. Dushan, Dushan Payevich from Montenegro, for yours. Thanks, Stefan. Basically a lot has been said already by comrades but I would like to stress one additional thing which is that neoliberalism, what we all agree on that, but for the sake of viewers, neoliberalism and fascism are two sides of the same coin. Basically neoliberal has only been because they can pinpoint the fascist and tell the people, well, if you don't vote for us, yes, we are bad but if you don't vote for us, Meloni is going to come or whoever on the extreme right wing spectrum of politics. So basically they are folding each other. What happens is that they repeat the same phrase too many times and people actually want to try the other side of the coin because when capitalism fails, which is guaranteed and imminent if you ask me and left doesn't lose its shot, then right wing fascism comes, fascism comes. Basically it's much, much easier to direct anger of the masses and this dissatisfaction of masses towards the immigrants, the LGBTQ plus people and some other minorities, then to explain to them the class analysis and economics to be honest because that primal emotional reaction is much powerful and more simpler, more simple than cognitive abilities. Even Lenin said that in the process of decay, capitalism smells like fascism. So let's hope that this is at least the last phase of capitalism or techno feudalism. Why I want to now do a critique on the left is because I think we didn't use that shot as a left because usually the left is unorganized, self-censored, isolated in communication and doesn't offer real solutions. Basically why I joined DM and why DM is the only organization that I can identify with by far is because we offer real solutions. We have concrete numbers, concrete names of the institutions where to direct money, what laws need to be made and so on and so on. Basically, DM is my only hope and Mera25 is my only hope and I am very positive that Italians will have someone to vote for in the next elections. Thank you, Dushan, Amir, Amir Kiayi, our political coordinator. Thank you, Mehran. Yeah, just echoing everything that's been said so far and it's also about visibility of the public and the border left, if you want to call it, on the streets and I'm especially keen to highlight the role of those that are already organized in society be it the activist groups or unions and so forth. With the aim of eventually seeing such a level of street activity and resistance that these forces actually meet on the streets and begin to grow power because the principle of organization as opposed to mobilization requires visibility on the street as well as corresponding actions be they, for example, as tracks of truckers, port workers, students, teachers and so on. And then we start seeing as well the main demands of coming down the coming up, whether we saw it last night that in Italy there's a demand of the workers that have made the link between the war in Ukraine and the material situation that we don't pay for their crisis and their wars, low weapons and raised wages. Or if it's the woman or if it's the workers in Italy or if it's a woman life and freedom in Iran and let us extend solidarity to the good people of Iran who have maintained their protests in successive waves of against forces of repression and continue the grassroots efforts in resisting all forms of oppression while calling for full democracy, civil liberties and a life of dignity. It's not clear yet, of course, if this current wave will be extinguished or not but it has broken through major barriers of public consciousness in Iran and has gone past the point of no return. But then coming back to Italy and linking this because as Zanis also said earlier, the discontent amongst the public and there's also worse coming given a dark winter we should enact our plans that we have in our manifesto, our plan for change, forging broad alliances that share our methods of constructive civic disobedience as we'll have more directly organizing in Italy with our internationalist agenda. And we also have to guard against failures of the past. The time is now is to build, build, build and organize, organize, organize. And critically at this stage, the aim with giving all his movements together is to come up and support each other. So environmental activists for workers, delivery workers for migrants, tenant unions for peace activists, pensioners for students, partners for academics. Thank you, Amir. We all noted the next generation barging into the chat. Yes, this is real time. Okay. Daphne, Daphne Valkara, based in Paris, Daphne. Based in Grenoble. Forgive me, Grenoble, France. I was just throwing random French cities out there. Go on. I just want to touch up on something Yanis said that I think is quite important, that the left doesn't have a common agenda. And I would go one step further, is that the left has completely stopped talking about economics beyond like economic solutions, beyond taxation. Like that's the only structural, it's not even a structural critique. It doesn't say anything. And this keeps it from tapping into anti-establishment sentiment, which is extremely powerful nowadays. But more so, it's just like it's impossible to have a plan. It's like left likes to talk about everything, except economics. And that's like a very strange place where you're in historically, I think that's a very abnormal place to be in. And I just want to, I took a small screenshot from the election night tonight. So when I was looking from the live stream in Bloomberg and it says, remember that a weak scenario is, weak Salvini scenario is positive for markets. As JP Morgan pointed out this week, he would have less bargaining power with Meloni to push for higher deficit. So like Yanis said, both the far right, the center right, the liberals, they always have this common agenda. Let's also have one in the left, or else I think it's quite bothering. Thanks. Thank you, Daphne.  Patricia Pozzo. Thank you. And I want to going back to Dujan, actually what he said, because he pushed me to add one more point. We have at the moment, many, many left parties in Italy. At the same time as I said before, we got a big abstention. Many, many people didn't feel confidence in none of them. They don't feel represented by none of them. That's quite interesting because we, it means that we still need something new and we need it now, soon, as soon as possible. So keep in mind. And anyway, the M25 is working on that. Thanks, Patricio Dujan. Listen, I don't know who needs to hear this, but I need to say it loud. Tax the rich is not a policy program. The left needs to understand that it's a demand. It's not a concrete step. Also solve the climate crisis. Okay, but how? What should we do? Where does the money come from? What is all of that in a package, you know? This is why Mera25s and the M25 distinguish from the others. And because we have people with integrity who cannot be bought off with, bought off with small ministry places or whatever. And even the movement is, actually the parties are subordinated to the movement. So the movement will prevent something like that, which is a beautiful thing. With the M25, there is literally not a chance to fail if we are in the parliament or in the government, even better. Thank you, Dujan. Okay, Lucas. Lucas Febrero, our communications director. Thanks, madam. I wanted to, like Yanis, go again on a brief detour to Brazil, but it's gonna come back to Italy. Don't worry. Because it's my home country. And as you know, for some of the elections just happened. And like Yanis mentioned, Bolsonaro over-performed the expectations that we have from the polls wildly. And if you haven't been following it very closely, the way the elections has gone is not too dissimilar in a sense from what we've experienced in Italy and other European countries before. So there was on the one hand, very hard right-wing, xenophobic, racist, misogynist sort of block that of course has Bolsonaro as his figurehead. And then on the other hand, we had the left but also a bunch of forces in the old establishment that sort of coalesced around Lula, which is understandable when the other option is Bolsonaro, but it means that it was essentially, if you just look at the names on paper, it was kind of a big tent coalition almost, although it was left of center, of course. And there was a big focus on democracy during the campaign. The big banner of the coalition that Lula assembled was to defend the democracy, which is being threatened by Bolsonaro. We need to defend institutions. We need to, you know, there might be a coup. If Bolsonaro is a self-couple, Bolsonaro is allowed to stay in power and so on and so forth. And that's all fine and good. It's good to defend democracy and it is in the threats when you have someone like Bolsonaro on the scene. But at the same time is not enough. So the campaign had no real program to speak of. I think, you know, in large part, because it was such a broad coalition, it meant that you kind of tied your hands a little bit when you wanted to talk about economics and when you wanted to get into the finer details of policy. Because it's hard to, you know, everybody's on the same page as long as you're just shouting about democracy. But as soon as you sit down and start talking about policy and economics and so on and so forth, then the cracks start to show a little bit. And they were just hoping that, you know, if you ride on Lula's charisma and this sort of focus on defending democracy, that you could win. Well, he still finished ahead of Bolsonaro in the first round. But, you know, like I said, Bolsonaro overperformed the expectations and also together with the first round we had also the elections for Congress and that was a mitigated disaster. We're gonna have the most conservative Congress, most conservative parliament that we've had in Brazil for a long time. And that can be undone no matter what you do for the second round, no matter how you change your message, you know, the train has left the station there. And I'm mentioning this because it takes us back to this point that a lot of people have said in different ways that as long as you don't show that you don't have material policies that are different from those of the establishment, then people are going to want to vent their anger and show it to that establishment and they're gonna find whichever way they can to do that.  Because, you know, they're all for anything that seems like it might change those things on that level.  But we need to show, you know, that we're able to do things differently. We need to be able to show them, okay, when we take power what is it that's going to change in the material conditions? What is it that hasn't been done for them in the past that the left will start doing? And that's an issue even in Brazil when you have a character as powerful or actually as Lula, you know, even someone like him isn't immune to that sort of thing. But the problem is easier to fix because you do have him in Italy. We don't have that luxury, of course. We don't, you know, any Coletta to put it kindly to him. He doesn't have the same charisma that Lula has. So the problem is deeper and that makes it all the more necessary that in Italy we step up our efforts to really build this alternative that we'll be able to communicate to people on that level and show that we can do things differently, confronting actual power for interests rather than just colluding with them while shifting the blame on the weakest in society. Thank you for that, Lucas. One comment from the chat here, Filippo Boatis, says Meloni is far-righted inspiration, but she's also very weak compared with the other EU right-wingers. That's why she doesn't scare anyone in Italy. She will ultimately apply all of Draghi's prescriptions. Yanis, let's bring you back in. Just a quick comment on something Patricia, you said. It's quite right, but there is a proliferation of Italian left-wing parties. There is a plethora of them. That's our predicament as the left almost everywhere. When we created Meta-25 in Greece, there were plenty of left-wing parties as well. And one of the arguments was, do we need another one? And of course, it was a difficult question to answer. We ourselves didn't know the right answer. We had a choice to enter the countless, never-ending discussions amongst the different group of schools, different small parties, trying to bring them all together. Something to tell you the truth. I mean, I lost the will to live, even imagining, because these conversations are endless and they never conclude, never. They can go on forever, much longer than I will live. Or we could demonstrate what the principles, internationalist parties should be like and hope that it will pick up. Four years later, four years after we created Meta-25, not only are we in parliament, but the good news is that a lot of those groups that wouldn't talk to one another in 2018 today talk to us and through us to one another. And I hope that we will be able to announce soon, before the next general election here in Greece, which now has been postponed until sometime in the late spring, early summer next year, that we will be able to announce, and I'm confident we will, that these small parties that wouldn't talk to one another and now talk to us will join us in a coalition, a principled coalition, not a confluence of unprincipled people that simply won't get elected. So it's a difficult question for Italy as well. Can this happen? But this is the alternative. These are the two options we have. Continue to bring together everybody, like we've been trying to do and failing, something that clearly didn't even happen in this election. We supported, DiEM25 Italia, we supported our comrade, Luigi the Magistris, and all the others who tried to create something together. It was not coherent. It didn't have any impact on the election, but we supported it, in a way that we supported the Mélenchon in France, in the presidential election, even though we disagreed with many of the ideas and tactics employed by Mélenchon. The time comes when I think we need to take the plunge, like we did in Greece. Thank you for that, Yannis, and someone on the chat also echoes that. Let's hope the left will understand how to build a new united front after this tragicomic defeat.  Thanks, Maran. I just want to have, just have a couple of things. I mean, you all said so many true things, so many true analysis, but as an Italian, I have a couple of things to point out, as Dujan before was mentioning that two sides of the same coin, here in Italy, we don't have that anymore. It's probably a luxury that we don't need anymore because they work bluntly in the sunlight together for years, as Yannis rightly pointed out before. Since the first Berlusconi government, the very same Berlusconi always refused to join the 25, the Liberation Day anniversary and manifestation, because it would have upset the far right of its own coalition, but because it never liked it. And we, all the parties in that coalition always had strong ties with the fascist, extreme fascists, even in France and from the national of the Le Pen father. And make no mistake, Brothers of Italy is a true son of that movement, of the fascist movement, and they have candidate in the past, the grand daughter and the grandson of Mussolini himself. They celebrate the marching of Rome, but no one ever really asks to differ from the neoliberal agenda. They work on the economic plan very well together. They see no particular difference. They see no problem they never had in the almost 12 years they govern together in the past. And so what we are expecting now, we are expecting a government that will follow that economic agenda, adding a ferocious war toward minorities for the civil rights. They will add even more verbal violence that Salvini had. They will work in especially, especially they care about indoctrination of the children to the education. And they will fight every program. They will go to children and say, please don't fight and don't beat someone who's different because they say that doesn't protect the family. They will fight violently, violently with two minorities, two immigrants and two leftists. That's what's gonna happen if that's not fascism. I don't really care about labels anymore. But on the left, we always have this big, big problem of a huge part of the left spectrum that was focused only on following economically the European agenda, the neoliberal agenda to gain credibility and to gain power. And everybody else who didn't want to follow the agenda never presented and never were perceived as trustworthy and reliable. So what we need to do is to present an offer and offer a solution, a party, a manifesto that can be reliable, trustworthy in its being radical that can bring a vision and perspective because that's what's lacking. And that vision and perspective, like you all said, came from being international from an international movement with broader shoulder, with many militants and with the good ideas, just like Dujan said, not just for demands, but how to do it. We got the solution, we got the knowledge, we will be trustworthy, reliable and radical. And that's why I'm certain that this is going to be the last time that in Italy we will not be able to vote for a radical proposition, for a radical proposal, for a radical party, for Mera. And we will be able very soon to present our own Mera 25 Italy. And that's our promise to all the viewers. Great, thank you Federico. We're very happy to hear that. It's been a fascinating discussion. Thank you all. We've talked about how the success of the far right in Italy is actually a failure of the left. We've talked about political experiences from Germany, from Brazil and elsewhere and the importance of not staying within an intellectual bubble. And of course we're sketching the beginnings for a real political alternative in Italy. Mera 25 is the name of all our political parties and it will be the name of the one that we launch in Italy when we do. And if you out there would like to be part of this, be part of building a real alternative in Italy or elsewhere, then please join us. The website dm25.org slash join, you can in a few seconds become a member and we hope to have you on board because we're not commenting, chatting discussion. Excuse me, I'm getting some noise out here. We're not a commenting and chatting group. We are an active action group, a group that wants to see change and see it through and make it happen. Thank you again for you out there for your contributions and your comments in the chat. See you again at the same time, same place, two weeks.


Good morning everyone, thanks for coming I think we're Time to start I don't see anybody else coming in. I'm Tammy Vanhove. I'm a distinguished engineer at IBM and Which basically means I work with a lot of really smart people who are doing really cool things particularly in and around open Stack and I get to come here today and talk about one of our product offerings that we are building on open stack called cloud manager with open Stack So I'm going to take you through here. You know how we're leveraging open stack in our cloud solutions drill down specifically in to what cloud manager Offers and then my colleague here Nina Garadia We will also provide you a demo of cloud manager with open stack so when I was thinking about enterprise and what does Open stack and the enterprise mean, you know, I went I went back to Webster and we all kind of think of enterprise as you know a commercial company and You know we and IBM we have a lot of enterprise clients, but for me it was something more than that in Especially as we look at IBM an open stack and what we're doing with open stack is Is this this project we're undertaking with the broad community and leveraging open stack in our solutions and making a bold move and bringing open stack to the enterprise and contributing You know not only to the community but incorporating that into our enterprise solutions And so IBM and open stack together, you know, we're on this bold adventurous journey together for on behalf of our enterprise clients and delivering a new cloud infrastructure for them to build upon and as we you know look at options available and You know clients are looking at we're considering. What's the right cloud infrastructure for me? Even you know, do I How do I keep open? Flexibility, how do I assure interoperability? And can I go it on my own or is there a vendor out there that that? Will work with me. So certainly, you know, there's proprietary Solutions in the market we IBM had have those as well. And then we've been transforming those to leveraging open stack certainly there are many who are Want to roll their own and You know on that bleeding edge and are dealing directly in the community and bringing open stack into their data centers and Deploying open stack and getting familiar with it. And then on the other side here is Open plus which is where we and IBM have decided have opted to play in leveraging all that the community is doing and that we're doing in the community as well and Providing that open flexible infrastructure to clients so a shirt of interoperability and You know not not vendor lock-in, but then adding Additional capabilities around that and what clients are looking for and deploying an enterprise solution So even if they start, you know on their roll their own path Many clients have come back to us with Looking for you know support in You know robust support life cycle management of the infrastructure. How am I going to do upgrades? Performance monitoring all that stuff. And so they want to partner with the vendor. And so our solution is Cloud management with open stack where that open stack plus So we get the best of the innovative community as well as the practicalities around managing in a in an enterprise space So open stack has become As if those of you that were in the previous session you heard Todd state very core fundamental to our cloud solutions in IBM whether they be Being delivered through soft layer and some of the soft layer services that are being That Michael fork will talk to you about in the couple sessions after this one What soft layer is doing with open stack IBM cloud orchestrator? Which Andrew Trossman will talk about after this session and take you through how? We've gone, you know taking open stack even further with cloud orchestrator And I'm going to talk specifically about IBM cloud manager with open stack and and this offering this product has essentially become the core foundation upon which our Other offerings are building so it's open stack plus and and again orchestrator in the soft layer Services and offerings are leveraging that common core foundation So IBM cloud open stack IBM cloud manager with open stack was formerly known else as smart cloud entry smart cloud entry was something that we had offered a Couple years ago now that was a proprietary infrastructure I didn't have a lot of flexibility, you know, and and we started to look at open stack and get excited by how we can leverage open stack and Providing a simple easy to use easy to deploy cloud infrastructure solution and About a year ago. We started to incorporate open stack with full-sum release and And transform our proprietary infrastructure to that open flexible infrastructure And now what we have available with cloud manager with open stack is is wholly open stack Obviously open infrastructure and we've added IBM value Contribution to that to support our platforms, which I'll show you as we go through As we go through the presentation here We've also are looking at have added Enhancements to allow cloud managers to more fully optimize their their cloud resources and get the most out of those resources and And and man and also in configuring those resources available to users to their end users to provide a More independent self-service capability, but yet monitor the consumption or govern the consumption of that cloud infrastructure Yeah, and also wrap it up with world-class IBM support We've got services engagements to help clients who want to do custom deployments custom configurations of open stack and then also support for our hybrids Configurations for those clients that want to do on-premise and perhaps use soft-layer services for off-premise cloud capacity so as we are Are looking at the you know clients adopting cloud and the multiple user roles that we're dealing with obviously You know the platform manager who's dealing with the physicality of the infrastructure And you know, we're all familiar with that the virtualization manager who's been dealing You know with the hypervisors and configuration of VMs and the end users calling their infrastructure managers You know, I need some compute resource I need I need to deploy my workloads and you know dev test kinds of things and contention between You know the the rapidity and the speed at which they can get the access to those resources And so emerging out of this is is a role that we've called the cloud manager here, and I'm going to name her Claudia Claudia is working certainly working closely with her infrastructure managers the virtualization manager, but Claudia's role in the in the In the data center is she's been given a set of capacity a cloud set of capacity running on an infrastructure That for the most part is you know is is abstracted or she doesn't really care what that infrastructure looks like in detail although she does want to see have insights into What's available to her but she's managing consumption of that of those resources and so what we wanted and she's managing consumption through allowing users to Come in to access that that cloud resource and create Deploy workloads into into that cloud and so she wants to govern how those resources get utilized so and So what cloud manager with open stack does is provide a Simple mechanism for Claudia to do this on behalf of her users as well as a simple mechanism for the users to then come into the cloud through a self-service portal and Independently deploy their workloads without with some governance that Claudia is set up so What cloud manager provides is a is a buffet of choices on infrastructure. So the virtualization manager Deploying cloud manager with open stack that can integrate with an existing infrastructure if need be whether you know, that's a Plethora or buffet of hypervisors supported across power systems x86 systems including IBM Z systems and So she can also provide support for a variety of images within the cloud AI x images Linux images primarily as well as on our power systems IBM I and so she's Is able to configure the use of those resources for her users and set some governance policies on On on the cloud that she's managing and that's in terms of How long a VM can live in the cloud so she can set expiration policies to avoid VM sprawl or just Orphaned VMs consuming capacity so she can set expiration policies defaults on how the cloud will operate Configure images for the cloud obviously projects, which you know, you're all familiar with with open stack Those of you that are using open stack and configuration of projects and she can do this all from a single UI whether that cloud infrastructure is running on-premise or she's got other regions that may be on another Another site or even off-premise and in software She can also Get some basic Utilization records reporting for metering and how the how the the resources are being consumed so she can charge or Integrate with the meter a billing system to then appropriately charge consumption of the resources and And she can also configure how those you know how she wants to manage Optimization of the resources to die through dynamic resource management in the platform resource scheduler And I'll show you some of that too here as we go So She has a very simple UI to start so this is Claudia's homepage to start This also becomes the self-service user portal the self-service portal for her users once Claudia has configured and set up the cloud So she can configure her cloud and that's where she's defining Again the defaults for flavors to be default flavors for images Determining whether or not her users can override that Preset flavor. She's defining projects. She's defining expiration and approval policies again expirations if she's supporting the DevOps department for example and Let's say they're doing two-week sprints of development and so she wants to set up Maybe an expiration policy that VMs only live for you know 15 days two weeks plus a day And so at the end of that two-week cycle those VMs will automatically be cleaned up deleted from the cloud So she doesn't have to do that manual maintenance. It happens automatically Based on her governance policy so she can set policies at the cloud level and then she can also Enable that for particular users projects that they can override those policies if need be so she can set Cloud level policies as well as as project level policies. She's also configuring her defaults for networks It as she configures the cloud and that configure the cloud Managing images these obviously are the images that are going to be available to the users to deploy into the cloud Managing requests there is an approval capability so if Claudia particular workloads that are images that she wants to be aware of when there's a user request to put to deploy that That particular image in a project she can put an approval tag on that so she gets alerted and she has a look can approve or Or disallow deployment of that particular image into the cloud for whatever reason Obviously managing cloud access that's users accounts Her roles projects and the projects that the users are associated with and setting up the self-service portal And then just managing what's in the cloud itself. So the VMs in the cloud the number of instances she can look at Instances by cloud region. So she's managing across multiple regions multiple open-stack regions from the same From the same portal from the same UI She can filter on a region or filter on a particular project or various filter options to see What's happening in her cloud and view Utilization of the the available resources in her cloud So just another look at what some of the UI looks like so looking at all of her clouds in this case This is all the clouds and the work and the instances running in the cloud Again she can see What project is associated with what cloud it's associated with? So again, she's got multiple clouds cloud regions in different areas of her data center or different sites or on-premise off-premise She can see what cloud is associated with The project again and who the owner and what that and then drill down, you know filter on each one of those specific workloads and see additional Dashboard related statistics on that cloud on the right side. She gets at a glance things that are happening in the infrastructure So the number of clouds she's managing Any recent events things notifications that she might want to take action on or pay attention to So the platform resource scheduler It's something that We have we IBM have extended the Nova scheduler with it's a it's It's something that is available with IBM cloud manager and cloud orchestrator It's also something that is integrated into some of our other management products like power VC that are also built on open stack have and and it's it provides the ability to give additional scheduling options for how to optimize use of the cloud so in terms of Over commitment or affinity options and and both policies for initial deployment into the cloud so it affects initial placement and how that VM gets created in the cloud and then as Throughout the life cycle of that VM to the ongoing runtime optimization and how that VM should be handled in the event of of a host evacuation for example say Claudia initiates a host evacuation because she's going to do some upgrade on the system or Replace it for whatever reason and she wants to move all the VMs off of that host the runtime policies associated with those virtual machines then will be Governed where else in the cloud those workloads may be placed so if it were a VM that has an anti affinity policy with That it can't be co-located with another for example, then at the run runtime policies that will take effect as it moves the workloads around the cloud It is like I said, it is fully compatible with Nova. It is a scheduler might be I'm provided scheduler separate offering that can be added to Cloud manager with open stack or smart cloud orchestrator not required optional optionally usable so some of the policies again, there's initial placement policies and runtime optimization Packing striping many of our products have that built in by default the the platform resource scheduler in addition to it to extending Nova also provide there is also horizon extensions to allow Claudia our admin to configure What policies she wants to? To operate upon in in her cloud infrastructure and we'll show you that in the demo, right? That's in the demo Nina So so using horizons you can figure those policies and they automatically take effect and as her as as the work VMs are being deployed into the cloud and That those VMs will automatically then be managed by the infrastructure as per those the policies that Claudia said infrastructure options so Again Claudia for the most part doesn't care other than what what images what? Can she provide and make available via projects to her users? Certainly the virtualization manager in the data center, you know has they have a preference or may have You know providing the infrastructure that we're going to build the cloud upon with cloud manager Then again, this is the foundation for all of our cloud offerings So these capabilities this buffet of choices, if you will is available to all of our cloud products and offerings as it is as you can see we started Since the grizzly release and having a multi hypervisor support capability, so We've continued to build that out with Havana. We introduced power VC and we have a driver for the part So power VC is the virtualization manager for our power systems to manage power VM much like v-center managing ESXi The power VC driver we are in process of contributing that to the community right now It's in Stackforge and so we're incubating it in Stackforge. It is available with the products It's available for those that may want to kick the tires roll their own you can get it from Stackforge So we introduced that in the Havana release As well as a driver for our ZVM systems to provision Linux VMs on ZVM that driver We are also working on upstreaming. That's a relatively new driver. So it's available with cloud manager with OpenStack today I saw us we've added in the KVM column here support for our new power systems and KVM on the power systems so on the left hand side here you see power KVM We we called manager with OpenStack will support and through contributions made to the community KVM on the power platform just as if it were KVM on an x86 platform. So again From with one single offering we can build the cloud across KVM on different hardware architectures as well as mix and match with x86 hypervisors you know depending on What the client needs are? Cloud manager with OpenStack There's not a unique it says for power systems here again. That's all that's in the base cloud manager with OpenStack offering So you get power KVM power VM ZVM and the x86 hypervisors as I showed on the previous chart New to this to the power Announcement as well with power KVM and power 8 is Ubuntu the availability of Ubuntu on our on our Linux platform so for the power systems we have Linux support for Red Hat, Suze and now Ubuntu We talked a little bit about hybrid cloud and Dynamic cloud dynamic cloud being infrastructure on your on-premise you know private cloud IT infrastructure on your on-premise and Services in a public cloud or a hosted managed private Service on software for example You know which we've got a session coming up on the options there cloud manager with OpenStack plays a role in providing that infrastructure across the On-premise private and off-premise private kinds of scenarios and again allowing Claudia our our cloud manager to Leverage additional K capacity in software putting OpenStack on Softly or hardware and from the same user interface. She doesn't have to learn new tools She doesn't have to learn new concepts from that same interface that OpenStack region if you will will be you know brought under the cloud management Umbrella and she will see that as a set as another cloud that she's managing has capacity and can govern in the same Way that she's managing her on-premise cloud We have clients Z tech China mobile music mastermind who are using smart cloud or Cloud manager with OpenStack To to provision to not to to host the cloud and then the self-service capability for their clients to you know provide that that off-premise cloud access and so we do have you know Some rather happy clients here that are have reduced provisioning and access to the to their users from days Sometimes weeks to a matter of hours So Nina if you'd like to come up We'll show you a demo here. Thanks, Tammy. All right says Tammy said the cloud manager with OpenStack is our self-service portal targeted to both The cloud administrator as well as the end user built over OpenStack Tammy already referenced the welcome page, which is our landing page and this is customized Based on the user roles So what you're seeing is everything that you know Claudia the cloud administrator would see the end user would see a subset of this A lot of the actions would be familiar to most OpenStack users, you know coming in and configuring your cloud in this case It's really adding your different cloud regions in there You know automatically would then get to work with your flavors. You're never configurations, etc In this demo, we've got two regions defined So she's working with two clouds if you look over at the right-hand side, it gives you an overall cloud status So, you know both regions are working Each region can have multiple hosts or nodes Your compute nodes associated with it. So when you come into your capacity view Since this is your cloud manager across all your own re across all your regions Single pane of glass you can actually work with all you know Your hosts across all your regions and in this case it shows you the different hosts we have attached We've got some power as well as x86 nodes in Region one all our x86 nodes actually are KVM and region two we had hyper V along with power I'm just filtering on region one since that's what we're focusing on for the demo just being standard open-stack demo We've gone with KVM Um this demo is actually set up in a DevOps environment So we've got the standard DevOps kind of projects defined, you know development test pre-production for ESP and so on Tammy had referenced the development projects. So for our development projects, we follow the agile methodology We have two week sprints. So as you can see, we've customized this for 14 days for Explorations we've given a three-day Extension period of you know development sometimes has last-minute bugs. They need to get fixed But at the end of the grace period We delete the VMs and this is something the admin could decide right you could just stop the VMs But in this case, you know for us at the end of every sprint we start a fresh So we delete the VMs, you know development comes back and request fresh VMs So the point of requesting fresh VMs, you know Just work on the project that you know, you're actually working on select that For this demo, I've picked a test project and because it's a demo I picked the smallest image possible So it goes through quicks I picked zeroes And this is a really simple deployment interface as you can see because it's something the end users also would typically work with All you really need to do is come in and put in the name of your Instance if you notice the expiration date has been pre-computed for you already set This test this tester needs five instances because you know gonna run stress longevity, etc Instead of submitting five requests, you just go ahead and say five and hit deploy and Boom the request has been sent in this in this panel. I just wanted to show you again single pane of glass You could actually look at all your Deployments or you could filter you could filter by a cloud you could filter by by a user or whatever in this case We're just looking at by specific Regions you're looking at region one you can see we have five development instances already deployed the remaining five have started You can see the first one through So while that's deploying what I'd like to do is switch over to the horizon dashboard Right, and I'm going to show you the integration with PRS our resource scheduler You can see we've augmented the dashboard. You've got a new grouping for the resource scheduler When you click on that it takes you to where you can Set and edit the placement policies you want for that specific you could do it at a cloud level you could do it at a host aggregate level For this demo, we picked the strapping policy, which is really an evenly You know evenly distribute your instances across your various nodes if you remember we had three KVM nodes Tammy had touched on the others. I won't go into that, but that was your initial placement policy We also have a runtime policy Because you know you might at the point of initially doing your placements you can evenly distribute it But then some workloads might get deleted Right, and if you still want the strapping policy to stay in effect, you know, you have a runtime policy PRS would actually monitor The activities on your various nodes and initiate live migration under the covers So we had a strapping policy if you remember we had five initial development Instances deployed we went ahead and deployed additional five you can see they've been initially evenly distributed You've got a three three and four distribution across all four nodes You come back into your cloud manager UI and you can see you've got your ten instances deployed So this is really a quick demo just to you know give you an idea as to what Tammy had talked about Where you know Claude you could come in and easily configure her cloud single pane of glass. She could I'm just going to escape out of this I'm handed back to Tammy But in a single pane of glass where she could you know work across all her regions You know set policies either at the cloud level or the project level we took a quick look at the expiration policies And the reason we allow the customization across different projects is you really do need different policies of different projects, right? Your production project you definitely do not want expirations, right? But you might want an approval policy in effect over there And then we looked at how it integrated with PRS You just want to show how we've extended the open stack dashboard to allow Claudia to work with the scheduler With that I'll hand you back to Tammy Thank You Nina So if you're interested in Learning more about cloud manager with open stack or want to get some hands-on with it if you go to Developer work service manage connect SMC on developer works within the cloud and virtualization management Category there is cloud manager with open stack and it'll bring you to this portal and on the downloads page there there's actually options for you to Engage with us in a hosted trial so we are hosting Cloud manager with open stack for you. You don't have to download find resources systems on your own to install and deploy with you can actually just sign up for use of the hosted trial and Play around with it. I think the hosted trial gives you like five days of access free access and you can explore the product on your own There's lots of other information in SMC About CMO and capabilities and are is anybody in here familiar with service manage connect so what this portal is is it's it's it's our Interface with with Practitioners technical practitioners who who want to explore our product and have contact with the developers who are actually building the product and we look forward to working with to engaging with users of the hosted trial and and the product and getting feedback and and On on how they use the product and benefits and also things that they would like to see us address in the product I'm going forward. There's also More information You know with cloud computing other IBM sites So that's what we have today any questions Yeah Yeah, good question the question was so schools the next question How does cloud manager with open stack relate to scope? So cloud manager with open stack is your core your foundation basic simple cloud deployment and management and Clients who start their can upgrade to scope and scope then brings business process management workload pattern deployment You know the advanced capabilities which Andrew will take you through so one builds upon the other other questions Yeah Yeah, good question. So the question was is this mainly about integrating with Nova, what about storage and network? I Good question. This is all about Building management on top of Nova Cinder Swift Neutron so neutron and Cinder are leveraged. We've got a Variety of storage solutions that that we support through Cinder obviously the IBM storage solutions as well as vendor vendor offerings With through neutron we support Open v-switch our software defines others our IBM software to find networking solution So it's a it's a complete integrated solution across server storage and network planes Yeah So I didn't catch the last part of your question. Maybe come up to the mic. I just realized there's a mic there The question is is there a way using cloud manager of establishing service level agreements in terms of time up input output storage, etc in terms of did you time up an example 99.3 or input output amount of input output So the question is is there any way of Managing SLAs to cloud manager was that the question? So the answer is not directly We do capture the events and we make the events available to you But in terms of providing that additional level of you know reacting to those events, you know, allow you to define the SLAs For the different parts of the solution that you would be interested in that that is not a feature We have within this product any other questions. Yeah Okay, the question is are we supporting the community open stack? What are the distros that we're supporting so cloud manager with open stack within IBM we do build this offering from the community so we Are bringing in all the community code and we're building that for a red hat distribution Linux distribution today and And then so that's where our control services or open-sex services are running on red hat And then as you saw we can manage guests on You know the multiple hypervisors Linux windows AI acts IBM I Operating systems in those guests And and we the other thing the way that we are leveraging open stack is you know We are very diligent about it being the community addition of open stack being you know The community open stack and where we extend it or add Capabilities to it. We're doing that you know as per go, you know governed by how the community expects open stack to be Extended and we also you know always look to contribute back to the community. So like the platform resource scheduler as a Replacing the note or extending the Nova scheduler. So, you know, we aren't we are diligent about not creating a blue washed open stack This is the community open stack any other questions Okay, next up is Andrew Trossman will be talking about smart cloud orchestrator and kittens and cows So if you want to know about kittens and cows I come back in about or stay be back in 10 minutes and how kittens and cows apply to the smart cloud orchestrator. Oh 30 minutes and then at 1150 Michael fork will be talking about open stack and soft layer So, thank you for coming. Appreciate your time


This is the heavy metal band Zeus whose lead singer spent six years in a Cuban prison in the early 90s Locked up for having long hair and other rock music related offenses But a decade later Zeus joined up with the government as part of a new state bureaucracy called the agency of rock Did the band sell out or were they making a necessary compromise to bring more cultural and artistic freedom to Cuba? That's the main question posed by the new documentary Los Ultimos Frikis out now on VOD The film which was shot between 2009 and 2019 Charts the rise and fall of Zeus after a period in which Cuba's communist government jailed and tortured musicians artists activists writers and other free-thinking freaks Rock music had become a popular outlet for the angst and aspirations of young Cubans starting in the 1970s By the 80s, however, communist government officials started to crack down on these anti-authoritarian Headbangers whose work they branded a dangerous ideological diversion from the revolution up through the early 90s Many rockers continued to be imprisoned including Dione who is the central character in the film But after the fall of the Soviet Union cut off Cuba's primary source of revenue The country's dictator Fidel Castro faced a near total economic collapse and was forced to accept some cultural and market liberalization In exchange for foreign investment around that time Dione was released from prison and he proceeded to find even greater fame as the lead singer of Zeus But as director Nicholas Brennan chronicles in the documentary Cuba's post-soviet openness to rock came with strings attached the government presented the band with a Faustian bargain Partner with the newly created agency of rock and in exchange Zeus would be able to perform before huge crowds at the only major rock venue in Havana Zeus and I think just rock and roll in general Was seen historically as the music of the enemy You know to be a rock band or even just to listen to rock music in the 70s and 80s and into the 90s Was was considered sort of embracing this this capitalist influence The officials seeing these kids with tight jeans tight ripped jeans and long hair. Oh, what are these freaky's as they know Freaky's was sort of the derogatory term that you know, you get arrested you have your hair cut You know forcefully shave your your great long sort of you know headbanging locks in the 80s Zeus's lead singer Dione had been part of a trend-setting heavy metal group called Venus And that band was actually shut down by the government told they couldn't play together anymore in the late 80s And then a few years after that Dione ended up spending six years in prison on a series of sort of Convoluted classically authoritarian charges and when he came out He joined he rejoined Zeus and and you know the band really sort of took off And you talk about how in the film the government broke up Venus because it represented a what they called an ideological Diversion among young people and the cash rows couldn't afford to let that happen Obviously, but do you think that was more a reaction to the cultural elements from the US becoming popular in Cuba and threatening the regimes sort of Anti-capitalist ideals or was it the fact that rock music sort of generally represents more of an individualistic or Generally anti authoritarian worldview. I think the real freaky scary thing for authoritarian regimes is is individual thought Individuals, you know banding together and playing this loud music After the economic misery of the 90s to attract foreign investment The government aimed to give the outward impression that ordinary Cubans had cultural and artistic freedom The Castro regime reversed course on rock and started giving heavy metal bands like Zeus the freedom to perform openly As long as they stayed within the boundaries of acceptable expression as determined by the government's newly created agency of rock You know, it's one of these sort of ingenious Sort of state bureaucracy things that came up in the mid-2000s to try to organize these freaky and sort of give them a nice place to play but also Keep them within a bubble and the brother organization of The agency of rock is agency of rap. So they sort of they gave a space for the rockers and they gave a space for the hip-hop guys And so what is what does the agency of rock actually do? You know, how does it ensure that rockers align with the political and cultural mission of the state? I think the agency of rock so it's a PR firm a management firm a Kind of a label though. They don't put out their own albums now, but they facilitate with with other Other state label companies in order to like sort of officially make the money You have to have a profession and to be in the agency of rock allows you to say you are a professional rocker When your band is within the agency of rock you are an official state Did you get the sense that they were able to sort of honestly share their feelings about this kind of stuff with you or Where did you feel yourself? You know sort of bumping up against the boundaries of what they could talk about in terms of, you know, not Exposing themselves to harassment or possible imprisonment as it explains that a hot sell explains the guitarist explains in the film is It was a forbidden truth. There's things that we just can't say I think showing that line was important to make sure it was clear to the broader audience that like This was a film made in a real push in Poland There's a few other times we see the bands for pushback like on it Don't you know cut here, which is I think very much the reality of of trying to you know Walk the tightrope of being a being an artist in Cuba and the second half of the film is sort of framed by this the national tour That the band does it's a wild journey that you take us through They just have a series of disasters not to give away too much But basically it seems like local officials in some cases are making it either too dangerous or logistically impossible for them to perform You know, what was the government trolling them the whole time? What was going on there once they travel through the rest of the country?  What is this company?   You know, you say well, I'm gonna head but my way through this stone wall And the ultimate twist is that they are able to sort of start operating again at the past of the state, right? The way the film ends is a bit of a spoiler is that Dione is named the head of the agency of rock and I think That coming after Such a period of his own frustration. I sort of saw it as like oh interesting So now Dione, you know, they can't really complain anymore You know, this is the culmination of the trajectory you chose for yourself As the film progresses in the members of Zeus age rock music starts to get supplanted by reggaeton as the music of youth and rebellion That same sure wave of like pushing against you know doing something different is all reggaeton and you saw him in Sort of mid the mid teens to 2010s The government banned reggaeton from the radius. They said no more great on It's too sexy. It's too filthy. It's too problematic And so you're you know, it's similar that fear of that change fear something different This year a group of Cuban reggaeton musicians released the song patria y vida Which means homeland in life a plan Fidel Castro's famous phrase patria o muerte or homeland or death It became a viral sensation and the anthem of recent mass protests in Cuba.  And anyway, that's quite different from rock and roll Just yeah, I The title of film in Los Utamos freaks translates to the last freaks But what I like to say is that What's it's missing a question mark at the end and that was really I think the choice of the title was like Are these the last freaks? Are they the last freaks like in you know How are politically inconvenient artists or dissenters or you know, just other people who don't fit the regime's mold for the citizenry? You know, how are they facing punishment or restrictions on their their liberties today in Cuba particularly in the aftermath of the protests? You saw independent filmmakers getting cracked cracked down on you saw independent fine artists, you know painters and people creating dissonant art getting cracked down on living in a Country with a really oppressive state You also try to find your own life in a way that doesn't acknowledge the state, you know, like It's just there, but you still have to exist as individuals within the state I think ultimately the tremendous frustration and tremendous difficulties pushing and trying to make your own space for yourself But I think ultimately the band would be quite proud of their own individual efforts