CHAPTER X As a confusion in the streets increased from the pouring out from the houses and cellars of the camp followers, women and children, together with men less drunk than their comrades, but still unable to walk steadily, who filled the air with shouts and drunken execrations. Colonel Corcoran rode her on the line. "'Just look at that, boys,' he said, "'isn't it better for you to be standing here like decent men, ready to do your duty than to be rolling about in a state like those drunken blaggards, for the sake of half an hour's pleasure?  When the French get inside the town, there's not one of these drunken bays that won't be either killed or marched away a thousand miles to a French prison, and all for half an hour's drink.'" The lesson was indeed a striking one, and careless as many of the men were, but brought home to him with greater force than ever before in their lives, not only the folly, but the degradation of drunkenness. A few minutes later, General Moore, who was writing up and down the line, inspecting the condition of the men in each regiment, came along. "'Your men look very raw, Colonel,' he said, as he reached the fusiliers. "'How many are you short of your number?' "'None am I in general. I am happy to say that there was not a single one that did not answer when his name was called. That is good indeed,' the general said warmly. "'I am happy to say that all the regiments of the rearguard have turned out well, and shown themselves worthy of the trust reposed in them. None, however, can give so good a report as you have done. I selected your regiment to strengthen this division from the excellent order that I observed you kept along the line of march, and I am glad indeed that it has shown itself so worthy of the honour. March the regiment across to the side of the street, let the others pass you, and you fall in at the rear of the column. I shall give the myofusiliers the post of honour, as a mark of my warm approbation for the manner in which they have turned out.'" Scarcely had the troops left the town when the French cavalry poured in. Now that it was too late, the sense of danger penetrated the brains of the revelers, and the mob of disbanded Spanish and British soldiers and camp followers poured out from the cellars. Few of the soldiers had the sense even to bring up their muskets. Most of those who did so were too drunk to use them, and the French troopers rode through the mob, savoring them right and left, and trampling them under a foot, and then, riding forward without a pause, set out in pursuit of the retiring columns. As they came clattering along the road, the colonel ordered the last two companies to halt, and when the head of the squadron was within 50 yards of them, and the troopers were beginning to check their horses, a heavy volley was poured into them, which sent them to the right about as fast as they had come, and empty the scores, saddles. Then the two companies formed fours again, and went on at a double until they reached the rear of the column. All the day the French cavalry managed the retreat, until Lord Padgett came back with a regiment of hussars, and drove them back in confusion, pursuing them a couple of miles with the viewer discovering whether they were followed by infantry. Such, however, was not the case, and the column was not further molested until they reached Cacabullos, where they were halted. The rest of the army had moved on, the troops committed excesses similar to those that had taken place at Bembebre, and plundering the shops and houses. The division marched over a deep stream crossed by a stone bridge, and took up their ground on a lofty ridge, the ascent being broken by vineyards and stone walls. Four hundred men of the rifles, and as many cavalry, were posted on a hill two miles beyond the river to watch the roads. They had scarcely taken their pose when the enemy were seen approaching, preceded by six or eight squadrons of cavalry. The rifles were at once withdrawn, and the cavalry, believing that the whole French army was advancing, presently followed them, and riding fast came out to the infantry just as they were crossing the bridge. Before all the infantry were over, the French cavalry came down at a furious gallop, and for a time, all was confusion. Then the rifles, throwing themselves among the vineyards and behind the walls, opened a heavy fire. The French general in command of the cavalry was killed, with a number of his troops, and the rest of the cavalry fell back. A regiment of light infantry had followed them across the bridge, and two companies of the 52nd, and as many of the mile regiment went down the hill and reinforced the rifles. A sharp fight ensued until the main body, the French infantry, approached the bridge. A battery of artillery opened upon them, and seeing the strength of the British division and believing that the whole army was before him, Solt called back his troops. The voltages retired across the bridge again, and the fight came to an end. Between two and three hundred men had been killed or wounded. As soon as night came on, the British force resumed its march, leaving two companies of rifles as pickets at the bridge. The French crossed again in the night, but after some fighting fell back again without having been able to ascertain whether the main body of the defenders of the position were still there. Later on the rifles fell back, and at daybreak rejoined the main body of the rearguard, which had reached Basira, eighteen miles away. Here General Moore received the report from the engineers he had sent to examine the harbors, and they reported in favor of Karuna, which possessed facilities for defense which were lacking at Vigo. Accordingly, he sent help orders to the fleet, which was lying at the latter port, to sail up once for Karuna, and directed the various divisions of the army to move on that town. The rearguard passed the day without moving, and joined a welcome rest after the thirty-six miles that they had covered the day before. By this march, they had gained a long start of the enemy, and had in the evening reached the town the division before them had quitted that morning. The scene as they marched along was a painful one. Every day added to the numbers of the stragglers. The excesses and drink exhausted the strengths of the troops far more than did the fatigue of the marches. Their shoes were worn out, many of them linked along with rags tied around their feet. Even more painful than the sight of these dejected and worn out men was that of the camp followers. These, in addition to their terrible hardships and fatigue, were worn out with hunger, and almost famished. Numbers of them died by the roadside, others still crawled on in silent misery. Nothing could be done to aid these poor creatures. The troops themselves were insufficiently fed, for the evil conduct of the soldiers who first marched through the towns defeated all the efforts of the commissariat, for they had broken into the beggar's shops, and Sol Mell treated the inhabitants that the people fled in terror, and no bread could be attained for the use of the divisions in the rear. Towards evening the next day, the reserve approached Constantina. The French were now close upon their rear. A bridge over a river had to be crossed to reach the town, and as there was a hill within a pistol shot of the river, from which the French artillery could sweep the bridge, Sir John Moore placed the rifleman an artillery on it. The enemy, believing that he intended to give battle, halted, and before their preparations could be made, the troops were across the bridge, and were joined by the artillery, which had retired at full speed. The French advanced, and endeavored to take the bridge. General Padgett, however, held the pulse with two regiments of cavalry, and then fell back to Lugo, where the whole army was now assembled. The next day, Sir John Moore issued an order strongly condemning the conduct of the troops, and stating that he intended to give battle to the enemy. The news affected an instant transformation. The stragglers who had left the regiments and entered the town by twos and threes that once rejoined their corps. Fifteen hundred men had been lost during the retreat, of whom the number killed formed by a small proportion, but the army still amounted to its former strength, as it was here joined by two fresh battalions who had been left at Lugo by General Baird on this march from the coast. The force therefore numbered nineteen thousand men, for had been weakened by some four thousand other light troops having, early in the retreat, been directed towards other poors, in order to lessen as far as possible the strain on the commissariat. The position was a strong one, and when Soltat Midday came up at the head of twelve thousand men, he saw it once then until his whole force arrived, he could not venture to attack it. Like the British, his troops had suffered severely from the long marches, and many had dropped behind altogether. Uncertain whether he had the whole of the British before him, he sent a battery of artillery and some cavalry forward. When the former opened fire, they were immediately silenced by a reply from fifteen pieces. Then he made an attack upon the right, but was sharply repulsed with a loss of from three to four hundred men, and, convinced now that more was ready to give battle with his whole force, he drew off. The next day, both armies remained in their positions. Solt had been joined by Le Bourde's division and had seventeen thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and fifty guns. The English had sixteen thousand infantry, eighteen hundred cavalry, and forty guns. The French made no movement to attack, and the British troops were furious at the delaying. Solt, however, was waiting until Ney, who was advancing by another road, should threaten the British flank or cut the line of retreat. More, finding that Solt would not fight alone, and knowing that Ney was approaching, gave the order for the army to leave his position after nightfall, and march for Karuna. He exhorted them to keep good order, and to make the effort which would be the last demanded for them. It was indeed impossible for him to remain at Lugo, even if Ney had not been close in hand, for there was not another day's supply of bread in the town. He took every precaution for securing that no ever should take place as to the route to be followed in the dark, for the ground behind the position was intersected by stone walls and a number of intricate lanes. To mark the right tracks, bundles of straw were placed at intervals along the line, and officers appointed to guide the columns. All these precautions, however, were brought to naught by the ill fortune that had dogged the general along the whole line of retreat. A tremendous storm of wind and rain set in, the night was pitch dark, the bundles of straw were whirled away by the wind, and when the army silently left their post at ten o'clock at night, the task before them was a difficult one indeed. All the columns lost their way, and one division alone recovered the main road. The other two wandered about all night, buffeted by the wind, drenched by the rain, disheartened and weary. Some regiments entered what shelters they could find. The mansunes scattered to plunder, stragglers fell out in hundreds, and at daybreak the remnants of the two divisions were still in Lugo. The moment the light afforded means of recovering their position, the columns resumed their march, the road behind them being thickly dotted by stragglers. The rearguard, commanded by the general himself, covered the rear, but fortunately the enemy did not come up until evening. It's so numerous for the stragglers that when the French cavalry charged, they mustered insufficient force to repel their attack, a proof that it was not so much fatigue as insubordination that had caused them to lag behind. The rearguard halted a few miles short of Friol and passed the night there, which enabled the disorganized army to rest and reform. The loss during this unfortunate march was greater than that of all the former part of the retreat, added to all the losses in action and during the advance. The next day the army halted, as the French had not come up in sufficient numbers to give battle, and on the following day marched in good order into Caruna, where, to the bitter disappointment of the general, the fleet had not yet arrived. At the time, Sir John Moore was blamed by the ignorant for having worn out his troops by the length of the marches, but the accusation was altogether unfounded, as it is proved by the fact that the rearguard, upon whom the full brunt of the fighting had fallen, who had frequently been under arms all night in the snow, had always to throw a very strong outpost to prevent surprises, and had marched 80 miles in two days, had suffered far more than the other troops, owing to the fact that the food supply intended for all had been several times wasted and destroyed by the excesses of those who had preceded them, yet who, when they reached Caruna, had a much smaller number missing from their ranks, than was the case with the three other divisions. After all the exertions that had been made, and the extraordinary success with which the general had carried his force through a host of enemies, all his calculations were baffled by the contrary winds that delayed the arrival of the fleet, and it remained but to surrender or fight a battle, which, if won, might yet enable the army to embark. Sir John did not even for a moment contemplate the former alternative. The troops on arriving were at once quartered in the town. The inhabitants here, who had so suddenly held aloof from Baird's force on its arrival, had refused to give them the slightest aid, now invents a spirit of patriotism seldom exhibited by the Spaniards, safe in their defense of Saragossa, and on a few other occasions. Although aware that the army intended, if possible, to embark, and that the French on entry might punish them for any aid given to it, they cheerfully added the troops in removing the cannon from the sea phase, and in strengthening the defenses on the land side. Provisions in ample quantity were forthcoming, and in 24 hours the army, knowing that at last they were to engage the foe who had for the last fortnight hunted them so perseveringly, recovered its confidence and discipline. This was aided by the fact that Caruna had large magazines of arms and ammunition, which had been sent out 15 months before from England, and were still lying there, although Spain was clamoring for arms for its newly raised levies. To the soldiers, this supply was invaluable, their muskets were so rested with the almost constant downfall of rain and snow of the past month as to be almost unserviceable. And these were a one to exchange for new arms. The cartridge boxes were refilled with fresh ammunition, an abundant store served out for the guns, and, after all this, two magazines containing 4,000 barrels of powder remained. These had been erected on a hill three miles from the town, and were blown up so that they should not fall into the hands of the enemy. The explosion was a terrible one and was felt for many miles round. The water in the harbor was so agitated that the shipping rolled as if in a storm, and many persons who had gone out to witness the explosion were killed by falling fragments. The ground on which the battle was to take place was unfit for the operations of cavalry. The greater portion of the horses were hopelessly found, partly from the effects of fatigue, partly from worn to shoes. For although a supply of these had been issued on starting, no hammers or nails had been sent, and the shoes were therefore useless. It wouldn't any case have been impossible to ship all these animals, and accordingly, as a measure of mercy, the greater portion of them were shot. Three days were permitted more to make his arrangements, for it took that time for Solt to bring up his weary troops and place them in a position to give battle. Their position was a lofty ridge which commanded that upon which Sir John Moore now placed his troops, covering the town. On the right at the French ridge, there was another eminence upon which Solt had placed 11 heavy guns. On the evening of the 14th, there was an exchange of artillery fire, but it led to nothing. That afternoon the sales of the long-expected fleet were made out, and just at nightfall it entered the harbor. The dismounted cavalry, the sick, the remaining horses, and 50 guns were embarked, nine guns only being kept on shore for action. On the 15th, Solt occupied himself in completing his preparations. Getting his great guns onto the rocks on his left, he attacked and drove from an advanced position some companies of the 5th Regiment, and posted his massive cavalry so as to threaten the bridge right, and even menace its retreat to the town from the position it held. Had the battle been delayed another day, Sir John Moore had made every preparation for embarking the rest of his troops, rather than a way to battle in which even victory would be worthless. For Ney's corps would soon be up. The French, however, did not afford him an opportunity of thus retiring. Terence O'Connor speedily paid a visit to his regiment at Caruna. For he had, of course, a company's feigns regained during the retreat. He was delighted to find that there had been only a few trifling casualties among the officers, and that the regiment itself, although it had lost some men in the fighting that had taken place, had not left a single straggler behind, a circumstance that was mentioned with the warmest commendation by General Padgett in his report of the doings of the rearguard. I was awfully afraid that it would have been quite the other way, Terence said. I know how all the three other divisions suffered, though they were never pressed by the enemy, and had not a shadow of excuse for their conduct. You did not know, Esme Boy, O'Gradyd said. I tell you, the men were splendid. I expect, if we had been with the others, we should have behaved just as badly, but being chosen for the rearguard put our boys all on their metal, and every man felt that the honour of the regiment depended on his good conduct. Then, too, we were lacking in lighting on a big stall at Tabaka, and Tabaka is as good as food and drink. The men gave a lot of way to other regiments, and yet had not the last of them until we got here. Then they were not above doing a little plundering, Terence laughed. Plunder it is, O'Gradyd repeated indignantly. It was the righteous action for the factory Boulogne to the central junta of the province, and it was just stripping of the French of their booty to carry it away. Faith! It was the most meritorious action of the campaign. Have you got a good cigar left, O'Gradyd? Oh, you have taken the smoking, have you? I was obliged to, to keep my nose warm. On the march, Fein and the Major in Arrington all smoked, and they looked so comfortable and contented that I felt it was my duty to keep them company. I have just two left talents, so we will smoke them together, and I have got a bottle of dance and spirits. Think of that, me boy. Thirty-two days without spirits! They will never believe me when I go home and tell them that I went without it for thirty-two mortal days. Well, you have had wine, O'Gradyd. It's poor stuff by the side of the crater. Still, I'm not saying that it wasn't a help, but it was a cold comfort, Terrence. I'm mighty cold comfort. You're looking well on it, anyhow. And how was the wound? Ock! I have nigh forgot I ever had one, save when it comes to airton. Tim has to cut my food out for me, and I never sit down to a meal without wishing bad cest to the French. When we get back, I will have a patent machine for holding a fork fixed on somehow. It goes against me grain to have me food cut up as if I was a baby. If it wasn't for that, I should not miss my hand one way or the other. In fact, on the march it has been a comfort that I have only had five fingers to freeze instead of ten. There is a compensation in all things. So, we are going to fight them at last. There is no chance of the fleet coming to take us off before that, I hope. He asked anxiously, for we should all break our hearts if we were obliged to go without a fight. I don't think there is any chance of that, O'Grady, though I should be very glad if there were. I'm not afraid of the fighting, but we certainly shan't win without heavy loss, and every life will be thrown away, seeing that we shall, after all, have to embark when the battle is over. Nay, with fifty thousand men, is only two or three marches away. Well, Dicky, how do you do? he asked as Ryan came up. I am well enough, Mr. Staff Officer. I needed to ask after yourself. For you have been riding comfortably about, while we have been marching right off our legs. Forty miles a day, Tans, and over such roads as they have in this country. It is just cruelty to animals. I would rather have been with you, Dicky, than to see the horrible confusion that has been going on. Why, as soon as the day's march was over, we had to set to work to go about trying to keep order. A dozen times I had been nearly shot by drunken rascals whom I was trying to get to return to their corps. Worse still, it was heart-rending to see the misery of the starving women and camp-followers. I would rather have been on outpost duty with solstice cavalry hovering round, ready to charge at any moment. It is all very well to say that, Tans, O'Grady exclaimed. But wait until you try to bit me, boy. I had five nights of it, and I'd without a drop of whiskey to chair me. It was enough to have made Samson wait, let alone a man with only one hand, and a sword to hold in it, and a bag called in his head. It was enough to take the heart out of any man entirely, and if it hadn't been for the credit of the regiment, I could often have sat down on the stone and blubbered. It is mighty hard for a man to keep up his spirits when he feels the mortal heat of him oozing out all over, and his fingers so cold that it is only by looking that one knows one has got a sword in him, and you don't know whether you are standing on your feet or on your knee bones, and feel as if your legs don't belong to you, but are the property of some poor chap who has been killed twenty-five hours before. Ock, it was a terrible time, and a captain's pay is too small for it, if it was not for the diversion of his grimage now and then. How about an ensign's pay? Ryan laughed. I think that on such work as we have had, O'Grady, the pay of all the officers from the Colonel down ought to be put together and equally divided. I cannot say whether I shall approve of the plan, Ryan, until I have made an intricate calculation, which, now I am comfortable at last, would be a sin and a shame to ask me brain to go through. But as my present idea is that I should be a loser, I may say that your scheme is a bad one, and not to say grossly disrespectful to the Colonel, to put his value down as only equal to that of a slip of a lad like yourself. Boys nowadays have no respect for the superior officers. Then his talent was not sixteen yet. Sixteen three months back, O'Grady, Terence put in. Yes, I don't remember now, but a week or two one way or the other makes no difference. He had his talents, just sixteen, who ought to be in school trying to get a little learning into his head, laying down the law to his superior officers, just because he has had the luck to get onto the Brigadier's staff. I think sometimes that the world is coming to an end.  There, and he says this to a man who's gone through all the fatigues at the rearguard while he's been writing about the country like a gentleman at Hayes. Well, I cannot stop any longer, Terence said. I'm on my way to see how they are getting on with the earthworks, and the journal may want me at any moment. I would not trouble about that, O'Grady said sarcastically. Perhaps he might make a shift to do without you, without detriment to the service. Terence made no reply, but mounting rode off up the hill behind the town. At two o'clock on the sixteenth, a general movement of the French line was observed, and the British infantry, 14,500 strong, drew up in order of battle along the position marked for them. The British were fighting under a serious disadvantage, for not only had sold over 20,000 infantry with very powerful artillery and great strength and cavalry, but owe into their position on the crest, running somewhat obliquely to the higher one occupied by the French, the heavy battery on the rocks to their right raked the whole line of battle. Hope's division was on the British left, Bairds on the right, Frazier's division was on another ridge, some distance from the others, and immediately covering the town of Caruna. And Paget, with his division to which the Mayo regiment was still attached, was posted at the village of Eres, on the height between Hope's division and the harbour, and looking down the valley between the main position and the ridge held by Frazier. From here he could either reinforce Hope and Baird, or advance down the valley to repel any attack of the French cavalry, and cover the retreat to the main body if forced to fall back. The battle commenced by the French opening fire with their field guns, which were distributed along the front of their position, and by the heavy battery on their left, while their infantry descended the mountain in three heavy columns, covered by clouds and skirmishers. The British pickets were once driven in, and the village of Valvina, held by a portion of the 50th, carried. The French column on this side then divided into two portions, one endeavored to turn Baird's right and enter the valley behind the British position, while the other climbed the hill to attack him in front. The second column moved against the British centre, and the third attacked Hope's left, which rested on the village of Palavia Abaxo. The nine English guns were altogether overmatched by those assaults' heavy battery, more seeing that the half column advancing by Baird's flank made no movement to penetrate beyond his right, directed him to throw back one regiment and take the French in flank. Petschett was ordered to advance at the valley, to drive back the French column and menace the French battery, uniting himself with the battalion previously posted on the hill to keep the threatening masses of the French cavalry in check. He also sent word to Frazier to advance at once and support Padgett. Baird launched the 50th and 42nd regiments to meet the enemy issuing from Valvina. The ground round the village was broken by stone walls and hollow roads, but the French were forced back, and the 50th, entering the village with the fleeing enemy, drove them after a struggle beyond the houses. The 42nd, misunderstanding orders, retired towards the hill, and the French, being reinforced again, attacked Valvina, which the 50th held stubbornly until again joined by the 42nd, which had been sent forward by Moore himself. Padgett was now engaged in the valley, the advance of the enemy was arrested, and they suffered very heavily from the fire of the regiments on the height above their flank, while Padgett steadily gained ground. The center and left were now hotly engaged, but held the ground against all the attacks of the enemy, and on the extreme left advanced and drove the French out of the village of Palavia Abaxo, which they had occupied. Valvina was now firmly held, while Padgett carried all before him on the right, and, with Frazier's division behind him, menaced the great French battery. Had this been carried, the two divisions could have swept along the French position, crumpling up the forces as they went, and driving them down towards the river Moro, in which case they would have been lost. Owing, however, to the battle having been begun at so late an hour, darkness now fell. The general himself, while watching the contest at Valvina, had been struck by a cannonball and mortally wounded. General Barrett had also been struck down. This loss of commanders, combined with the darkness, to arrest the progress of the victorious troops, and permitted the French, who were already falling back in great confusion, to recover themselves and maintain their position. The object for which the battle had been fought was gained. Night, which had saved the French from total defeat, afforded the British the opportunity of extricating themselves from their position. A general hope, who now assumed new command, ordered the troops to abandon their positions and to march down to the port, leaving strong pickets with fires burning to deceive the enemy. All the arrangements for embarkation had been carefully arranged by Sir John Moore, and without the least hitch or confusion, the troops marched down to the port, and before morning, all were on board with the exception of a rear guard, under General Beersford, which occupied the citadel. At daybreak, the pickets were withdrawn and also embarked, and a force under General Hill, that had been stationed on the ramparts to cover the movement, then marched down to the citadel, and there took bows for the ships. By this time, however, the French, having discovered that the British position was abandoned, had planted a battery on the heights of San Lucia and opened fire on the shipping. This caused much confusion among the transports. Several of the masters cut their cables, and four vessels ran ashore. The troops, however, were taken on board of other transports by the boats of the men of war. The stranded ships were fired, and the fleet got safely out of harbor. The noble commander, by whose energy, resolution, and talent this wonderful march had been achieved, lived only long enough to know that the soldiers were victorious, and was buried the same night on the ramparts. His memory was, for a time, assailed with floods of abuse by that portion of the press and public that had all along vilified the action of the British General, had swallowed eagerly every lie promulgated by the junta of El Porto, and by the whole of the Spanish authorities. But in time, his extraordinary merits came to be recognized to their full value, and his name will long live as one of the noblest men and best generals Great Britain has ever produced. Beersford held the citadel until the 18th, and then, embarked with his troops and all the wounded, the people of Caruna, remaining true to their promises, manned the ramparts of the town until the last British soldier was on board. The British loss in the battle was estimated at 800 men, though the French was put down at 3,000. Their greater loss was due to the fact that they assumed the offensive, and were much more exposed than the defenders, that the nine little guns of the latter were enabled to sweet them with grape, while the British were so far away from the French batteries that the latter were obliged to fire a round shot. And lastly, that the new muskets and fresh ammunition gave a great advantage to the British over the rusty muskets and often damaged powder of the French. Padgett's division had suffered but lightly, the main loss of the English having occurred in and around Alvina, and from the shot of the heavy battery that swept the crest held by them. Two officers killed and four wounded were the only casualties in that division, while but thirty of the rank and file were put out of action. End of Chapter 10 Recording by Charles Sapp Chapter 11 of With More at Caruna by G. A. Henty This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Charles Sapp With More at Caruna by G. A. Henty Chapter 11 In Escape While the battle was at its height, Terras was dispatched by the Brigadier to carry an order to one of the regiments that had pushed too far forward in his ardor. Scrambling over rough ground and occasionally leaping a wall, he reached the colonel. The general requests you to fall back a little, sir.  The enemy are pushing a force down the hill in your direction, and as there is no support that can be sent to you at present, he wishes your extreme right to be in touch with the left of the regiment holding Alvina. Very good. Tell General Fein that I will carry out his instructions. Where is he now? He's in the village, sir. Terras turned his horse to ride back. The din of battle was almost bewildering. A desperate conflict was going on in front of the village, where every wall was obstinately contested, the regiment being hotly engaged with a French force that was rapidly increasing in strength. The great French battery was sending its missiles far overhead against the British position on the hill. The British guns were playing on the French troops beyond the village, and the French light field pieces were pouring their fire into Alvina. Terras made his way across the broken ground near the village. Galloping at a low stone wall, the horse was in the act of rising to clear it when it was struck in the head by a round shot.  The shock was a terrible one, and for many hours he lay insensible. When he recovered consciousness, he remained for some time wondering vaguely where he was. Above him was a canopy of foliage, through which the raids of the sun were streaming. A dead silence had succeeded the war or battle.  Yes, of course, he said to himself at last, I was carrying a message to Fane. I was just going to jump a wall, and there was a sudden crash. I remember I flew out of the saddle. That is all I do remember. I have been stunned, I suppose. How is it so quiet? I suppose the battle is over. Then he sat suddenly upright. The sun is shining, he said. It was getting dusk when I was riding back to the village. I must have lain here all night. Suddenly he heard a gun fired. It was quickly followed by others. He rose on his knees and looked cautiously over the bushes. It is the way there, he said, on those heights above the harbour. The army must have embarked, and the French are firing at the ships. His conjecture was speedily verified. For, looking along the crest, which the British had held during the fight, he saw a large body of French troops just reaching the top of the rise. He stood up now and looked round. No one could be seen moving in the orchards and vineyards round. He peered over the wall. His horse lay there in a huddled up heap. A round shot in the head, he exclaimed. That accounts for it. Poor old Jack. He has carried me well ever since I got him at Portas Vigis. He climbed down and got what he was in search of, a large flat full of brandy and water, which he carried in one of the holsters. He took a long drink and felt better at once. I may as well take the pistols, he said, and putting them into his belt climbed over the wall again and lay him on the bushes. He was now able to think clearly. Should he get up and surrender himself as a prisoner to the first body of French troops that he came across? Or should he lie where he was until nightfall, and then try to get away? If he surrendered, there was before him a march of over seven or eight hundred miles to a French prison. If he tried to get away, no doubt that there were many heartchains and dangers, but at least a possibility of rejoining sooner or later. At any rate, he would be no worse off than the many hundreds who had struggled during the march, where it was probable that the great majority of these were spread over the country, as the French, pressing forward in pursuit, would not have troubled themselves to hunt down fugitives, who, if caught, would only be an encumbrance to them. He was better off than they were, for at any rate he could make himself understood, which was more than the majority of the soldiers could do, and at least he would not provoke the animosity of the peasants by the rough measures they would be likely to take to satisfy their wants. The worst of it was that he had no money, then suddenly he sat up again and looked at his feet. This is what he exclaimed. I had never given the thing a thought before. On his arrival at Caruna, he had thrown away the riding boots he had bought at Salamanca. The constant rains had so shrunk them that he could no longer wear them without pain, and he had taken again to the boots that he carried in his valise. For the time when, at his father's suggestion, he had had extra souls placed on them, above which were hidden fifteen guineas. The fact of the money being there had never once occurred to him. He had had sufficient cash about him to pay for purchases in Salamanca and on the road, and indeed had five guineas still in his pocket, though he had drawn no pay for the time of leaving toward his vedras. The discovery decided him. With twenty guineas he could pay his way for months, and he determined to make the attempt to escape. The firing continued for some time and then ceased. The fleet must have got out, he said to himself. It is certain that the French have not taken Caruna. We were getting the best of it up to the time I was hurt, and it would be dark in another half hour, and there could be no fighting on ground as this after that. Besides, Caruna is a strong fortress, and we could have held out there for weeks, for Sult can have no battering train with him. Besides, everything was ready for embarkation, and I know that it was intended, whether we won or lost, that the troops should go on board in the night. As he lay there he could occasionally hear the sounds of drums and trumpets, as the troops marched from their positions of the night before to take up others nearer to the town. At time he heard voices, and knew that they were searching for wooded over the ground that had been so desperately contested, but the spot where he was laying lay between the village and the ground where the regiment he had gone to order back had been engaged with the enemy, and as no fighting had taken place there, it was unlikely that the search parties would go over it. This, indeed, proved to be the case. And after a time he fell off to sleep, and did not wake until night was closing in.  He unbuckled his sword and left it behind him. He had his pistols, and a sword would only be an encumbrance. As soon as it became quite dark, he made his way cautiously down the valley, past the spot where the French column had suffered so heavily, and then, turning to the left, traversed the narrow plain that divided the position on which the French heavy battery had been placed, and the plateau on which their cavalry had been massed. Numerous fires blazed in the wide valley behind, where the reserve had been stationed on the previous morning, and he doubted not that the French cavalry were there, especially as he found no signs of life on the plateau above. Coming presently on a small stream, he bathed his head for a considerable time and then proceeded on his way, feeling much brighter and fresher than he had done before. The ground began to ascend more steeply, and after an hour's walking he stood on the crest of the hill and looked down on the position that the French had held, and beyond it on Caruna and the sea. The cold was extreme. He had brought with him his great coat and blanket, and, wrapping himself in these, laid down in a sheltered position and slept again till morning broke. His head was now better, and he was able to think more clearly than he could the day before. The first thing was to decide as to his course. It would be dangerous to make direct for the frontier of Portugal. Now that the British army had embarked, Solt would be free to undertake operations in that country, and would doubtless shortly put his troops in motion in that direction, and his cavalry would be scattering all over the province collecting provisions. Moreover, there would be the terrible range of the trust of Montes to pass, and no certainty whatever of being well received by the Portuguese peasants north of Porto. His constant study of the staff maps was now of great assistance to him. He determined to turn west until he reached the river Minho, some distance below Lugo, which he could do by skirting the top of the hills. He would therefore strike it somewhere about the point where the river Sil joined it, and following this would find himself at the foot of the Cantabrian hills, dividing the Asturas from Leon. Then he could be guided by circumstances, and could either cross these mountains and make for a seaport, or could journey down through Leon to Ciadad Rodrigo, which was still held by a Spanish garrison, and from there make his way through Portugal to Lisbon. He questioned whether it would be wise for him to attempt to get the dress of a Spanish peasant instead of his uniform. But he finally decided that until he was beyond any risk of being captured by parties from either salt or nays armies, it would be better to continue wearing uniform. If taken in that dress, it would be seen that he was a straggler for Moore's army, and he would be simply treated as a prisoner of war. While, if taken in the dress of a peasant, he would be liable to be treated as a spy and shot. Having made up his mind, he started at once, and in three hours was at the foot of the hills on the other side of which ran the load from Lugo to Garuna, which proved so disastrous to the army. He presently arrived at a small hamlet, and the children in the streets ran shrieking away as they saw him. Women appeared at the doors and looked out anxiously. They had not before seen a British uniform, and at once supposed that he was French. Seeing that he was alone, several men armed with clubs and picks came out. I am an English officer, he said, and I desire food and shelter for a few hours. I have money to pay for it. The peasants at once came round him. Confused accounts had reached them of the doings on the other side of the hills. They knew that an English army had marched from Lugo to Garuna, hotly pursued by the French, but they had heard nothing of what had happened afterwards. They eagerly asked for news. Terrorists told them that there had been a great battle outside of Garuna, that the French had been repulsed with much loss, and that the English had embarked on board ships to take them round to Lisbon, there to march east to meet the French again. Nothing could be kinder than the treatment he received. They told him that Ney's army was between the Sil and Lugo, but that no French troops had crossed the Minho as yet. They were eager to know why the English, if they had beaten the French, sailed away. But when he said that Salt would have been joined by Ney in a couple of days, and would then be well nigh double the strength of the British, who would be so hotly pressed, that they would be unable to embark, the peasants saw that what they considered their desertion could not have been avoided. The news of the terrible defeats that had, a month before, been inflicted upon their armies had not reached them, and terrorists did not think it necessary to enlighten them. He told them that the march north of the English had been intended to bring all the French forces in that direction, and so to enable the Spanish armies to operate successfully, and that not only Salt and Ney, but Napoleon himself had been drawn off from the South and pursued them. They were filled with satisfaction, and he was at once taken into one of the cottages. A good meal was shortly placed before him, his head was carefully bandaged, and he was then asked how it was he had not embarked with the rest of the army. He related how he had been left behind, and then asked them their opinion as to his best course, telling them the plan he himself informed. They agreed at once that this was the wisest one, but that it would be dangerous to try it until Ney's force had moved from his present position. They knew that he had a division at Orense on the Minhole, and that parties of his cavalry had scoured the plain as far as the River Ulla, and urged upon him to remain with them until some news was attained of the movements of the French army. He gladly accepted the invitation, and for a couple of days remained at the Little Hamlet. One of the peasants came in at the end of that time, saying that the French in Caruna had crossed the mountains, and had arrived at Santiago, 20 miles distant, and that their cavalry were scouring the country. He also brought news that Romana was at Tobado, and that he had but two or three thousand men with him, the rest having been routed and cut up by the French cavalry. Terrence at once determined to join him. The fact that he still had some truths with him had no influence in causing him to form this resolution. Romana had been so often defeated that he knew that his men would, after their recent misfortunes, scatter at once before even the weakest French detachment. But Romana himself knew the country well, was a man of great resource and activity, and was likely to evade all efforts to capture him. He thought then that by joining him and sharing his fortunes, he was more likely to have some opportunity of making his way to Lisbon, than he would have if left to his own resources. Especially as he had no doubt that Solte would have once prepared to invade Portugal by occupying all the passes, and thus render it next to impossible to journey there alone and on foot. One of the peasants offered to guide him across the hills into a battle. They started at once, and a daybreak next morning reached the village. As Romana had been several times in personal communication with Sir John Moore, Terrence was acquainted with his appearance, and seeing him standing at the door of the principal house of the village, went up to him and saluted him. The latter looked upon him with great surprise. How have you managed to press through the French? he asked. I have seen none of them, Marquis. I was wounded in the battle of Peruna, and after lying insensible all that night, found, when I recovered in the morning, that the French had advanced and that I was in the rear. I heard their guns from the heights above the town, and knew that our army had gained their transports. I lay concealed all day and then crossed the mountains, and had been resting for two days at a village on the other side of the hills. The news came that you were here, and had decided to join you at once. I was on the staff of General Fane, and knowing the duties of an aide to camp, thought I might make myself useful to you, until there was an opportunity of my rejoining a British force. You are welcome, Sir, Romana said courteously. It was only this morning that we learned from a prisoner that my men took, that you had been driven back before salt before Peruna, and had embarked safely. I was in great fear that your army may have been captured. I see that you have been wounded on the head. It can scarcely be called a womb, I was carrying a message on the battlefield. When I was taking a wall, my horse was struck with a round shot. I was thrown over his head onto a heap of rough stones. It was a marvel to me that I was not killed. I am just going to breakfast, and shall be glad if you would join me. I have no doubt that you would do justice to it. Romana, who commanded the Spanish troops which had escaped from Holland, was the most energetic of the Spanish generals. Defeated often, he was speedily at the head of fresh gatherings, and ready to take the field again. As a partisan chief, he was excellent, but possessed no military talent, and was, like the Spaniards generally, full of grand but utterly impracticable schemes, and, in spite of his experience to the contrary, confident that the Spaniards would overthrow the French. I have been unfortunate, he said, in reply to the inquiry as to how many troops he had with him. At your English general's request, I took a different course with my army to that which he was pursuing, in order that his magazine should be untouched. Across his line of retreat, but unfortunately, Vansesci's cavalry came down upon us, cut up my artillery and infantry, and scattered my force entirely. However, some three thousand have rejoined, and I expect in a short time to be at the head of twenty thousand. I ought to have more, but these Galatian peasants are stubborn fellows. They know nothing of the affairs of Spain, and although they will fight in defence of their own villages, they have no interest in anything beyond, and hang back from joining an army that might operate outside their province. You see, until now, it has been untouched by war. They have suffered in no way from the French extortions and outrages. As soon as they feel the smart themselves, I doubt not that they will be as full of hatred of the invaders as the people are elsewhere, and as ready to take up arms against them. Romano's troops were but a motley gathering. The force that he had brought with him from Holland had been Lennon and Santander, marched from Bilbao and joined Blake's army, and had shared in the crushing defeat suffered by that general, Edespinoza, where most of them were taken prisoners. They were again incorporated in the French army, and afterwards took part in the Russian campaign, and in the retreat, no less than 4,000 of them were taken prisoners by the Russians, and handed over by them to the British transport sent to Kronstadt to fetch them. Romano himself had escaped from the battlefield, and afterwards raised a fresh force. This had dwindled away from 15,000 to 5,000 when he joined more on his advance, and now amounted to barely 2,000 of whom the greater portion had thrown away their arms and their flight. On the following day, Romano, with a small body of cavalry, left to Abado, crossed the Minho, descended into the valley of the Temeiga, and took refuge close to the Portuguese frontier line. Here he was, for a time, safe on the pursuit of the French, the insignificant of his force being his best protection. Solte lost no time. As soon as the English army had left, Krona opened his gates to them, as did Ferrell, although neither of these towns could have been taken without a siege, and Solte must have been delayed until a battering train was brought from Madrid. The magazines of British powder and stores that had been lying for months in Ferrell were invaluable to him. The soldiers were set to work to make fresh cartridges, and then, after six days' halt to give rest to his weary and footzor men, he began to prepare to carry out Napoleon's orders to invade Portugal. Nay, with 20,000 men was to maintain Galatia, and reinforced by a fresh division, Solte was to march direct upon El Porto with 25,000 men, leaving 12,000 in hospital, and 8,000 to keep up the line of communication with Nay. It took some time to complete all the arrangements and to gather the force at St. Jago Compostela, and it was not until the first of February that he was able to move. On the day of his arrival on the frontier, Romana dispatched his tyrants to S. John Craddick, who now commanded the British troops in Portugal, which had been augmented by fresh arrivals from England until their numbers almost equaled that of the force with which S. John Moore marched into Spain. Romana asked that the arms and money should be sent to him, promising to harass the French advance and cut their communications from the rear. Tyrants gladly consented to carry his dispatch. He was furnished with one of the best horses in the troop, and it once started on his journey. It was a long and harassing one. Many ranges of mountains and hills had to be crossed by roads difficult in the extreme at the best of times, but almost impassable in winter. Three times he was seized by parties of Portuguese militia and raw levies, but was released on convincing their leaders that he was the bearer of a communication to the English general. The distance to be traveled was, in a direct line, over 230 miles. This was greatly increased by the securitist nature of the route through the mountainous country, so that it took nine days, and would have much succeeded this time had Tyrants not found the British force at Cumbra had there exchanged his worn-out animal for a fresh one, placed at his disposal by the officer in command. Craddick was experiencing exactly the same difficulties that Moore had done. The Spanish and Portuguese authorities united in pressing him to the advance, the former urging upon him that his presence would be the signal for the Spanish armies in the south to unite, and entirely overthrow the French while the latter were desirous that he should march to Ciudad Rodrigo, defeat the French at Salamanca, and so protect Portugal from invasion from that side. That Portugal might be attacked from the north and south simultaneously by Soult and Victor did not enter into their calculations, but while urging in advance the junta would take no steps whatever to enable the army to move, they would neither afford him facilities for collecting transport, nor order the rows that he would have to traverse to be put in order, and thwarted all his efforts to raise a strong force among the Portuguese. There was indeed some improvement in the latter respect. At their own request Lord Beersford had been sent out from England to take the command of the Portuguese armies, and as he had brought many British officers with him some 20,000 men had been armed and drilled, and could be reckoned upon to do some service. If employed with British troops to give them backbone, the Portuguese peasantry were strong and robust, and by nature courageous, and they did only the discipline that they could not receive from their own officers, to turn them into valuable troops. According to the law of the country, every man was liable for service, and had the corral junta been dismissed, and the full power been given to the British, an army of 250,000 men might have been placed in the field for the defense of the country, with a proper supply of arms and money. But so far from assisting, the junta threw every possible impediment in the way. They feared that any real national effort, if successful, would get altogether beyond their control, and that they would lose the power that enabled them to enrich themselves at the expense of the people. Not only that, but they were engaged in a struggle for supremacy with the junta of Porto, which was striving by every legal means to render itself the supreme authority of the whole of Portugal. Paris had hoped that when he arrived at Lisbon, he should meet the army he had left at Coruna, for Sir John Moore's instructions had been precise that the fleet was to go thither. These instructions, however, had been disobeyed, and the fleet had sailed direct for England. It had on the way encountered a great storm, which had scattered it in all directions. Several of the ships were wrecked on the coast of England, and the army which would have been of inestimable service at Lisbon, now served only by the tattered garments and emaciated frames of the soldiers to excite a burst of misplaced ignitation against the memory of the general whose genius had saved it from destruction. On arriving at headquarters and stating his errand, Paris was at once admitted to the room where Sir John Craddock was at work. I am told, Sir, that you are a bearer of a dispatch from the Spanish general Romana. Before I open it, we'll explain how it was that you came to be with him. Terrence gave a brief account of the manner in which, after being left behind on the field of Coruna, he had succeeded in joining Romana, which had at first been severe, softened as he proceeded. That is altogether satisfactory, Mr. O'Connor, he said. I feared that you might have been one of the stragglers among whom I fear were many officers, as well as thousands of men belonging to Sir John Moore's army. Received news of his glorious fight at Coruna and the embarkation of his army by a ship that arrived here but three days since from that port. Have you heard of the death of that noble soldier himself? No, sir, Terrence replied, much shocked at the news. That is a terrible loss indeed. He was greatly loved by the army. He saw into every matter himself, was with the rearguard all through the retreat and labored night and day to maintain order and discipline, and it was assuredly no fault of his if he failed. What's your own regiment in the rearguard? Yes, sir, it had the honour of being specially chosen by Sir John Moore for his steadiness and good conduct. I was not with it, but was one of the Brigadier General Fane's aid to camp.  Sir John Craddock nodded and then opened Romanus dispatch. He raised his eyebrows slightly. He had been accustomed to such appeals for arms and money, and knew how valueless were the promises that accompanied them. What force has General Romana with him? Some two hundred cavalry and three or four thousand peasants, a lot of quarrel of whom only are armed. He says that he expects to be joined by twenty thousand men in a few days. Have you any means of judging whether the statement is well founded? That I cannot say. General Romana seems to me to be a man of greater energy than any Spaniard I have hitherto met, and I know that he has already sent messages to the priests throughout that part of Galatia, urging upon the necessity of using their influence among the peasantry. He got a force together in a very short time, after the complete defeat and capture of his own command by the French, at the time of Lake's defeat. And I think that he might do so again, though whether they would be of any use whatever in the field I cannot say. But should Soult advance into Portugal, I should think that bands of this sort might very much harass him. No doubt they might do so. I will see, yet any rate, if I can obtain some money from the political agents. I have next nothing in my military chest, and our forces are at a standstill for the want of it. But that does not seem to matter. While our troops are ill-fed, ragged, almost shoeless, and unpaid, every Spanish of Portuguese rascal who holds out his hand can get it filled with gold. As to our arms, they are in the first place wanted for the purpose of the Portuguese militia, who are likely to be a good deal more useful than these irregular bands, and in the second place there are no means whatever of conveying even a hundred muskets, let alone the ten thousand that Romana is good enough to ask for. By the way, are you aware whether Sir John Moore intended the army to sail to England? Certainly not, sir. I know that up to the moment the battle began, the preparation for the embarkation went on unceasingly, and General Fane told me the night before that we were to be taken here. Whether Sir John May, at the last moment, have countermanded that order I am unable to say. Yes, I know that it was his intention, for I received a letter from him, written after his arrival at Caruna, saying that the embarkation could not be affected without a battle, and that if he be sold he should have once embarked on bringing the troops round here, as Naye's approaching force would render Caruna untenable. Just at present the arrival of twenty thousand tried troops would be invaluable. General Baird will, of course, have succeeded Sir John Moore. General Baird was severely wounded, sir. He had just ridden up to General Fane when he was struck. General Hope would therefore be in command after Sir John Moore was killed. I have heard no particulars of the battle, Sir John said, beyond that it has been fought and salt has been driven back, and that Sir John Moore is killed, and that the army has embarked safely. And do I understand you that it was towards the end of the battle that you were hurt? It was getting dust at that time General, but I cannot say how long fighting went on afterwards. Will you please sit down at the table and give me, as nearly as you can, a sketch of the position of our troops, and those of the French, and then explain to me as far as you may have seen or known the movements of the corps and the course of events? As Terence had the evening before, seen a sketch map on which General Fane had written the names and positions of the British force and those of the French, he was able to draw one closely approximating to it. In ten minutes he got up and handed the sketch to Sir John Craddock. I am afraid it is very rough, sir, he said, but I think that it may give you an idea of the position of the town and the neighboring heights, and the position occupied by our troops. Excellent, Mr. O'Connor. I had the advantage of seeing a sketch map that the Brigadier drew out, sir. Well benefited from it. Now point out to me the various movements, it seems to me that this large French battering must have galled the whole line terribly, but on the other hand, it is itself very exposed. General Fane said, sir, that he thought Sault was likely to be overconfident, our army was in frightful confusion on the retreat from Lugo, and the number of stragglers was enormous. Although many came in the next day, the field stage showed that over two thousand were still absent from the colors. The Brigadier was observing that there was one advantage in this, namely that Sault was opposed that the whole army was disorganized, and might therefore take more liberties than he would otherwise have done, and that at any rate he was likely to rely upon his great force of cavalry on this plateau to cover the battery hill from any attack on his left flank. It was for that purpose that General Padgett posted one of the regiments on this eminence on the right of the valley, which had the effect of completely checking the French cavalry. He then related the incidents of the battle as far as they come under his notice. A very ably thought battle, Sir John Critic said as he followed on the map Terence's account of the movements, Sault apparently miscalculated Sir John's strengths and the fighting powers of his troops. He hurled his whole force directly against the position, specially endeavoring to turn our right, but the force he employed there was altogether insufficient for the purpose. From his position I gather that he would not have known of the existence of Padgett's reserve up the valley, but he must have seen Frasier's division on the hill above Caranto. I suppose he reckoned that this turning movement would shake the British position, throw them into confusion, and enable his direct attack to be successful before Frasier could come to their support. I am very much obliged to you for your description, Mr O'Connor. It is very clear and lucid. I will write a note which you shall take to Mr Villiers, and it is possible that you may get help from him for Romana. I shall be glad if you would die with me here at six o'clock. I am very much obliged to you, General, but I have nothing but the uniform in which I stand, which is, as you see, almost in rags, and stained with mire and blood. I think it is probable that you will have no difficulty in buying a French uniform in the city. So many officers have come out here with the exaggerated ideas of the Malta Transport, and they have had to cut down their wardrobes to a very large extent. He touched the bell. Will you ask Captain Nelson to step in? he said to the clerk who answered. Captain Nelson, he said as one of his staff entered. I want you to take Mr O'Connor under your charge. He has just arrived from the north. It was present at the Battle of Caruna. He was on Brigadier Feng's staff. As at present he is unattached, I shall put him down in orders to Marl as an extra aid to camp on my staff. He will be leaving tomorrow for the northern frontier. I wish you to see if you cannot get him in undress uniform. He belongs to the infantry. I will give you an order on the Paymaster, Mr O'Connor, to honour your draft for any amount you may need. I daresay you earn arrears of pay. Yes, Sir John. I have drawn nothing since we marched from Tortoise Vedras in October. And the Chapter 11. Recording by Charles Sapp. Chapter 12 of With More at Caruna by G. A. Henty. This is the LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Charles Sapp. With More at Caruna by G. A. Henty. Chapter 12. A Dangerous Mission Captain Nelson at once took Terence under his charge. You certainly look as if you wanted a new uniform, he said. You must have had an awfully rough time of it, if only for the sake of policy we ought to get you into a new one as soon as possible, for the very sight of yours would be likely to demoralize the whole division by affording a painful example of what they might expect on a campaign. Terence laughed. I know I look a perfect scarecrow. Do you think that you can find me something? I really don't know what I should have done if I had not had my great coat, for I could never have ventured to walk through the street from the little inn where I put up my horse, if I could not have hidden myself in it. I can fortunately put you in the right way without difficulty. There is a man here who has made a business of buying up uniforms. I believe he sends most of them to England, where they would certainly fetch a good deal more than he gave for them. But I know that he keys a stock by him, for there is a constant demand. The work out in the country here does for a uniform in no time, and many men who, before marching for the frontier, part of with all their extra kit for a song, are glad enough to write to him for a fresh outfit at three times the price he gave them two or three months before. I wonder they don't send their surplus outfit back to England direct, Terence said. Well, you see, there is the risk of the things being lost or stolen on the way home, or being ruined by damp before they are wanted again. Besides, a man thinks there is no saying whether he shall ever want them again, or how long the war will last, and is glad to take anything he can to save himself and he bother about them. Terence was fortunate in being able to buy an undressed uniform with facing similar to those of his own regiment, and to lay in a stock of underclothes at a very much lower price than he could have purchased them for even at home. Before leaving the shop, he put on his new uniform and left the old one to be thrown away. Now, Captain Nelson said when they let the shop, it is just our lunch time. You must come with me and tell us all about your wonderful march and the fight at the end of it. I was going down to see about my horse. Oh, that is right! I sent out an orderly to bring him up to our stables. There, this is where we mess, he said stopping before a hotel. We find it much more comfortable than having it in a room at headquarters. Besides, one gets away from duty here. Of course, the chief knows where we are and can send for us if we are wanted, but one gets off being sent to do a lot of office work in the evening, and we find ourselves much more free and comfortable when we haven't got two or three of the big wigs of the staff. So they have a little mess of their own there, and we have a room kept for ourselves here. There were more than a dozen officers assembled when the two entered the room, where Mia was laid, where Captain Nelson had looked into the hotel for a moment on their way to the tailors to tell his companions who Terence was, and to say that he should bring him to lunch. They had told some of their acquaintances. Terence was introduced all round, and as soon as the first course was taken off the table, he was asked many questions as to the march and battle. And by the time when, an hour later, the party broke up, they had learned the leading incidents of the campaign. You may guess how anxious we were here, one of them said, when Moore's last dispatch from Salamanca arrived, saying that he intended to advance, and stated his reasons. Then there was a long silence, all sorts of rumors reached us. Some said that, aided by a great Spanish army, he had overthrown Napoleon and had entered Madrid. Others again, stated that his army had been crushed, and he with the survivors were prisoners, and were on their way to the frontier. In fact, we had no certain news until three days ago, when we heard of the battle, his death, and the embarkation of the army, and his sailing for England. The last was a terrible blunder. Only a temporary one, I should think, Captain Nelson said. From Mr O'Connor's account of the state of the army, I should think that it is just as well that they should have gone home to attain an entirely new rig out. There would be no means of fitting them out here. A fortnight ought to be enough to set them up in all respects, and as we certainly shall not be able to march for another month. For another three months, you mean, Nelson? Well, perhaps for another three months, the delay will not matter materially. It won't matter at all, if the French obliged us by keeping perfectly quiet, but assault ministers Portugal with invasion for the north, lapis from the centre, and victor from the south, we may have to defend ourselves here in Lisbon before six weeks are out. Personally, I should not be sorry, another said. If so, those invade the north and capture Zoporto, hangs the bishop and all the junta, it would be worth ten thousand men to us, for they are continually at mischief, they do nothing themselves, and thwart all our efforts. They are worse than the junta here, if that is possible, and they have excited the peasants so much against us that they desert in thousands as fast as they are collected, while the population here hate us. I believe quite as much as they hate the French, but why they should do so heaven knows, when we have spent more money in Portugal than the whole country contained before we came here. After the party had broken up, Captain Nelson took Terence to Mr. Villiers, who, on reading the General's letter and hearing from Terence how Romana was situated, and once said that he would hand over to him twenty thousand dollars to take the Spanish General. How am I to carry it, sir? It would be of considerable weight, if it is in silver. I will obtain for you four good meals, Mr. Villiers said, and an escort of twelve Portuguese cavalry under an officer. May I ask, sir, that the money shall be packed in ammunition boxes, and that no one except the officer shall know that these contain anything but ammunition? You have no great faith in Portuguese honesty, Mr. O'Connor! As to their honesty as a general thing, I express no opinion, Terence unbluntly. As to the honesty of their political partisans, I have not a shadow belief. Moreover, there is no love lost between them and the Spaniards, and though possibly money for any of the Portuguese leaders might be allowed to pass untouched by others, and even of this I have great doubt. I feel convinced that none of them will allow it to go out of the country for the use of the Spaniards, if they could lay hold of it, by the way. Those being your sentiments, sir, I think that it is a pity the duty is not interested to some officer of brother views. I doubt whether you would find one, sir, especially if he has, like myself, been three or four months in the country. I have simply accepted the duty and not sought it, and should gladly be removed of it. General Romana sent me here with a dispatch, and it is my duty, unless General Craddock chooses another messenger to carry back the reply, and anything else with which I may be entrusted. I have for the past three months been incessantly engaged on arduous and fatiguing duty. I have written for the last nine days by some of the worst roads to be found in any part of the world, I should say, and have before me the same journey. Besides, if I receive the general's orders to that effect, I may have to stay with the Spanish general, and in that case shall, I am sure, be constantly upon the move, and that among wild mountains, if this treasure is handed over to me, I shall certainly do my best to take it safely and to defend it if necessary with my life, but is this surely a duty of which I would gladly be relieved? But that, sir, it seems to me, is a question solely for the commander-in-chief. Mr. Villiers gazed in angry surprise at the young ensign, then thinking perhaps that he would put himself in the wrong, and as his interferences in military matters with Sir John Craddock had not met with the success he had desired for them, he checked the words that rose to his lips and said shortly, the convoy will be ready to start from the treasury at daybreak tomorrow. I shall be there, if so commanded by General Craddock. As soon as they had left the house, Captain Nelson burst into a shadow laughter.  I would not have missed that for twenty pounds, O'Connor. It is the first bit of real movement I have had since I landed, to see Villiers, who regards himself as the greatest man in the country, who not only thinks that he regulates every political intrigue in Spain and Portugal, but assumes to give the direction of every military movement also, and tries to dictate to the general on purely military matters, quietly checked by an ensign is the best thing I ever saw. But he has nothing to do with military matters, has he? No more than that mule driver there.  I doubt whether he has ever been correct in a single statement that he has made, and am quite sure that every prophecy he has ventured upon has been falsified. Every negotiation he has entered into has failed, and every report sent home to government is useful only if it is assumed to be wrong in every particular, and yet the man is so puffed up with pride and arrogance that he is well-nigh insupportable. The Spaniards have fooled him to the top of his bend. It has paid them to do so. Through his representations, the Ministry at home have distributed millions among them. Arms enough have been sent to furnish nearly every able-bodied man in Spain, and harm rather than good has come of it. Still, he is a very great man, and our generals are obliged to treat him with the greatest civility, and to pretend to give grave consideration to the plans that, if they emanated from any other man, would be considered as proofs that he was only fit for a madhouse, and to see you looking calmly in his face and announcing your views of the Spanish and Portuguese was delightful. And Catherine Nelson again burst into laughter at the recollection. Terrace joined in a laugh. I had no intention of offending him, he said. Of course I have often heard how he was pressing General Moore to march into Spain and promising that he should be meant by immense armies that were eager and ready to drive the French out of that country, and were only waiting for his coming to set about doing so. I know that the Brigadier and his staff used to talk about what they called Villiers Phantom Armies, but as I only said what everyone says, who has been in Spain, it never struck me that I was likely to give him serious offence. And if you had thought so, I don't suppose it would have made any difference, O'Connor. I don't suppose it would, Terrace admitted, and perhaps it will do him good to hear a straightforward opinion for once. It will certainly do him no harm. Now, you would better tell the Chief that you were to have the money.  Certainly, he has no reason to have a higher opinion of the Portuguese than you have. I will go back with you, Captain Nelson, but as you were present, will you kindly tell the General? I don't like bothering him. Certainly, if you wish it. On arriving at headquarters, Terrace sat down in the anti-room and took up an English paper, as he had heard no home news for the last three months. Personally, Captain Nelson came out from the General's room and beckoned him. He followed him in. Four or five officers of rank were with the General, and all were looking greatly amused when he entered. So you have succeeded in obtaining money for Romana, the General said. Yes, sir, there is no difficulty about it. Mr. Villiers asked me a few questions as to the situation on the frontier, and it once said that I should have five thousand pounds to take him. Captain Nelson tells us that you were unwise enough to express an opinion as to the honesty of the Portuguese escort that he proposed to send with you. I said what I thought, General, and had no idea that Mr. Villiers would take it as an offense, as he seemed to. Well, he has his own notions on these things, you see, the General said dryly, and they do not exactly coincide with our experience. But then Mr. Villiers claims to understand these people more thoroughly than we can do. Terrence was silent for a moment. I only went by what I had seen, you know, he said after a pause, and certainly had no intention of angering Mr. Villiers. But it seemed to me that, as I was responsible for taking this money to Romana, it was my duty to suggest a precaution that appeared to me necessary. Quite right, quite right! And it is just as well, perhaps, that Mr. Villiers should occasionally hear the opinions of officers of the army frankly express. Certainly, I think that the precaution you suggested was a wise one, and if Mr. Villiers does not do so, I will see that it's carried out. I have asked Captain Nelson to go with you, taking the treasure to the barracks, and see that the money is taken out of the cases and repackaged in ammunition boxes. It would be unwise and extreme to tempt the cupidity of any wandering parties that you might fall in with by the sight of the treasure cases. Your suggestion quite justifies the opinion that I informed you from the brief narrative that you gave me of the Battle of Caruna. For present gentlemen, I have appointed Mr. O'Connor as an extra aide to camp on my staff. He served in that capacity with Brigadier General Fane from the time that the troops marched from here, which is in itself a guarantee that he must, in the opinion of that general, be thoroughly fit for the work. I think, Mr. O'Connor, that going as you will as an officer of my staff, it is best that you should be accompanied by a couple of troopers, and I've just spoken to Colonel Gibbons, who had detached two of his best men for that service. In addition to your being in charge of the treasure, you will also carry a dispatch from myself to General Omana, with suggestions as to his cooperation in harassing the advance of the French. I will not detain you further now. Don't forget the dinner hour. A large party sat down to table. There were the officers Terrence had seen there in the afternoon, and several colonels and heads of departments of the army. And Terrence, although not shy by nature, felt a good deal of embarrassment as soon as the meal was concluded, several masts were, by the general's orders, placed upon the table, and he was asked to give as full an account as he was able of the events that had happened from the time General Maher marched with his army from Salamanca, and so cut himself off from all communication. It was well that Terrence had paid great attention to the conversations between General Fane and the officers of the brigade staff, had studied the masts, and had made himself, as far as he could, master the details of the movements of the various divisions, and had gathered from Fane's remarks, fair knowledge of General Maher's objects and intentions. Therefore, when he had overcome his first embarrassment, he was able to give a clear and lucid account of the campaign and of the difficulties that Maher had encountered and overcome in the course of his retreat. The officers followed his account upon the maps, asked occasional questions, and showed great interest in his description of the battle. When he had done, Sir John Craddock said, I am sure, gentlemen, that you will all agree with me that Mr O'Connor has given us a singularly clear and lucid account of the operations of the army, and that it is most credible that so young an officer should have posted himself up so thoroughly, not only in the details of the work of his own brigade, but in the general plans of the campaign and the movements of the various divisions of the army. There were also hearty compliments from all the officers as they rose from the table. I doubt indeed, Sir John, one of them said, whether we should ever have got so clear an account, as that he is given from the official dispatches. I own that I, for one, have never fully understood what seemed a hopeless incursion into the enemy's country, and I cannot too much admire the daring of his conception. As due to success which has attended it, there can be no doubt, for we are completely paralysed to the march of the French armies, and it is given ample time for the certain provinces of Spain to place themselves in a position of defence. If they have not taken advantage of the breeding times so given them, it is their fault, and no way detracts from the shivilless enterprise or more. No indeed, Sir John agreed. The conception was truly an heroic one, and one that required no less sacrifice than daring. There are few generals who would venture on in advance when certain that it must be followed by a retreat, and that at best he could but hope to escape from a terrible disaster. It is true that he gained a victory which, under the circumstances, was the most glorious one, but this was the effect of accident rather than design. Had the fleet been in Corona when he arrived, he would embarked at once, and in that case would have been attacked with ferocity by politicians at home, and would have been accused of sacrificing a portion of his army on an enterprise that everyone could have seen was ordained to be a failure before commenced. Did you know General Fein personally before you were appointed to his staff? No general. He commanded the brigade of which my regiment formed part, and of course I knew him by sight, but I have never had the honor of exchanging a word with him. Then may I ask why you were appointed to his staff, Mr. O'Connor? Terrence hesitated. There was nothing he disliked more than the talking of what he himself had done. It was sort of an accident, General. How an accident, Mr. O'Connor? Your conduct must have attracted his attention in some way. It was an accident, sir, Terrence said reluctantly. That General Fein happened to be on board Sir Arthur Wellesley's ship at Vigo, when my Colonel went there to make a report of some circumstances that occurred on the voyage. Well, what were these circumstances, the general asked?  Surely you must be able to tell what those circumstances were that so interested General Fein that he selected you to fill a vacancy on his staff? Terrence felt that there was no escape, and related as briefly as he could the account of the engagement with the two privateers, another narrow escape on being captured by a French frigate. That is a capital account, Mr. O'Connor, Sir John Craddick said smiling, as he brought it to a conclusion, but so far I failed to see your particular share of the matter. My share was very small, sir. I think I can fill out the facts that Mr. O'Connor's modesty had prevented him from stating, one of the officers said. It happened that before we sailed from Ireland six weeks ago, an officer of the Mayo fusiliers who had been invalid in home in consequence of a wound died at our mess, and he told the story very much as Mr. O'Connor has told it, but he added the details that Mr. O'Connor has omitted. Restated that really the escape of the wing of the regiment was entirely due to an ensign who had recently joined, a son of one of the captains of the regiment. He said that in the first place, when the cannon were found to be so honey-cold with rust that it would have been madness to attempt to fire them, this officer suggested that they should be bound round with rope, just like the handle of a cricket bat. This suggestion was adopted, and they were therefore able to pour in the broadside that crippled the lugger and brought her sails down, leaving her helpless under the musketary fire of the troops. In the second place, when the ship was being pounded by the other privateer without being able to make any reply, and must shortly have either sunk or surrendered, this young officer suggested to one of the captains that the lugger, lying helpless alongside, should be boarded and her guns turned on the break, a suggestion that led not only to the saving of the ship, but the capture of the break itself. Lastly, when the French frigate Hove incite, the troops were transferred to the two prizes and were about to make off, in which case one of them would almost certainly have been captured. He suggested that they should hoist French colors and that boats would be set to work to transport some of the stores from the ship to the privateers. This suggested was adopted, with the result that on the frigate approaching and seeing, as was supposed, two French privateers engaged and rifling a prize, she continued on her way without troubling herself about them. Sir Arthur Wellesley issued a most laudatory notice of Mr O'Connor's conduct in general orders. Most of those present remembered seeing the order, now that it was mentioned, and the general, turning to Terrence, who was coloring scarlet with embarrassment and confusion, said kindly, You see, we have got it after all, Mr O'Connor, and glad that it came from another source, for I do not suppose that we should have got all the facts from you, even by cross questioning. You may think, and I have no doubt that you do think, that you receive more credit than you deserve for what you consider were merely ideas that struck you at the moment, but such is not my opinion, nor that I am sure of the other officers present. The story which we have just heard of you and the accounts that you have given of the campaign afford great promise, I may almost say a certainty of your attaining, if you are spared, high eminence in your profession. Your narrative showed that you are painstaking, accurate, and intelligent, the facts that we have just heard prove you to be exceptionally quick in conceiving ideas, cool in action, and able to think of the right thing at the right time, all qualities that are requisite who are a great commander. I worthy congratulate you that at the very commencement of your career, you should have had the opportunity afforded you for showing that you possess these qualities, and of gaining the warm approbation of men very much older than yourself, and all of wide experience in their profession. I am sorry now that you were starting tomorrow on what I cannot be considered a useless, as well as a somewhat dangerous undertaking. I should have been glad to have utilized your services at once, and only hoped that you will ere long rejoin us. So saying he rose, the hour was late, for Terrence's description of the campaign and battle had necessarily been a long one, and the party at once broke up, all the officers present shaking the lad warmly by the hand. You are lucky fellow O'Connor, Captain Nelson said as he accompanied him to his room, in which a second bed had been set up for the young ensign's accommodation. You will certainly get on after this, there were a dozen colonels and two generals of the brigade among the party, and I fancy that there is not one of them that will not bear you in mind, and say a good word for you if opportunity occurs, and Sir John himself is sure to push you on. I should say that not an officer of your rank in the army has such good chances, and you look such a lad too. You did not show it so much when you first arrived, of course you were fagged and travelstained then, but now I should not take you for more than seventeen. Indeed, I suppose you are not, as you only joined the service six months ago. No, I am not more than seventeen, Terence said quietly, not thinking it necessary to state that he wanted a good many months yet to that age, for to do so would provoke questions as to how he attained his commission before he was sixteen. But you see, I have had a good many advantages. I was brought up in a barracks, and I suppose that sharpens one's wits a bit. When I was quite a young boy, I used to be a good deal with the junior officers. Of course, that made me older in my ideas, and I should have been if I had always associated with boys of my own age. Still, it has been all luck, and though Sir John was kind enough to speak very warmly about it, I really can't see that I have done anything out of the way. Luck comes to a good many fellows, O'Connor, but it's not everyone who has the quickness to make the most of the opportunity. You may say that they are only ideas, but you see, you had three valuable ideas, and none of your brother officers had them, and you cannot deny that your brains worked more quickly than those of the others. Well, we might as well turn it once, as we have all got to be up before daylight. I am very glad that Sir John has given you a couple of troopers, and it will make you feel a good deal more comfortable anyhow, even if you don't get into any adventure where their aid may be of vital importance. It will indeed. Alone I should have very little influence with the Portuguese Guard. These might be perfectly honest themselves, but they might not be at all disposed to risk their lives by offering any opposition to any band that might demand the ammunition they would believe were in the cases. I was twice stopped by bands of scantily armed peasants on my way down, and although they released me on seeing the letter that I carried to the general, it was evident that they felt little goodwill towards us, and had I anything about me worth taking, my chance of reaching Lisbon would have been very small. The junta of a porto has spared no pains in spreading all sorts of atrocious lights against us, ever since the escort of the French prisoners interfered to save them from the fury of the populace. Though perhaps the peasants in this part of the country still feel grateful to us for having delivered them from the exactions of the French. In the north, where no French soldier has set foot, they have been taught to regard us as enemies to be dreaded as much as a French. Up to the present time, all the orders for the raising of levies have been disregarded north of the duro, and though great quantities of arms have been sent up to a porto, I doubt whether a single musket has been distributed by the junta. That fellow for years, the general of what they call their army, is as bad as any of them. I hope that as soon as he comes down to the passes, he will teach the fellow and his patrons a wholesome lesson. And do you think that the troops here will march north to defend a porto? I should hardly think that there is a chance where our force to do so, Lisbon would be at the mercy of Victor and of the army corps at Salamanca. Cuesta is what he calls watching Victor. He is one of the most obstinate and pigheaded of all the generals. Victor will crush him without difficulty, and could be at Lisbon long before we could get back from a porto. No, Lisbon is the key of the situation. There are very strong positions on the range of hills between the river and the sea at Torres Vedras, which could be held against greatly superior forces. The town itself is protected by strong forts, which have been greatly strengthened since we came. The men of war can come up to the town, aim in its defense, and bring reinforcements, and provisions can be landed at all times. The loss of Lisbon would be a death blow to Portuguese independence, and you may be sure that the ministry at home would eagerly seize the opportunity of abandoning the struggle here altogether. Do you know that at the present moment, while urging Sir John Crack to take the offensive with only 15,000 men against the whole army of France and the peninsula, they have had the folly to send a splendid expedition out from 30,000 to 40,000 good troops to Holland, where they would be powerless to do any good, while their presence here would be simply invaluable? Well, we will not enter upon that subject tonight, but folly in the incapacity of Mr. Caning and his crew is a subject that, once begun, will keep on talking until morning.


I feel like this one is doable. We'll see, we'll see. I got, okay, so for this one, let's go. Did Brandon Marshall play for the Bills? Yeah, right? No, he didn't. Okay, Fitzpatrick, Ryan Fitzpatrick. Yeah, put Ryan Fitzpatrick there. Next one, put Tyrod Taylor for Bills Chargers. This might be the end of my list. O.J. Howard, right? I don't know, sure. I think that's right. I don't know any of these. Oh. No, oh my God. Let's do Bucks, Lions, The Dominicans, Sue. Hall of Fame for the Bucks, Tom Brady. Well, no, he's not in the Hall of Fame yet, so. He's on the Hall of Fame. John Lynch. Nice, wonderful. Hall of Fame for the Chargers. What about with Dany and Tom? Jets, Ed Breed. Chargers and Lions, Kyle Van Noy. Yeah, I don't know. We didn't do awful. That was hard. That's pretty good. I swear to God, O.J. Howard was on the fricking Bills.


A Civilization Six Master shares his tips with you so you can beat the game at the hardest level of play in any victory condition on any size map. These tips will give you exactly what you need to research, when, what units to go after so you have the best chance of beating this game. Let's go. I am the Civilization Six Master, who has beaten the game in every single way, and the tips are, start with science virtue.  Build academies everywhere, because they give you five science for every one, plus one culture as well, once you get that technology. Then you go for purity. Purity nodes will give you battle armor, and that battle suit is the best unit in this game is the cheapest. Also make combat armors. Those rovers, combat rovers become armors, and they have three movement, and together with combat rovers and battle suits, you'll be able to completely dominate the game as a military. Once you've gone through the science tree, go down the industry tree. Industry gives you production, which is very important, so you can build things faster. After you've done production, go a little bit down the combat tree, ignore the growth tree. In terms of technologies, always go for the nodes that give you enhancements to culture, like the bite geist. Make sure you build the bite geist. Any wonder which gives you enhancements to culture will be helpful, because it takes a very long time to go down those culture trees without those enhancements. Always make sure you have a lot of military units, because at the hardest level of play, the computer is very aggressive, and they will be attacking you, so you need to defend, and you can also take over cities. How many cities? You should make four cities, and after four cities, have trade routes between each city, because the intercity trade routes will boost your food and production very much, so you can grow and produce a lot quicker. Take over cities, and for the capitals, annex them. Do not puppet them, because you will want more production control, and you don't want the penalties of puppet cities.  Now, when you reach a lot of military units, you're thinking, let's just conquer everybody, but you're going to lose on the health. The health is very difficult to maintain if you keep conquering other cities, so you need to balance your health, and it's okay to get negative. Go down to negative 9 health, that's okay. Even negative 19 health is okay, because the penalty is not that great. And then you can build up your health by building bio farms, which give you an additional health for every tile, and going after the virtues and the technologies that enhance health, and build all the structures, like pharma labs, like clinics, which give you extra health in each city. If you want to see what starting choices to make, click here. This video will take you to every single choice you need to make before you start the game, the correct choices, and after you've started the game, as I said, go after the science, go after purity, make four cities, conquer after that, don't build more than four cities yourself, it's more efficient to conquer capitals, and go after purity for the battle armor and the combat rovers, which are the normal units. And those will get upgraded as you gain in the purity affinity. And the actual victory of the game is up to you. The purity victory is pretty easy. You just need to build the Exodus gate once you reach 13 in that affinity, but you can go after contact, you can go after harmony, you can go after supremacy. Once you've built that initial foundation, you can go and win the game in any way you want at the hardest level of play on the largest size map. Did you find this video helpful to help you win? Tell me in the comments below. I'd love to hear your master strategies on how to beat this game. I feel I've beaten it in every single way. I will no longer make videos or play this game until it becomes more challenging because it's gotten too easy. Sid, come on dude, make this game a little more tough. I think you can do it. You've made Civilization 5 extremely difficult. In fact, I call it impossible to win at the standard size map at the hardest level of play, but it certainly was beatable when Civ 5 first came out. And I was very quick to beat it with the horse rush strategy that became ineffective later on. So I hope Civilization 6 Beyond Earth will also gain new strategies that will make the current techniques I've just described obsolete. But for now, they work. They will let you win the game in every single way. And I hope you enjoyed this video. This is Freedom. And who am I? I am George, founder of Freedom and MGM, our multi-gaming network. And you've been watching Let's Discover Freedom. Click the first video to learn what is freedom and how it helps you grow. Click the second video to learn about sponsorships for all freedom partners, even if you have just 10 subscribers. And click the other videos like How Do I Leave Freedom to learn more. Click Get More Views to learn how to build your audience faster on YouTube. Click Get More CPM to learn how to make more money from your channel. And click Get More Music to learn where to get more music to spice up your videos. Click the first playlist to watch The George Show on Freedom. That's my show. Or watch The Anthony Show or The Alex Show also on Freedom. And we will grow together as a family because this is the Freedom family. You are part of it, we are all part of it, and we're all growing together. So grow with us and partner with Freedom. That Play Now button right there on the video bar is all you need to click to get started.