It's my great pleasure to announce my friend and colleague from Beaumont, Dr. Diana Fulwelland. She's currently UC President's postdoc here at Berkeley. Dr. Fulwelland got her PhD from the University of Texas Austin in Anthropology, a master's in African and African American Studies. Her research interests are shaped and focused on historical archaeology, community-based archaeology, processes of identity formation, representations of slavery, and black chemistry. In the ball she'll be joining the Anthropology Department at the City University of New York, Queens College, as an assistant professor. I honestly co-founded the Society of Black Archaeologists, which was created in 2011. SBA has done kids lobbying on behalf of African diaspora sites around the world, increasing the presence of black people in archaeology and involved in black communities in conservation of their own heritage. Just recently, the SBA was granted its 501c3 status as an organization, and Dr. Fulwelland helped start that foundation with two of the undergrads. We hope her research spans the archaeology and diaspora. For the last few years, she's been working in St. Croix in the Caribbean on a project with SBA folks focused at the Establand Princess, which is a former band of sugar plantation. Her recent publications involve a 2017 article on historical archaeology, locating marginalized historical narratives at Kingston Plantation, where she explores some of the ways that narratives at that park represent African-American people, specifically black women. She proposes that by re-presenting the plantation from the perspective of enslaved black folks would help insert these marginalized people into the present, making them more relevant to today's visitors. In 2018, she co-published an article on transforming archaeology, assessing heritage resources in St. Croix, close to Hurricane Irma and Maria, which discusses the response that SBA and several other folks had there on the island with regard to assessing damage to archaeological sites and helping provide humanitarian aid. Her current look that's coming out is focused on some of the things that we're going to hear about today, so I won't really steal your printer, but it's my pleasure. I'm honored to introduce my friend, Iona Boyle. Thank you for joining me so early. It's afternoon over now, after days for me after lunch. What I hope will be an engaging dialogue. I look forward to sharing more about my current book project. I'll receive feedback from anyone that has to offer, as well as sharing more about my current archaeological work on the island of St. Croix So before we dive into this discussion, I want to outline the structure of this presentation. First off, I'm going to overview on my book project, what I hope to do with stages. I'm going to elaborate on what people are interested in, to receive feedback from them. Then I'll dive into my work as a New York Jordan friend teacher. I'll post some of my announcements of clothing, adoring the new artifacts we have in front of the corners. I'll continue with the discussion of my interpretation of the subject. And then following that, I'll briefly touch on my current research and conclude the discussion about the significance of both projects. So the formation of the book project really lies in my previous work at the National Parks Service site community presentation, which is located off the coast of Jacksonville, Florida. It was during that time that I began to engage with what people had thought, critiquing the ways in which public heritage sites could pick the experiences of our women from the slave group through post-immacication, focused specifically on the representation of women at the site. The book project itself is my dissertation research mostly by Jordan Plantation Assembly. Moving from my master's work into my dissertation research, I strive to pull the deeper engage from the lab to respond within our archimage concept. I will discuss this more depth shortly, but my dissertation research found that gendered adornment practices among tenant farmers in rural Texas are dialectical negotiations between socialized racial and gender as well as individual established choices. While my current research is not included in the book project, my hope is that the book will provide a platform for my theoretical method of engagement with archeological work at a single princess, both in and out of St. Croix, where I'm focusing on the lived experiences of enslaved and later free actual creations, exploring quotidian practices of some making from enslaved and seasoned emancipation through the lens of threats. In terms of shifting the dissertation, I always think the dissertation is always still so... into a book project. I'm particularly interested in deepening my engagement with my own experience. In rereading the dissertation, I became aware that I state racism, sexism, classism, a number of times throughout the text without really dying to be put into the intricacies of processing and racialization and for the capitalism that lives at the foundation of gayness, that I'm farming and cutting, and practicing a sexual exploitation while still facing the field of agricultural workers and within the homes of white men that I'm working with. Additionally, I'll be spending a month and showing these films here, working with the digital archeological archive of comparing slavery, combing back through my data sets to find entry-ways quantitative analyses that really allow the material culture to start to shine within the project. With that being said, I'm having a bit of difficulty balancing the combination of quantitative analysis methods and the value of qualitative analysis provided from documents that are sourced such as photographs and narratives. I received petite that might work to oftentimes be too theoretically driven, but with the material focus, but not enough material focus, and the artifacts themselves getting lost on theoretical ground. So to say, but I really want to posit that life in this archeology and other intersectional positional and theoretical approaches can in fact be theoretically, methodologically, and analytically low bytes. Finally, I'm also interested in discussing the use of photographs and narratives within the book project. I was actually saying in front of you, but to my right, I actually have a number of different photographs, and if you want, please feel free to choose. Because they're in archival blocks, so you can actually take a look at them if they address this somewhere in evidence that I've used throughout my research. So I'm going to shift now to discussing my work at this graduate implementation in more detail, starting with the brief history of the background of the site, which will lead into a discussion where there are more research and analysis, and then with the discussion of where this all is. The life of joint implantation is located in Rosario, County, Texas, which is located about 16 miles south of Houston, Texas, between the Bedouin County and Yellowstone County along the Gulf Coast. You are joined in a ride to Rosario County to establish your center of plantation in the area. Sugar had already been a strong, had already strongly been established as well as cotton production. Although Texas became part of the United States in 1825, agricultural production in the area since the early 1820s. This is the large part of the Rosario River, which kept our lands originating. However, the condolation along the Gulf Coast was detrimental to the sugar industry by the 19th and 20th century due to deadly hurricanes that stirred up in the Gulf. Location did provide seen access to a range of enlargenies for the transportation as well as in the Gulf. The illegal swiveling of slave Africans into Rosario County which was feasible in large part due to Rosario Bay's location on the Gulf. However, highly called Galveston Ellis Island was a province that can be United States throughout the 20th century. Rosario County as Port County provided shops and region access to a wide variety of goods for purchase by county residents as well as Williamsville, Black and White during the anti-battle and post-battle camps. Grounds were our kind of recent video that African-Americans who lived by Jordan Plantation brought goods from the Jordan store as well as a number of other shops in Rosario County with casual store card to just providing a bag about a pal of this space function and gain market accessibility to African-Americans. So archaeological research definitely by Jordan Plantation encompasses over three decades of work a number of people and organizations most notably is the work conducted by Kennett Brown from 1986 to 2006. Since 2002 the site has been stoned with plans under the direction of the Texas Historical Commission to transform the plantation into a premier public heritage site under the interpretation of slave-regaining taxes. During the tenure of Brown's work he located a number of structures at the site beamed on the slide the main house, barn, attached kitchen and to the sample of the plantation four cabin blocks were discovered that housing and slave-related tenant farmers who lived in labor at the site. So three of the four decades of house six individual cabinets aligned in two columns while one block house eight individual cabinets along in two blocks. A total of 19 cabinets had at least one excavation unit placed in them however for the purposes of my research I examined artifacts from the site and most extensively excavated cabinets at the site so these are cabinets from block one and two. So my research builds the top of the work of Brown and his students asking in what ways can a block and mist framework expand interpretations of clothing and adornment at the site. My research project asks how to raise gender and class operations of power and oppression shaped African-American identity during the late 19th and early 20th centuries in Texas. This project addresses this question using archaeological and documentary evidence by investigating why African-American would engage in particular practices of Western Adornment in Texas in 1910. And under the umbrella of my larger question I ask in what ways were sectorial practices embedded in relations and ideologies in the great gender and class and how did black women negotiate these opportunities of power and oppression addressed. Additionally I ask given the relationship between fashion and the construction of Pechamara notions of femininity are black women's clothing and adornment practices representative of resistance and more conformity to these notions. And finally as African-American women they would throw at various spaces at home, at work and in public spaces during a time of high original oppression how would their choices regarding dress influence? How would their choices of dress environment situation to the spaces they occupied? So I open the section of the presentation with the quote from Maria Smyer an accent stand for women who labor to live in Texas. And as such by 1895 series of African-American women and men from many children thinking and hiding from women. Smyer states we were a little lonely and I never seen no other kind of dress till after the revolution. Smyer as Loretta calls the unanticipation of roughly 4 million African-Americans in 1865 Martha started the reconstruction era which brought with it new challenges and opportunities. And Smyer's work of work as a administration interview she notes was one of the most important economic areas. More moving as not as neither stated were made of quartz cotton cloth that the enslaved were provided by the unanticipation owners and were often produced on site by the unanticipated seamstresses. These pieces of cloth were planned to design without the redecoration of stylization coming from those enslaved to throughout many WPA areas. We counted the Marriott of ways they died their clothing from aesthetics. The antebellum era brought with it the rise of fast and slower culture and different avenues of market accessibility that contributed to opportunities for newly-enanticipated African-Americans to engage in different settlery and practices within the bounds of economic and geographic access while it navigated racial and gender suffocation. Within the capture of sacred tones of the scary of the scary school are complexities of racial, gender and ethnicity. Women are dressed in gowns, fast as we look at night weddings along with gingham blouses that matched the patterned hand scarves. These were coupled with coarse cotton penny coats fashionably lined from agents. Dry cotton crystals print at the flesh of these laborers as they picked bowls of cotton that were placed into the bottoms of stacks that were slum over their shoulders. This labor was not gendered. Everyone had to maintain styles and coffee legs. Men were dressed in dark trousers which were held up by tenant copper alloys of buckles as well as suspended specimens. Trousers were coupled with white colored shirts which were then accompanied with black socks of chaff. This labor also knew no age limit. It was learned by the young as soon as they were able to participate. Thus the socialization of laborer dressed in their own gingham gown and patterned hand scarves that matched the clothing of adult women who can hide in their body. The young girl stands next to a family full record basket that reached up to her waist adding what she could to the collection. This image depicts what I believe were formations of black womenhood. I define black womenhood as a constructed identity that moves fluidly over regions and ships over time. That acknowledges the particularities of African-American women such as disconstructed in alignment and disjunction with hegemony ideologies.  Both of these spring words conceptualize black women in their production of identity as simultaneous to being in alignment with and disjuncture to hegemony notions of womenhood in white, middle and upper class white womenhood. Using these spring words I figured an avenue to discuss African-American women's construction of black womenhood as a process of some making that re-inscribes and debunks ideologies of the body that speak to and push against histories of oppression that position black women outside the realm of any womenhood in any way. This process of re-inscribing and debunking relies on every boy's conceptualization of a power stress to be one of them. With Gordon's theorization in mind I conceptualize black women's undressed bodies as already having a history onto them that is red to the color of their flesh and the texture of their hair as outside the realms of any kind of community and womenhood. This poem says operated in the past and continues to shape present formations of black women's identity in the present. Doing this work requires applying an analytical framework that centric intersecting operations of race, gender and class that structure the lives of black women. The theoretical framework that guides this research is Kimberle Crenshaw's theorization of intersectionality, which locates the decisionality of black women at the intersections of race, gender and class operations of power and infection. Intersectionality is the crux of black women's theory as Patricia Hill Collins writes this theoretical framework works to treat quote, race, class, gender and sexuality less as personal attributes and more as systems of domination in which individuals construct unique forms. This theoretical approach aims to engender this theoretical approach aims to engender examinations of active innovative history that at all times accounts for all of the facts of identity and the ways in which it comes to shape some of the past some of the latter. Black women is viewed with an archeological research is pretty new, less than 20 years old. It's the center of intersectionality that differentiates black feminism historically from that of mainstream and it's the latter that sets the foundation for most gender analysis within archeological research. Although intersectionality has not made substantial inroads within historical archeology we're to see most clearly is in the work of black feminist scholarship. A small group of archeologists, primarily black women began asking how the application of black women's thought could aid in the interpretation of African American past lived experiences in ways that did not compartmentalize some of the facts of black women's experiences but rather less wholly complex. This call for black feminist archeology was necessarily a call for intersectional analysis. In addition to grounding our research in black feminist experience we'll have to leave some scholars that have a different level because of feminist archeology and archeological studies that are critically analogous raised in recent times. And on the board I have a couple of the books that I draw up from so we have Kimrell Crenshaw's On Intersectionalities Black Feminist Ethnocrology edited by Ronaldine Sweeney and Black Feminist Archeology by Sweeney Van Leptis. The Archeology of Wondering with Rubine. And then Patricia Hill Collins Black Feminist. So I open this presentation asking how processes of racialization and sexual exploitation along with economists and franchises have converged in members to shape structural practices of self-making among African American women in the late 19th and 20th centuries. I argue that quotidian mass practices sartorial practices of self-making as an integral formation of black women in the post-immunization. It's through the repetition of daily practices that identities are formed and reshaped and dressing one's body for the day is one such example of a repetition of a daily practice. It is the body and its buckles hook and eyes along with hair curses and glories that are suggesting it to the ladies sent on their shared coffers and raged laborers who lived and worked at the lever of gender discrimination during the post-down era engaged in sartorial practices. With that historical archeological scholarship on identity, the multivariate meanings behind artifacts recovering archeological records that relate to guest practices are tools for identity formations. Identity analysis within a field of archeology provides a foundation of adornment studies giving an avenue for historical archeology to interpret past formations of identities by quickly examining what was sounded called small things. Thieves, buttons, riffs, suspenders, voduses, hairpins and hook and eyes are some of the small things that along with documentary evidence serve as the evidence of what mid-scale would call iterative practices that make up sartorial practices of some meaning engaged in by individuals. Building up the work of Etchner and Rothschilding is an authoritarian practice as a social cultural practices shaped by bringing intersected operations of power and oppression including racism, sexism and classes and involved amplification of corporate form and all three divisional supplements added on to the model. The emphasis on intersecting operations of power and oppression including those that I mentioned before draws specifically from the work of Black feminist theory which rounds my research question. Through an examination of material cultural remains of the Levi Jordan presentation of archival documentation, this project tells a story of how the opinion just packaged the shape in which she bypassed these practices of African American women during a period of social reform and oppressed them. For this project I examined 2,750 artifacts related to clothing and dormitory and what was IGU grooming from the 7th Amazon Retour at the Levi Jordan Foundation. With this amount to where 2,220 and 32 buttons 392 392 artifacts classified a story of classification that comprised of fire, pendant, earrings, chains, watches and brooch fragments Additionally, I named this 63-year-old project an 11-hook and 9-fax one. Within this project, material culture was hinted at a conversation of both documentary and more on the story of the data. Since this reference, the Levi Jordan post archival paper is in a sort of photographs like the ones I've asked for. Along with the rural history collection from Sheryl White and Maria Franklin that provide additional historical information for the village church of the Lady Charanches of African-Americans during the early 19th and 20th century. My examination of the first question data along with stock point terrain or history data revealed that black women's artorial practices are an avenue of self-making that were shaped by race, gender, class, operations of power, oppression, and complex ways. Focusing on everyday modalities of being as spaces where instructions of black women were formed, my interpretation of this question has been called race, gender, class, and age shaped by black women's quotidian practices. With the recommendations I've looked at specifically on the ways that territorial practices were shaped by the nature's domination, with the spirit of labor, as well as due to the threat of racial sexual violence, desires for self representation, and practices of social representation. So just returning to my first and second sub-question I initially asked, you know, about the agendas of femininity, are black women's quotidian and order practices representative of resistence and of conformity to these notions? Is there evidence of a distinctive black womanhood? Throughout this project, I currently thought the constructions of black womenhood were invented in relations and ideologies of race, gender, and class. Further, black women as historical agents negotiated these operations of power and oppression through dress, within the context of labor, violence, and the desire of creativity. Given the relationship between fashion and women's quotidianity, when interpretation suggested that women's quotidian and order practices are representative of a complex entanglement of resistence and conformity to these notions? The quotidian African-American women wore about doing agricultural labor was tied to negotiations with femininity, the realities of racial, gender, and class objection, and the necessity for functional quotidian for rule-southern agricultural labor. Other African-American women tended to land, put over hearts, sold and mended and washed clothing, gendered ideologies about women's appropriate dress were so influential that black women adhered to it, even though their clothing was often impractical for the kinds of labor that they had to do. The clothing African-American women wore was incredibly restricted for the kinds of labor they had to perform. Within this project, I attempted to move away from binary notions of resistance versus conformity by acknowledging that African-American women and their constructions of identity occupy a space of contradiction. Because African women are outsiders within, they dress themselves in their lives in ways that illustrate the simultaneity of being women, yet also outside the norm of their ideas of femininity and womanhood. The problem sets for a layer of the histories of oppression that ignore to their flesh, position them outside of what is deemed acceptable. As a result, African-American women and their best practices are even fully liberated or completely depressed. Rather, their experiences were complex and their associations of power and anatomy became maybe the end of other ones. But as African-Americans came, as women and as mother, as labor, as a form of empowerment. In regards to my question about evidence of the formation of a distinctive black womanhood, I would argue that black womanhood is distinctive in so much as African-American women within the multiplicity of their social experiences have a shared history of oppression but ignore to their flesh that impacts their construction of identity. That black womanhood was both individually and exclusively asserted. The evidence of jewelry as a form of a gorgeous, in particular the use of beads is one line of evidence that makes these to this dynamic. Rather than highlight in particular when you color or when you type that appears in higher frequency across the leg, you join a plantation cabin, I focus instead on the right or right in your bones. I interpreted this as the desire for self-expression on African-Americans that don't ever join a plantation that also falls within traditional African-American aesthetics This African-American aesthetic is a story of evidence most widely found from its quilting tradition and textile trend seen in the culture. I suggest that the diversity in the color of the African-Americans distinguish themselves to the white American while simultaneously being able to express an initial aspect. And then in regards to my third question I initially asked African-Americans when we moved through various spaces that worked at common and public spaces during a time of height and racial question how were their choices regarding just influence how were their choices of building a dormant situation to the spaces that they occupied I'm going to answer this question by first looking at a late 19th century of it to a pastor of almost who as an enslaved woman labored I believe I joined the plantation in the main house and remained as a house servant after a visitation. She's wearing a short gown packed with white elements of the dark colored petticole, widely tied to her eyes around her waist. Her hair is pulled back and covered in a headscarf. Her hand there is a lace that she spares back at us. Her attire sits as a representation of how she maintained the dormant house clean and modest. This would have been the clothing that just always wore as she completed her needs past as it was a servant cooking, cleaning laundry and cleaning clothing from the dormant family. So they returned to her own cabin to do one keeping work while perhaps even maintaining her own garden I look at Esther Holmes and I wonder how black women's choices and dress were situationally shaped. As African-American women occupied spaces at home and working on public spaces during the time of high racial oppression, their choices regarding dress were impacted by racial and gender violence. The threat of white terrorism against African-Americans increased during the post-Soviet era but in the post-emancipation era it was tactics of social control and surveillance, subject to very well similar to those of the colonial era sleeping in Conrad Gatlin how practices of boat dressing down became foundational to the survival of African-Americans as they moved to the sexist landscape. I interpreted this as a possible situation of dress practice engaged by African-Americans at the Levin Jordan Foundation by the high percentage of plain clothing class men who covered up the site. While this could also be funded by restricted market accessibility as well as poverty, the prevalence of plain clothing class men could also be indicative of the desire of women and the need of addressing the threat of racial and gender violence. Specific to African-American women who work as domestic servants, dress practices engaged in while laboring in the homes of white employers often reflected modesty and cleanliness. The desire to dress in particular ways while laboring in white spaces was a part of response to the threat of racial and sexual violence back on the base in the homes of their white employers as black women pushed against controlling images of hypersexual black community of the bodies of modesty. Importantly, it may also be problematically, it may also problematically reinforce another controlling image that other people in sexual handling. What is important to note is that white homes were dangerous spaces for white women who were forced to meet the expectations of the white employees in terms of their care and including their dress in order to hold onto their jobs and in the estimated visibility. The significance of this project lies in its objective of modernizing African-American histories by agendering the past in order to overcome the diversity of African-American Black women. Charles Bercer outlined cultural continuity and cultural change, the combination of resistance and views in which gender and class as three of the four major themes within the archaeological studies of African-American life and culture. With an dormant studies of African-American life from the same year reconstruction, archaeologists often posited cultural continuity, cultural change, or domination of resistance and the conformity of resilience to social trendset by white middle class Americans. However, this project aims to provide a more complex analysis of conformity or resistance by conceptualizing that African-American women were neither completely transformed or absolutely resisted as you know the notions of inferiority. Rather they often did both as black women had to negotiate their appearance while considering where and with whom they would be interacting. The application was brought from the spirit of this research advocates for alternative theoretical approaches within the scope of archaeology to address the multiplicity of identity formation and paths. Additionally, this project also works to diversify the existing archaeological scholarship of African-American kids. He, an archaeologist, had an investment in African-American life ways in the South Western region of the United States during the anti-American post-fella era. What archaeological research has been done regarding the post-ification experiences and the time since has been focused on black women. This work explicitly examines the formation of black women at the intersection of race, gender, and class as a means of writing a more inclusive history. And I just realized looking at the time that I've had anyone close because I'm so close to the team at the top as well. So I'm going to try and rush through this line just speaking directly to my work that we speak of princess and how to build off of this project. In the hand you have seen the top that I just invented and followed 2018 I believe and then Bill White has also spoken about the Estate Little Princess. So I won't go into like the full of the same project but more focusing on the work that I do. So since the term of 2016 I've traveled to state court working in collaboration with the slave rights project. Within this collaboration I've worked to establish the Estate Little Princess Archaeology Film School. I was co-P.I. for the 2017 OTs and P.I. for the 2018 OTs and P.I. for the 2018 OTs. The Estate Little Princess is a joint venture between four of my colleagues, Drs. Alicia Albuwander and William White. Just to talk about how I've spent a lot of time out there doing films and while lengthy geospatial analyses and methodologies explores operations of civilian lives during the era of the slave gen, white teens on the social culture approach to the project examine the ecogenesis in the Danish West Indies. Then along explores the ecology of slave rights in the Danish West Indies implementing archaeology in the field of geospatial and archaeology at the site. And Jones takes in a quite archaeology approach of crafting curriculum that communities engage in while clashing the site. Then on the board hearings have a list of all of our collaborations that made this project possible. As I stated earlier my current research at the site has been slated later free and from collusion to exploring continuing practices of self-making from enslavement through post emancipation. This is an image of two house servants labored at the Estate Little Princess served by 1890. The man wears a top hat trousers and a bike truck. The woman has her ear pulled back covered with a scarf. She wears a short gown and a long pedicuff that falls to her ankles that falls to her ankles. The back of the photograph reads Nana Petty of 1890. Less than 50 years after the abolition of slavery in the Danish West Indies I wondered how Nana Petty her ancestors and her descendants who labored and lived at the Estate Little Princess constituted their existence through everyday quotidian practices of self-making. To a lack of an intersectional approach to alphorakeology, my research at the Estate Little Princess explores aquacrux and individual formations from 23 Korean education in different ways that were produced that decided to store the interact with their natural and social environment as classes of self-making around the class. Analysis-based project consisted of me cataloging and analyzing material culture recovery from the Estate Little Princess to the standards of the digital archaeological archive of comparative slavery. That's post-indigital way for relational database, an explanation of artifact information that can be queried online as for why the accessible. Using the DAX database guarantees that material culture recovery from the Estate is a catalog and analyzed systemically to allow for intro and outrust-like processes that will balance it. To the use of an AC pool, I would analyze under the dormant artifacts at the Estate Little Princess by querying the assemblages for patterns of archaeological variation to assess frequencies in the distribution of artifacts as the means of inferring the acquisition and disposal of fully adorned goods, potential shifts in digital and potential shifts in dress practices. Material culture data recovery would be an analyzed to determine what effect of any operations of power and oppression had on patterns of acquisition, the cost of the the smart accessibility and aesthetic valuation which may provide some of the inferences regarding the aesthetic choices people in the estate were making right address over time. Additionally, I'll create a database that includes all references to adornment and clothing related material culture including clothing, tidal decoration and data repairing for return for the documentary sources collected. The database will create a baseline for much to draw from comparison so material culture will cover the Estate Little Princess and provide contextual data regarding participating practices among ethnic groups across time, along with ideologies of race, gender, and class as well as governmental practices of certain interests. So I'll be looking at what are the slate advertisements during the end of the film as well as postcards of some of which I have in front of the advertisements as well. Through the use of material culture and documentary evidence my research will set light on hegemony and ideologies of race, gender, and class as well as the practical reality of social and economic conditions of slavery and freedom through the lens of search law in which we end our questions. I think that's going to be part of working on how we got things that have been provided to you or otherwise have been denied to you. Is there, I don't know what's about this, but I have a question on those text cards from Mani and Molly. Okay, so was there like vessels or workshops or places where people could share resources to do that work that was quite common at the House of London for you to do that work? Yeah, these plantations often act as my anxieties in the neighborhood so we would have spaces where cooking would be done, craft production would be done and cooking would be done. At the Levy Jordan Plantations I want to go back to the database to really find, like, button complaints which are, you know to make one or to make told by hands. It's a whole series of process to flatten down the actual bone and then you would actually like carve out the buttons themselves as blends, but what we get left over from that are like these sheets of bone that have these circles that are actual evidence that this production took place at site. So what I know through the archival research is that people were in fact making their own web fasteners at the site. I want to take a closer look at the landscape itself to see what this would actually be at the site because plant variations at the site have various varieties because this on various kinds of parts could give off different color variations and uses an accent as well. And we know that this practice is true because we have the WPA narratives that outline how people were doing it. It's a matter of finding the archival evidence that also shows how it was done specifically at this particular site. But in addition to bone to bone buttons you can also find the huge site with carving for shellbites as well. A lot of that intricate technology was also done on the site. And since we know that people are in the plantations in the south one of the larger sugar plantations in Texas had his own store at that site it's just a matter of really going back through the data and instead of looking specifically for different types of meat, having to go back through the material section and look through the notes section when I get to the bone to actually see okay what could this be what could this be and then going back to the site itself. So I think for me what's a little bit more challenging is that I'm dealing with the different ways in the part of that distinguish and not necessarily at the site where I'm getting further explanation. Again, the distinguish of such is not something of my own creation, so in terms of like the cataloging of it a lot of the all of the artifacts that I had to go back through my dissertation research actually had to go to the Texas Historical Commission their actual facility to sit back through pull out every bag that had the word button because they had no other information for it. So it just goes to like, you know the sort of work and being really clear on what it comes to cataloging practices which is why I love that so much that I'm starting to standardize the way that the sites in the conversation will be tender because right now, the Let Me Write Affinitation is one of the largest assemblages that focuses on a period of antebellum and post-bella of academic and life and the assemblage itself simply because of how it's cataloged means that it cannot be a conversation with a lot of other sites. Did you mention it? Me? I also have a question or an answer that I don't have So you mentioned that the little clothes that I have died according to what you say were patterned designs do you I mean, obviously there are photographs of some of these little clothes and there might possibly be scraps or I don't know, bits of textile that are survived. Do you know anything about the patterns that would be chosen? Were they patterns that had been brought from somewhere else were they imitations of more expensive printed copy that was being sold at the time that maybe slaves would have access to but weren't trying to imitate. What were these patterns that they have meaning? Yeah, I think that's a really great question. In terms of like the dive cloth, I don't know much about the pattern of stuff that would have been chosen more from the colors that would have been chosen for the fabric when we get more into the early 20th century we have a lot more documentation of ready-made clothing that's meaning to be fashioned in a particular way. So then you get a sort of pattern for why they accessible gingham print, which is like what you see in the initial photograph that I opened the presentation with, was a widely popular pattern at the time but also like there are such wearing laws that outline what African-Americans could and could not wear, but they could wear those with gingham prints so they're also just lined with evidence to speak towards that better photo in the corner area where you see some sort of wrongs being pulled to the end during post-application Aaron, so if I were to think more about like how the clothes are being dyed, I would conceptualize more of the color of the spells and how it's been packed. We can talk later some more about the paper. So as you know that like one presentation might ask if they're domestic. So like jobs like laundress, jobs like seamstresses where like occupations with like a little often hauling. So I'm curious about some themes that are about marketing accessibility. I'm curious about like whether or not you've found evidence or even have thoughts or feelings about the ways that certain materials or fasteners or buttons could be moving between kind of like services done for the big house and services done for the folks in the or if there's even like have you found like buttons or materials that are seen out of place in the quarters or do you just have feelings about that kind of transfer or like stealing? Thank you, that's probably a great question. When I think about marketing accessibility I think of what people have access to and not whether I think of purchasing things like could they go to town or actually or for instance like a skewers in robot after the second sort of huge warehouse that they created was in Dallas because of its outing whether it was coming out of the tax cuts. And it's known that because it was a mail-mortar service that African-Americans widely used to take it and not work to like the cousin used to work for this. But in terms of like the assemblage itself has an average running plantation in addition to having an amazing variety of like clothing fasteners they also like these really beautiful backgrounds of jewelry as well. So the site itself is it's not normal and that sort of thing that isn't something that's seen across the African-Americans especially when you're looking at sites that are in the mass data base having you know in numbers of 2,000 clothing fasteners that is just not a common problem in the world. There's something happening at this by the terms of the plan to be thinking about the jobs that mostly have been engaging and can I have a question? Were they making things for the store perhaps? Or like is there? Yeah, so there's a chance that they were making things for the store. Also I'm thinking about large assemblages of my drawings for instance could be interpreted as like well perhaps this was the site where some of the people was watching or some of the people was just nature. I think that sort of interpreted where but what's actually seen as pinning around is a lot of work trying to figure out the occupations of different people at the housing site but it focused specifically on certain artifacts that were present which could you know that could be really tricky because if you would focus on well this one particular house site all in large number of buttons for access to the store and laundry, well they're actually by this family of our wall of books and although there might be a tune that have a high frequency it's not high enough to suggest M.S. might be something as you know we call this particular area in terms of life work but thinking that this was a communal practice that people did this work throughout the cabin area. You mentioned bees and I've wondered what the bees were made from when it did they appear to be on a site where they're traded because we said you got an old dispute so we've been traded so we had just wondered what these were. A lot of the bees that were done with this by were class bees and there hasn't been any evidence of like slag being found on this site to suggest that the bees would be produced. There have also been small amounts of African trade bees that are found on small amounts of sea bees which could have the sea bees themselves a lot of folks' attention made them as being an African so to speak but the bees themselves could have been used in a way they could have been used in clothing they could have been used in your like in a number of ways that the bees themselves could have been used. And a lot of times recently in the area there's been a lot of investigates to have clues that San Jose Museum is leading in this way and it seems like this is one way that the slag culture came out and really expressed visually some of the design elements that might have come across from Africa so I wonder if you have a way of looking at those things. We don't find a lot of textiles unfortunately at this particular center like what I do have is what we do for Americans and we set up interviews that talk about the ways in which we we're doing quilting practices for my chiefs but also the way in which they brought that into how to dress themselves so there's a quote in the Conrad that talks about how that talk about how teachers would not have a lot of students even if they were girls who come to class and all these bright, matching colors but it seems even though how to style their conceptualization is this a style it's all about those habits and it was a quilting tradition that was brought up but it was also about what was there and memorable and people needed clothing it just so happened that if you have the skill and technique you can make anything beautiful so that was definitely a practice but I this being an American and in photographs but now I'm just going to play have a new experience and this can help them like antique clothes traditional mixing colors just the difference yeah we learned how what you say they're sort of doing very well and comforting I just think time is kind of a pluralistic startling and I'm wondering two things about that one is how that comes out of black women's critiques specifically like the sort of unique perspective that isn't limited for that but black women's critiques because I'm familiar with other ways that archaeologists and anthropologists have got more understanding of things that don't come from black women's critiques and it seems like there could be a really generative thing in there that I don't know about and how you use this work in relationship to others to material studies that is pluralistic and they're being influenced but I think it's like another work I think of Carol White does a lot of work on the women's study and a lot of their work especially thinking about women's work also pulls from women's studies and really bringing in these positionality based frameworks into archaeological spaces so my framework is really a century of intersectional research which was foundational to the word of Campbell Crenshaw in 1999 so that particular framework, I use that particular framework as a means of talking about black women because it's based in a historical genealogy of black women production so I want to state that by saying there are lots of different frameworks that you can use in the answer of a variety of questions and it's actually when it comes to material culture analysis and I think it is a particular act to then use sort of the molecular intellectual patients that are reflected on the people that we're studying I'm sort of saying I love that that's the work that I'm also doing when I hear about feminist analysis and I think that the space and the species of these things come together in particular ways is something that can apply to everybody because we all are in the interstates as well so just thinking about the multiple ways in which this particular framework doesn't have to do the best within this work but as you said is a very informative space but I'm working on that.


We have a long history in psychology of people influencing the behavior of others without being aware of it. There's a study by Rosenthal and Jacobson back in 1968 called the Pygmalion Effect. Pygmalion in the classroom was the name of the study and it's named after the George Bernard Shaw play, right? And and what they did was they they brought an experimenter into a classroom in an elementary school classroom and they went through and they you know wrote down a bunch of stuff and gave the kids a bunch of tests and they came back to the teacher and said little Jimmy and Jane and Ralphie and so on they picked out a bunch of kids and said they're due for an intellectual growth spurt right so the idea was these kids were about to blossom right they're about to have this big like a physical growth spurt only intellectual and then they came back at the end of the year and they tested all the kids again and lo and behold these kids that they said were due for an intellectual growth spurt in fact had advanced significantly more than the rest of the kids in the class. The hitch is they just pulled those names out of a hat. They had no way of predicting intellectual growth spurt or anything like that they just made it all up. So what happened? Well the argument was that the teachers although they claimed not to be we're treating these kids differently right so if you know little Jimmy's ready for an intellectual growth spurt right and he's not quite getting something well you spend a little bit of extra time you know because you have these higher expectations of them and we know if you have higher expectations the kids they're gonna live up to them right or at least they're gonna attempt to live up to them right and so a little bit higher expectations get a little bit higher results right a little bit higher performance and that's what that's what happened right and so that's an experimental expectancy effect the experimenters were kind of expecting this this outcome in this case the experimenters are the teachers in the classroom it's their expectations that the kids are living up to. It sounds very similar to the clever Hans effect is that can't remember the details exactly but something about a horse being able to read the the signals provided by the trainer you know that example. Yeah back in the late 1800s so the turn of the previous century a guy named Wilhelm von Austin who was a retired school teacher he thought the so-called dumb animals as they were called at the time were getting short shrifted they were a lot smarter than people thought they were and so he trained his horse to do all kinds of amazing things so the horse could tell you what time it was he could do arithmetic he could convert fractions to decimals and decimals to fractions you could ask him questions like well if it's 25 to 8 where's the little hand on the clock what numbers is it between right and so on and they had these big commissions of inquiry who who who you know came to check out Hans and make sure that there wasn't some fraud going on and so on and he passed all the tests how does the how does the horse respond in this case well actually a psychologist named Oscar funks came along and figured out what was going on and what was going on in this case I mean Hans was very clever but he couldn't talk right yeah it wasn't Mr. Ed so what he would do is he would just tap his foot to answer a question what Oscar funks established was that Hans could answer the questions if anybody in the audience knew what the answer was Vaughan Austin didn't need didn't need to be there right but someone had to know the answer to the question and the way he tested this is he would ask one person to whisper a number in Hans's ear another person to whisper a number in the other here say three and two right and they would ask Hans add those two numbers what's the sum of those two numbers and Hans would go just keep going because no one was telling him when to stop someone always told him when to stop and the way they did that Hans was very clever not in the way that that people thought but he was very tuned to very subtle movements of people so as Hans started to approach the right answer people just lean forward a little bit in anticipation of that answer and so if he's going to five you know the answer is five you go one two three four oh man you're gonna make it there five now not nearly as big but there were very subtle movements but that's what Hans was picking up on and once funks figured this out or he could haunts to give whatever answer he wanted simply by making these movements deliberately so Hans was picking up on these subtle cues from the people around him none of whom knew they were doing this right there's no reason to believe that Vaughan Austin who was the guy that was who had trained hands knew that he was queuing Hans the answers right he was he had he had a point to make sure but he wasn't a fraud he wasn't making money off this he just thought Hans was as clever as he was and didn't realize that he was doing the the actual queuing himself or other people in the audience were doing the queuing when Vaughan Austin wasn't there because they'd often test without Vaughan Austin being there as you would think well maybe he's up to something fishy take him out of the room test Hans, Hans works just fine right as long as somebody knows the answer because they give those subtle little cues as to where you should be going and if you think about facilitated communication you got someone holding on to your sleeve or holding on to your arm helping you reach out and point and touch a keyboard very easy for that person without meaning to to be guiding your hand in a particular direction and so the the client is simply sort of passing on the movements that have been started by the facilitator so that's how you get the information from the facilitator out through the client do you have any advice for the people who are taking the course on how to improve their everyday thinking I think at least part of the answer is a healthy skepticism the the rallying cry of the cynic is bullshit right that I just don't believe anything that's not what I'm suggesting what I'm suggesting is being skeptical so let's see some proof I want to see some evidence so particularly when you see these kinds of claims where's the evidence how can we know this for sure I think part of being skeptical is keeping an open mind right but demanding evidence and not jumping to conclusions not not making up your mind too early that either this is you know a wonderful thing or it's completely bogus right my name is Scott I think about evidence


Okay my friends, glad to see you on my channel. So smartphone gimbals have come a long way and there are many out there on the market. If you film a lot of videos with your smartphone then having a gimbal is necessary for achieving smooth looking videos. Now another deciding factor for a lot of people is not only the ability to capture stabilized footage but also have a quick setup. You want to be able to capture moments as quickly as possible and have it ready when needed. With the brand new release of the DJI OM4 the magnetic attachment system makes it possible. In this video I will show you how you can use the OM4 to your advantage to shoot cinematic video and we are gonna cover a lot. So before we start this video was not sponsored by DJI even though that would have been awesome I actually borrowed the OM4 from a good friend from George Paolo. You might know him from the previous videos. To give you an idea we're going to start with a quick overview of the gimbal, the built and design quality, how to mount and balance your phone on the gimbal, the basic button functions, some special features that the DJI Mimo app offers, shooting modes to get more dynamic shots, my top camera settings for shooting video and behind the scenes of how I shot that video using different operating modes on the gimbal. A timestamp will be in the video description below if you want to skip or return to a particular part of the video. Hope that sounds good for you and if it does get ready to become the ultimate gimbal master. Okay, let's get on with the video. So here's a quick overview of the gimbal. We have the magnetic phone clamp that allows you to easily attach your smartphone. You have your joystick that will help control the direction, a zoom slider to change zoom, obviously a charging port to charge the gimbal by connecting it using a USB adapter, a power M button to power your gimbal on and off, including other functions. Then you have the shutter record button for taking photos or start and stop recording. A battery level indicator, a one quarter screw mount that allows you to attach a tripod or other accessories.  You also have a trigger to enter different modes and a USB-A port which is great for charging your smartphone. DJI also did a great job on the button design, not too many which makes it simple to use. Let's move over to the built-in design quality. If you have the previous model of the OM3, they're virtually the same in terms of dimension, folding system, buttons and ports. It's a little bit lighter than the OM3 and also has a new gray color which I really like. The main difference is obviously the new magnetic connection for the smartphone. You get a magnetic phone clamp and a magnetic ring holder that allows you to mount it on the DJI OM4. On the DJI OM3, you had a smartphone holder which was less convenient to use. With the magnetic system, it definitely improves the usability. When holding the gimbal, it feels lightweight, ergonomic and could easily fit into my pocket. It takes about 2.5 hours to charge the gimbal and runs at around 15 hours if balanced correctly. What I really like is that I'm able to charge my smartphone while operating the gimbal. Now shooting video drains the battery quickly, especially on smartphones, so having this charging option is really great to be able to shoot longer. Okay, let's move on to mounting and balancing. From what I've seen, mobile filmmakers prefer using the magnetic phone clamp over the magnetic ring holder, I myself too. Since I borrowed this gimbal, I will just show you how to set up the magnetic phone clamp. To do so, attach it to the center of the phone, make sure that the direction is the same as shown. Once you have that, align it with the magnetic point. Your smartphone will snap to the OM4. You will realize that the attraction is pretty strong, like my attraction to you. Okay. While also being easy to detach it comfortably. Press and hold the M button to turn it on and you're ready to go. The simplicity of this mounting system is what stands above all the other smartphone gimbals, which I personally really love. All right, let's look at the basic functions of this gimbal. The first thing is that you can not only adjust the direction of your smartphone with the joystick, but also with your hand. When you turn your gimbal on by default, it will be in follow mode, which I prefer when shooting my videos. Now keep in mind that you can connect your smartphone with the gimbal via Bluetooth and use it to control your standard camera without having to use the DJI Mimo app. Though if you want more control over your camera, then the Mimo app might be a better choice, but we will get into that later. So continuing with our basic functions. When turned off, you can press the M button once to check your battery level. I do that every time before I start shooting. When powered on, you can press the M button once to switch between photo and video mode. Pressing it twice will switch between landscape and portrait mode, but for video, I generally leave it in landscape mode unless it's a video for my Instagram stories. Move the zoom slider to the T position to zoom in. Move the zoom slider to the V position will zoom out. Press and hold the trigger to enter lock mode. This way, the gimbal will stay at its position and not follow your hand movements. Press the trigger twice to re-center the gimbal. Pressing it three times will switch between the front and back camera. Okay, let's get into the special features of the Mimo app. In order to get access to all of the features that the OM4 has, you will need to download the DJI Mimo app. Once you did that, you can connect your smartphone with the app via Bluetooth. This gimbal offers a lot of great features that can be really helpful for getting creative shots. Now let's quickly take a look at those special features. ActiveTrack simply allows you to track a subject. This is great for having your subject remain in the center of the camera while shooting. There are three ways you can use ActiveTrack. The first one would be dragging a green box on a subject or object on the screen in the camera view. I find it does a great job of tracking the subject smoothly. To stop ActiveTrack, just tap the X icon on the upper right square. The second way is to press the trigger once to start or stop ActiveTrack. It will simply detect the nearest face and start tracking the subject. The third option is using gesture control. To enter it, tap the hand icon below the recording button. By performing a palm or V gesture, the camera will track the subject and start recording a video or take a photo. If you want to stop recording, just do either one of those hand gestures again. This is really great if you are filming yourself. For vloggers, this might be a useful feature since ActiveTrack will keep the subject in the frame. Moving on to Story Mode, this allows you to record a video using different templates. You can enter it by selecting the S icon. Then just follow the instructions. In the end, it will automatically create a video for you according to the template you've selected. Now, I don't use this mode at all since I have my own style of creating videos, but for those that need to post something really quickly on social media or don't have much experience with editing a video, this is a great option. With the Hyperlapse mode, I'm able to create moving time lapses. Now, there are different ways to creating hyperlapses with your smartphone, but the easiest way is to use a gimbal and with ActiveTrack enabled, I get even smoother results. If you want to find out more on shooting hyperlapses with a smartphone, I have a video on that that you can check out here somewhere. With FPV mode, the gimbal will allow you for pan tilt and roll follow to give you that first person view experience. With the spin shot, you're able to use the joystick to control the roll to create an inception effect. This allows the lens to rotate and gives the scene a feel of changing space and atmosphere. Enabling Sport mode will increase the follow speed immensely. This is great for shooting subjects with sudden movements. All right, so now I'm gonna show you my camera settings using the DJI Mimo app. For that, you need to download the app and then open it up and connect it to your smartphone. And we're currently looking at our live viewer. If you wanna get back to the home screen, just press the upper left house icon and you'll get back. And if you wanna switch to the live view mode, just press the camera button. Let me explain to you what each icon means. So the upper right shows you the battery level of the gimbal. Then you have the battery level of your phone and you have the flash indicator, which is currently off and the current gimbal mode. So it's actually in follow mode at the moment. To the right, you have story mode. On the upper right, you can switch between the front and back camera. You also have your shooting parameters. So you can switch between slow motion, dynamic zoom and so on. Below you have the zoom icon. I don't use this actually. I prefer using it on the gimbal. But what I use it for is to switch between lenses. So I can just press on these white dots. This way I can easily switch. So if you wanna change shooting modes, you'll find this here and then go to this icon and then change follow mode here. To the right, you will find this hand icon. Here you can enable gesture control. So let me now show you what camera settings I used. So first of all, switch to video if you haven't. Then we're gonna set everything to manual. We want full control over our camera. I'm gonna keep my ISO as low as possible. Because I will shoot in 4K 60 frames per second, I will leave my shutter at one over 125 of a second. Below you have the exposure value and to change your resolution, just tap the icon below and we're gonna go for 4K 60 frames per second. The next thing you wanna do is set your white balance. So I'm gonna tap on the three dots and then I'm gonna select white balance to sunny, depending on the weather outside. What you also wanna do is turn on grid lines. I like the grid line and diagonals. This way I can set my composition. And if you wanna switch your gimbal to sport mode, you can do this by selecting this button right here. Yeah, and that's about it. So let me now show you how I shot the video using this gimbal. To get the best results, make sure to walk heel to toe with your knees slightly bent. This will help smoothen out the video even more. This way you will avoid robotic movements that look unnatural. The great thing about having a gimbal is that you can operate it in different ways to get unique shots, which otherwise wouldn't be possible when shot handheld. Now, if you want to know more about cinematic gimbal movements, this is a topic for itself. I have an in-depth topic on that, which is on my playlist. Here are three simple operating modes that you can use to your advantage. The upright mode is the one I use most often where I keep the gimbal upright. This is great for following the subject. To enter the side grid mode, just rotate the handle 90 degrees to the right or left. This is great for creating a crane shot where you start from a lower position and work your way up to the top. Ooh, okay, we almost made it. With underslung mode, I can put the gimbal upside down, which allows me to capture shots from a lower angle, giving the story more depth. When inverting the gimbal, I noticed the phone rotating, which is great. This way I don't have the motors in the shot. The OM4 is really affordable if you plan on picking one up. The OM4 will cost you $149. After using this gimbal, I can say that the magnetic mounting system helps me be more efficient when filming. This is super great because now I can easily take out my phone, snap it onto my gimbal and capture smooth looking videos in just a few seconds. That snappy sound is like music in my ears. And I really had no problems using the magnetic phone clamp and at no point did it fall off the gimbal. I also like the fact that it's compatible with Filmic Pro, which is one of the best video apps out there for smartphones. I recommend the OM4 to any video creator that wants to make videos with their smartphone. Now let me know what you think about the OM4. If you liked this video and found it helpful, then leave a thumbs up. Subscribe to my channel so that I can keep creating awesome tutorials for you guys. And if you want to dive in deeper into mobile filmmaking, make sure to check out these two videos right here. That will help you create even better videos. Until then, have a great day. Take care and I will see you in the next video guys. Peace.