Good evening. I'm Harold Pacius. We're back with another edition of Pacius on the News. We try to get interesting guests for you every month. And in this case, I don't think there's anybody more interesting, whether you agree with them or not agree with them. I think this guy is one of the better minds in the United States. He's quick. He's witty. He's well-informed. And I'm delighted that he came here to talk with you tonight. His name is Barney Frank, former congressman from Massachusetts Fourth District, 32 years in Congress Barney, huh? Yes. 1980. You got elected? I came with Reagan. Came with Reagan. And actually, you had a great career, 32 years in Congress. But you had Pope John Paul II to thank for that. I did. Although I never got a chance to do it in person. And the reason for that is that Father Robert Drinen occupied that seat. He was a Jesuit, wasn't he? And the Pope said, we don't want you in Congress anymore. And you know, it's a career dedicated to obedience. He got out and Barney came in. Yeah, we don't think... I guess that is probably not an example of papal infallibility. No. Were you and Drinen fairly good friends? Yes. I'd actually met... Your father Drinen had been the dean of Boston College Law School, first-rate Jesuit institution in the district I used to represent. And he got out to the Congress in 1970. My then boss, Kevin White, was running for governor. And we did a lot of campaigning together. So I'd known him very well. Even before that, he'd been head of the Civil Rights Commission affiliate in Boston. So yeah, I knew him very well and was very fond of him. And you know, obviously I had very mixed feelings. I was sorry to see him go. It was an opportunity for me, but it was unfortunate that he had to leave. The woman... Was Margaret Heckler there before him? No. Margaret Heckler, who was the senior Republican cons at the time, represented and adjoining district. In Wellesley, huh? She was in Wellesley. Father Drinen was in Newton. She was in Wellesley, two next-door communities. Drinen's district went from the city of Newton, northwest in Boston. Heckler's district went from the town of Wellesley down into the southern Massachusetts for River and Taunton. So I replaced Drinen. She was reelected that year. But in 1982, when Massachusetts lost one seat in the house by population, the legislature threw me and with her, actually the president of the state Senate at the time, William Bulger, was very angry at me for something I had done earlier. We had a group of us created, helped create an African-American Senate district, which hadn't been allowed to exist before. And part of that came from his district. So he was looking to get even with me. So when we lost the seat, he tried very hard to make it my seat. So they took my district and split it into five pieces and put a little piece of it in with Mrs. Heckler. The problem was she'd been a moderate to the Liberal Republican of the time we don't have anymore. And she had to choose. She had to choose voting for the Reagan program or not. If she didn't vote for the Reagan program, she'd be afraid of a primary, kind of like you have today in the Republican Party. So she voted for it and it got lost to the support of the elderly and the unions and the environmentalists. A lot of the people had been supportive of her as a Liberal Republican. So she and I ran against each other in 1982 and I won. It's a very interesting story. Now, Barney, you grew up in Bayonne, Bayonne, New Jersey. Your father had a truck stop under the Pulaski Skyway, for those of you in the audience who've been in that part of New Jersey in the old days, in the 1920s and 1930s and before the New Jersey Turnpike. If you went south from Maine, you'd find yourself at some point on the Pulaski Skyway. U.S. Route 1. U.S. Route 1. So all right. So I think most people know a lot about you. They've seen you on television a lot. So let's get to something very topical. Now, note for the audience. You're going to see this on Wednesday night at 7 p.m. Because of Barney's schedule, we're taping this on Monday afternoon, about 48 hours before you're going to watch it. So things change very quickly in Washington. No one knows what's going to happen in the next 48 hours with respect to this effort by Republicans in the House to defund or postpone the effective date of Obamacare, so-called Obamacare. So Barney, can Tea Party Republicans actually bring down the government? Well, first, let me congratulate you. Well, you just said I wish it was routine. I can't tell you how many times I've been interviewed and they say, oh, by the way, this isn't going to air for two days, but pretend it's contemporary. And I find that the journalists who are always critical politicians, if we are not being 100 percent honest, then want us to play this game. But the answer is yes, they can. Unfortunately, we have a government that we call checks and balances. It was developed by men in the late 18th century who assumed that there would be people who believed in the system. And it therefore is a system which is easier to stop than to keep going. And yeah, the Tea Party Republicans can do this in this way. They are not a majority among House Republicans, but they are a large faction in House Republicans. And they have, with their allies, been skillful at intimidating the rest of the House Republicans, so that you have a speaker of the House who is literally afraid to bring a bill to the floor that would get a very large majority of votes, Democrats and Republicans, just to keep the government going because his members would then be confronted with challenges in the primary from the Tea Party people. So I mean, one of two things is going to have to happen in the long run. Either mainstream Republicans are going to have to take their party back and start winning seats. And we're not talking about liberal Republicans even. We're talking about Bob Dole-type conservatives, George W. Bush-type conservatives, or they have to be defeated. I mean, if the Republican Party is going to remain the tool of this very right-wing group, then I hope the public will say, well, you're just not people who should be in power. But the problem is those folks are often in gerrymandered districts where a moderate can't even win. That's true. And so that's what's an interesting dynamic. The pressure is really on the more moderate, not only a handful of moderate Republicans, but more regular conservative Republicans. And some of them are afraid that people are going to say, you know what, you're not a bad guy. But as long as you're in office and you're going to vote to keep this, your party in power, then you're giving all the power over to this band of extremists. So I think what you're seeing is interesting is some of the Republicans, Peter King of New York, Charles Dent of Pennsylvania, people won't be familiar with them. But they are conservative to moderate Republicans. They're afraid that they're going to lose their seats. You're right, that the hard-line seats of the right-wing, they could win primaries, because that's who votes in those primaries. But the danger for the Republican Party is that people will be so angry at the extremists that they will vote against other Republicans saying, look, we can't afford to keep you in control of the House if you're going to let this minority dictate to you. So what's going to happen? Let's go to a little bit to the mechanics of what's going on. You're 32 years in Congress, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, a real player, author of Dodd-Frank Financial Regulation Law. So you've been around and you've been in these kinds of fights, not exactly like this. So we may have a shutdown by the time that people watch this program. As of now, I think that's the likely thing. And here's what I think the situation is. By the way, I do have one funny little story in mind. I want you to tell a funny story. My assistant, Courtney Flynn, who's with me now, has a three-plus-year-old daughter named Kiwi, who comes to my office. She was at a, with a group of people the other day and somebody was talking about Dodd-Frank and she corrected them and said, no, my name was Barney Frank, not Dodd-Frank. She didn't know who this Dodd-Frank was supposed to be. But I think the situation is, I think John Boehner wants to see the government keep going. Let's get to the key point and you've mentioned my column. Here's the way things work in a democratic legislature. You have an auction, one party, whoever has control, and they adopt legislation. That's where it should be. Now, when a new party comes in, they have the option, if they have the vote, to repeal the legislation. Most of the time, that's not a good idea because if every time one party replaced another party, the second group repealed everything the first group did, it'd be very unstable. You couldn't plan your life. You couldn't plan your business. But it's generally the case that if somebody does something that you think is an outrageous violation of principle and you then get the majority, you can undo it. That's not what's happening here because, yes, a lot of the right-wingers think Obamacare is a terrible violation of human rights. I don't agree. They're entitled to think that. And they were entitled to try to win the presidency in 2012, win the Senate, and repeal it. Their problem is that they didn't win in 2012. They didn't win the Senate. They didn't win the presidency and they actually lost some seats in the House, although they still have control. So here's the illegitimacy of what they're doing. What they're saying is we don't have the votes by the normal constitutional process to change the law. So we will shut down the government. We will tear down something else until you agree to give in to an issue which we don't have the votes for. And now, I, Boehner, I don't think that's a good idea to speak of Boehner. He knows it'll hurt the economy. And he knows it'll hurt the Republican party. And so do a lot of other Republicans. John McCain has been very particular in this. John Boehner, unfortunately, doesn't feel strong enough to defy that right-wing group. And he could bring the Senate bill to the forest speaker who has the power and say, here's the bill the Senate passed. Democrats and Republicans, it would get a majority. But he's intimidated by this right-wing Republican caucus. So I think what's going to happen is this. I think the government's going to shut down. Sadly, I think it'll probably still be shut down by the time people are watching this. And there will be economic damage. The stock market has already been losing because of this. People are not going to be hiring. There will be other problems. I believe what's going to happen is that the public reaction will be very negative towards everybody, but more to the Republicans than not. And at that point, I believe Boehner will go to the Republicans and say, look, you are causing us great political harm. We are getting blamed for this. Then he will be able to go forward and do something. So in other words, I think he knows what he should do and wants to do it, but doesn't have the political strength or courage to do it until there's a disaster for which his party is blamed, and then he will have the leverage to get them to be reasonable. But will his party be blamed? Because I look at the TV and watch the pundits and the news and so forth. And some blame the Republicans for it, but some say, oh, it's just Congress. That's the great intellectual laziness. You know, one of the things I used to hate when I was a student kid in school would be one child would misbehave and the teacher would punish everybody. I mean, that was always the worst, laziest thing. There is certain certainty. I do think in this case, though, it appears to have broken through. I was struck, the Boston Herald, the very conservative Republican paperback, as a conservative Republican paperback, they have an unbroken record of backing losers in every election. I can't remember the last time they endorsed anybody who won. But the other day, they had an editorial cartoon making fun of Senator Ted Cruz, the leading Tea Party guy here, and essentially portraying the general public jumping up and down on the Republican party, portrayed as an elephant, blaming Cruz. Now, even they believe this is hurting them. The Wall Street Journal has been telling them not to do this. Carl Rove has been telling them not to do this. So I think the general sense is some people will blame both sides, but enough people will blame the Republicans so they will feel the heat. A little detour. We talked about Cruz, Senator Ted Cruz. I talked on Saturday with an old friend of mine who will go nameless here for no reason. Otherwise, we don't need to introduce his name in the book. He's a well-known guy and a journalist, one of the better known journalists in America. I said, how can this guy, Cruz, go around saying the things he's saying, highly intelligent guy, very intelligent. At least he's well-educated. He went to the same law school you are to. No, I'm told he's very intelligent. How can a guy do this that's so intelligent? Well, one, intelligence and judgment are not necessarily correlated. I think he has terrible judgment. He also is very ambitious, and I think he has, you know, here's the story with Cruz. People say to him, it's not going to work. You're never going to get ahead this way. But I have encountered this. Ted Cruz was not supposed to be a senator. There's a very previously thought to be very popular Republican Lieutenant Governor of Texas named Dohurst, who's very rich. And all the leading Republicans were supporting him for the Senate nomination. And Cruz announced he was running against him. And I believe everybody said to Cruz, you know, you can't win. Look at the whole establishment of Texas is behind this guy, Dohurst. He's won statewide office before, et cetera. And Cruz wins big. And I found, here's the problem. When you have someone who once does something that a lot of people told him she couldn't do, then she thinks she's superwoman. I can do anything. And I think that's what you get with Cruz. Now, how we can, I guess this, I don't think he really believes that there won't be damage. I think he believes that the damage is worth it in two ways. First of all, it will transform the policy. And secondly, it can make him president. Here's the other one. So I'm going on two more. But this is one thing I need to say about both the left and the right. You and I were both strong supporters of Ed Muskie in 1971. And I think if he'd been the nominee, he would have won. And people on all left in our party said, no, they were too angry about Vietnam. And they nominated George McGovern, who lost badly. Now, I voted for George McGovern in November, but it was clear that he was going to lose. And I would say to people, but, you know, I admire McGovern, but he's too far left. No, you don't understand, they would say. And I'm sure you heard this. The great majority of people really agree with us. And that's why people don't vote. And so ideologues on both sides, the right and the left, are convinced that the great mass of non-voters are their people. And if we would only nominate someone who was really ideologically pure, millions of people who've never voted would come out to their side. Our friends thought it was going to do that from a governor in 1972. It didn't happen. This is the Tea Party view, that all these people who don't vote are really their people. And so, well, it looks like it might have a short-term negative effect. Bring them the true religion and you'll win. You think there were any parallels between the Democrats after 1968 and then in the early 70s and now the Republicans? Yes. Yes, I mean, I want to temper it. The left on the Democratic side was rarely as mean as some of these Tea Party people. Although you did have some of the more extreme groups, some of the SDS people were angry and mean, and in some cases violent. But you did have this. This is what joined them, a deep belief in the moral worth of their cause, combined with a view that the public would respond to that, combined with the view that the non-voters will really come with us. And of course, what happened was George McGovern suffered a very bad defeat. And the Democrats learned from that. And the Democrats have not since 1972 gone to that sort of extreme wing of our party to get a nominee. Now, by the way, that's a wing of the party where I often find myself voting. But I think you have to be disciplined to say, you know, look, I represent this part of Massachusetts and I vote this way. I would have this argument when we would be debating gay rights in the Congress. And some of the activists would say, why aren't you getting us this? I said, well, wait a minute, we haven't been able to get that in Massachusetts or New York or Maryland. If we can't get something in Massachusetts and New York or Maryland, how does it become easier when we throw in Mississippi, Utah and Nebraska? And people need to temper their recognition of what the situation is. So what happened was, I think, look at since 1972 that Jimmy Carter and we did have Wally Mondale in 84 who was unfairly portrayed as being that far left. He's been the vice president. But since that time, the Democrats have not gone to that kind of extreme position. Look, there was a danger. And I don't think there's a fair representation of him. But Howard Dean in 2004 was being portrayed as that kind of a standard bearer. I don't think, if you look at Howard Dean's record as governor of Vermont, that bears that out. But the Democrats basically said, no, we don't want to even be in that position. So I think there was that parallel. And I either, if this continues, the country is going to be in terrible trouble. I mean, our system of government doesn't work if people won't accept the outcome. That's essentially what we're saying to the Republicans. Look, the Tea Party, we had elections, you lost the presidency. Who is it? Congressman from Oklahoma, Tom Cole, a very sophisticated Republican, said, how do they expect us to repeal Obamacare when Obama is the president? I mean, it's hard to do things without the president. And so if you can have that position where it's either I get my way or I'll shut the government down, then the government will always be shut down. Because if this succeeds, everybody else will be crazy not to try the same tactic. Well, yeah, let's talk a little bit about Medicare because the things that they're saying about Obamacare now in this fight against Obamacare are the same things they said about Medicare. Even more so. Medicare is even more of a government in the fight program than this. Well, that's the point, Bernie. They said these things about Medicare. And the fact is, Medicare is a real government takeover. This one is about private insurance companies. Well, look, you're right, because this is the Paul Ryan plan. Remember, Paul Ryan, the vice presidential candidate, the budget here did come up with what he called premium support, which meant for people, he said, who are now under 55, you wouldn't have Medicare when they turned 65. They would have the federal government would give them a certain amount of money to go out and buy private insurance. But with no guarantee that that would be enough, with no control over the private insurance we charge. So yes, these are people. I mean, there are no arguments. I think you put this very well. You brought up a very good point. There are no arguments against the president's health care plan that don't apply with even greater force to Medicare. Absolutely. By the way, let me throw in one other thing.  In my experience, remember Congress, the single most popular form of medical care, according to the people who received it, was a form of absolute socialized medicine. It's the medical care you get from the Department of Veterans Affairs.  I mean, the VA is totally government. That is socialized medicine. And as you know, this is your generation of people, you talk to some of the older veterans who were in the World War II or Korea, they're ready to fight you if you suggest dismantling the VA. So here, that's true government program. Obamacare is not, but they're after Obamacare now, not Medicare. However, they said the same things about when Medicare in 1965, when they were debating Medicare, it was going to bring down the government. I remember watching a televised debate, Huber Humphrey, Senator Huber Humphrey, and a man who was the head of the AMA. But that's just one reason why I think they're so desperate. Ideologically, it's not that they don't think Obamacare will work. They hate the idea that it might work, because they want to dismantle government. And I think that here is their problem. If Obamacare goes into effect, it won't be possible to make all these scary arguments, because people will see it hasn't happened. One of them has already happened to. When I ran for election 2010, I had the toughest race I'd had in 32 years, and they said, oh, you voted for the health care plan, and it's taking money out of my Medicare. And I said at the time, I'm going to bet you that XC is from now, you won't have seen a nickel lost. Well, I couldn't prove it then. But I would say to people today, three years after the bill was signed, does anybody know anybody who's lost a nickel of Medicare? No. And that's their problem. They're making all these dire predictions, none of which will come true. And so they have to try and get rid of this before reality explodes their myths. So am I being unduly cynical about politicians? If I were in the context of this discussion about what the Republicans said about Medicare, if I were to remind people that in the 2012 presidential campaign, in debates and otherwise, Republicans attacked Obama, accusing him of taking money out of Medicare and putting it somewhere else.  These are the same people who said Medicare is going to destroy the country. They're going to destroy the country, and who tried under the Ryan plan to do worse. And of course, by the way, it didn't take any money out of Medicare. What it did do was to say that some providers were being paid unduly. And again, I issue that challenge. I do it every time the subject comes up. Would someone please give me an example of any individual who's a Medicare recipient, who's been hurt in any way by the passage of the healthcare bill? And the answer is no. So now some people will say, well, Barney Frank, look, we've got a problem. We've got these big deficits, too much spending, and you liberals are responsible for these deficits.  And the answer is, of course, no. No event has added more to our deficit in recent years than the Warney Rock. I voted not to go to Warney Rock. That Warney Rock has cost us a trillion dollars, and it'll cost us out on it to the future through the services that we are morally obligated to provide to the veterans whether they were wounded or not. I didn't vote for George Bush's prescription drug plan in expansion of Medicare. I would have voted for it. I've had some changes. One of the things I didn't like was that it did not allow Medicare to bargain with the drug companies for lower drug prices, which the VA can do and which works well for them. I didn't vote for Bush's tax cuts. So I will tell you now that John Boehner, who was in Congress during that period, voted for much more of the debt than I ever did. Again, if we hadn't gone to Warney Rock, if we had done only half of the Bush tax cuts instead of all of them, and we hadn't voted for the prescription drug program, we'd have a few trillion dollars left before we hit the debt. This is one of the great hypocrisies on the part of the Republicans. Military spending alone, we have spent more in the military than on Medicare. Here's one where I actually think the President should change. He's committed to keeping American troops in Afghanistan through the end of 2014. They are brave, they are smart, and they're not doing any good because they're no longer fighting an enemy as much as they are trying to provide a framework in which Afghan society can become democratic and get rid of corruption. I wish that were possible. Maybe it is, but we can't do it. You cannot send the best trained young military people in the world into this kind of a hostile situation and expect them to produce results. So I want to reduce spending.  By the way, we still have troops in Europe. I think that we can now tell Germany and Italy that Stalin is not coming after them, and we can bring our troops home. We still have the full panoply of three ways of dropping thermonuclear weapons on the Soviet Union, which is Russia and anything like what it used to be. I mean, we are overspending. But the American people said, when the President wanted to bomb the Syrians, and I supported him in that one limited thing to say, we're going to punish you for using chemical weapons, you remember American people said, no, we don't want to get involved. Well, in general, they're right, but if we're not going to get involved in all these wars, then there's no reason to spend hundreds of billions of dollars having the capacity to do it. So I believe we can make a very substantial reduction in military spending without any damage to our national security. In fact, we might be better off because we wouldn't be tempted to intervene in ways that are hurtful. You mentioned Syria, and I know you did a column a couple of weeks ago on Syria, and I want you to talk a little bit about how what we see a politician's reversing course. Let's go to Medicare first in 1965, because I was there. I was actually, Barney, at the signing of the Medicare Act in Independence, Missouri. With Harry Truman. With Harry Truman, this program is not about me, it's about you, but I have to say, with Harry Truman, I went the day before. I spent an hour alone with Harry Truman in his office, one of the great experiences of my life. But anyway, about this reversals, they were against Medicare. Conservatives were against Medicare. Now they criticize Obama for trying to divert money, they claim, from Medicare. On Obamacare, the core of it, of course, is the individual mandate. Isn't that a Republican idea? Of course it is. The Heritage Foundation, this hyper-right wing group, came up with it years ago, and it is very much an individual responsibility. And I wanted to do a column, you're anticipating me here, about the individual mandate. Because people have said on the right, well, how dare you make people want biomedical care? What if they don't want medical care? And I'm prepared to make a concession. Here's what I would say. If you are prepared to have tattooed somewhere on your person where it will become clear, that if you were found bleeding and unconscious in the streets, no one is to do anything to help you medically. If, for instance, when the terrible Boston Marathon bombing happened, people who were militantly opposed to having any health care themselves were found laying there by the EMTs and the police and the firefighters, could say, leave me alone. I don't want any medical care. And secondly, if people would sign a contract pledging that if they contracted a contagious disease, they would go off somewhere to a remote island and have no contact with anybody else, then I would say, okay, you don't have to buy medical care.  Yes, but not have anybody do anything. And what do you do, by the way, if the people are laying there unconscious? I mean, what do you do if you arrive on the scene? So the fact is that in our society, it is virtually impossible for people to enforce that. And by the way, we don't know anybody who does. I've never heard of anyone who said, I've been hurt badly in this accident, but you know, I don't have any health insurance. I don't believe in compulsory health insurance. So you leave me alone. I'll take care of myself. You know what also occurs to me, Barney. In the state of Maine, and in other states, Massachusetts, many states, most states, there's an individual mandate to buy, if you want to operate a motor vehicle, to buy auto insurance. I have to buy auto insurance. How come nobody's complaining about that? Why aren't these people trying to bring down the government over that? I've heard their argument against that. It's a very weak one. They say, well, driving a car is optional. Well, no, it isn't really for many people. If you live in this society, if you want to get to work, if you want to do it, it's not so optional. You can sue the government if they unfairly discriminate against you for not getting your license. What it's saying is this. If you live particularly in a crowded urban society, you're not out in the frontier 20 miles from anybody. If you live in a crowded urban society and you inevitably interact with other human beings, you are going to impose some costs on them, and we have a right to ask you to help bear your share of those costs. That's automobile insurance and that's health insurance. Once again, if you're prepared to tell me that, living in the middle of the city of Portland, you will refuse any medical care that is offered to you in case of an emergency. And that, again, if you get a contagious disease, you immediately leave and go on some uninhabited island somewhere, then you have a right not to pay for anything. But since I don't know anybody's ready to do that, it is the same as automobile insurance. You have an inevitable impact on other people and we have to ask you to make a fair contribution to it. In 1993, when President Clinton and his wife were pushing for some kind of a similar universal insurance, health insurance program, I'm told that the Republicans had a different idea. Their idea was the individual mandate. That was their idea. It was, as you pointed out just a minute ago, Heritage Foundation, and then 22 Republican senators sponsored legislation for the individual mandate. They've done this before, but we've seen it here. You mentioned Syria. We have today, you made a very good point before when people say, oh, it's a plague on both your houses.  In 2008, when the Democrats were in control of both houses of Congress, in September, five years ago, just before the presidential election, McCain versus Obama, George Bush sent his secretary of treasury and his appointee, the Federal Reserve, to meet with the Democratic leadership of Congress and said we have a terrible crisis coming. You've got to help us out. They asked us, frankly, to join in passing some legislation called TARP and other things that weren't very popular. You were in the meeting? Absolutely. The answer that Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid gave to George Bush was, yes, Mr. President, we'll work together. In that fall of 2008, the Democratic Congress gave full cooperation to the Republican administration, even doing things that we knew would have a short-term negative effect. Then Obama gets elected and he has never gotten from the Republicans remotely the kind of cooperation we gave George Bush. And it's not become pathological. I look, Syria is a great example. In the first place, you had Republicans attacking him, Lindsey Graham, John McCain and others. He's been two weeks. He's got to go in there and get involved in Syria. So he then says, okay, look, I don't want to take on a full Civil War role, but we will punish them militarily if you're using chemical weapons. They turn around and attack him. I mean, Cruz, who had been criticizing Obama for not doing anything in Syria, then criticizes him for doing something in Syria. And he had the media to this. For many years, a lot of people have believed, and the media has generally been supportive, that it's a mistake for President of the United States to go to war on his own. We had the War Powers Act to try and stop that from happening. People have said, you know, Constitution says, power to declare war is Congress. It's not a good idea when you're talking about something as serious as sending our troops in a battle for the President to do it unilaterally. So Barack Obama correctly says, look, we're not acting on self-defense, but I think it's good policy to bomb Syria. I asked Congress to authorize it. People started attacking him for doing what people had been yelling at the President for not doing. And I said, quote my column, there was an old saying in the Middle Ages, the king can do no wrong, which was meant that if something wrong happened, please attribute it to somebody else, they wanted to preserve the notion that the king was infallible. And I said, they adapted that. The President can do no right. Obama and the Syria thing, he had people criticizing him for not doing anything militarily and then for planning to do something militarily. Same people. Yes, for being unilateralists as the President and then for asking Congress. There's a pathological insistence on being critical of Obama or whatever happens. So you said in that column in Syria, there is a significant body of Republicans prepared to attack Obama for any decision he makes. I think even Republicans, some moderate Republicans would agree with that. Yeah, they do. They attack him for everything. Why is that? I don't know. What you have are some people who are very, very rooted in that sort of conservative set of principles. And I think some of them are furious. They see the country slipping away from them. Take the example of the same-sex marriage.  This is our own business. We're out of that business. There's a national consensus, an international consensus, that we have to do something about what we put into the air because of the negative impact on the climate. These people see the country slipping away from them. And Obama is a symbol of that. And the fact that he's black plays into it. It's not necessarily that they're racist. It's just, my God, whoever thought we could wake up and see a black man. And I remember seeing, back in 2008, these signs saying, Barack Hussein Obama, you must be bleeping and kidding me. I mean, he is a symbol to them of their loss of control, of the loss of a control in which they ran the country. And that's where they get upset about immigration. They get upset about LGBT rights, about, well, we got to get to, you know, look, when we were younger, what was the ideal, the fastest, most powerful car you could get? I mean, the notion that you had to worry about miles per gallon or that was, oh, unpatriotic. So I think he becomes the focal point at their resentment of the loss of control. In all your years in Congress, and you were in Congress at the end of the, well, at the Reagan administration, both Bushes, Clinton, and now Obama, anything close to this in your experience as Congress, of this reaction to Obama? No, I'm writing a book now, it's probably a memoir, probably a political tract. And I say, Tip O'Neill in 1981, he's Speaker of the House, and some people said, well, Reagan has this program for cutting government, cutting taxes, you know, bottled up. He said, no, that's not good for democracy. I'm going to vote against it. I'm going to urge other people to vote against it. But the President of the United States, he just kind of like said, we're going to put that legislation on the floor and see what happens now over our objection. It passed, but I think it was a lot healthier. It has never been this degree of determined partisan opposition, not just to disagree with the President, but to destroy him, even if it does damage to the country that I've ever seen. I mean, you probably have to go back, I'm not a total historian, but I would think you'd have to go back to the Republican opposition to Andrew Johnson at Lincoln, which killed, because they thought correctly, in my view, that he was trying to let the South, the Southern whites, almost be opposed slavery. But again, you know, within a few years, people said, what happened to my partisanship? It's very simple, but Obama got elected. In 2008, I urge people to go back at that. Let me give them an assignment. There's a movie out now on Netflix called Hank. It's about Hank Paulson, who was the Secretary of Treasury, and how he had to navigate through the fiscal crisis of 2008. And they will see a lesson in bipartisanship. I mean, I know he's told me that he's in there and speaking well of me and I have him. So you could not get a greater contrast between the way the Democrats responded to Bush. Let's put it this way. A crisis was about to hit America with the collapse of our economy in 2008, and Bush went to the Democrats and said, would you help me do some very unpopular things to stave it off? And we said, of course we will. Today, you have the reverse. The right wing is not only not trying to help stave off a crisis, they're trying to create one that will do serious damage to the economy, and they are doing that in part to inflict, they think, the pain on the President. So things have changed enormously in this country. You're up close from 1981 on in Congress, enormous changes in Washington. Right, and now I think I'm hoping one or two things happen. Either the public says to the Republican Party, look, I have voted for a lot of Republicans, but you're in the hands of crazy people. I mean, this is not the way, our government can't work this way, so that the Republicans, I think it is possible they will lose control of the House next year, even with the Gary Manning districts. Ironically, the ones in the, some of the ones who are the most for Calcitrant will survive because of their districts, but there are plenty of Republicans in districts that could go the other way if there's a repudiation and that could happen. Or, and this is what I would rather see than have us go through all this, the more reasonable conservatives will gain control. And I'm not talking about Jake Javis, I'm not talking about Olympia Snow, I'm talking about Bob Dole type of Republicans. They're the ones who need to take back the party. And I'm hoping that we don't have to have a lot of pain. I mean, what I think is like this, I must say, is my prediction. These, they're intransigent will put the country through a lot of pain. They will get blamed for that, and then they will decide that they can't keep it going. That's not a price we should have to pay. I have people say to me, Obama, he's not LBJ. No, he's not. He's not LBJ. LBJ would have been able to reach out to these people and make a deal with the Republicans. I think the world has changed. Absolutely. They're wrong about that. I mean, and the Tea Party is not ever doxing. They just don't understand it. And maybe the president could do a little more schmoozing. I don't think that would have much effect with them. These are people who are ideologically driven. And no, I don't think any president would be able to do that. Well, let's go back a step. If their own speaker of the House can't make them be reasonable, how can you expect the president of the opposite party to do it? Good point. Did you go to the play all the way in Cambridge, the play about Lyndon Johnson? No, I just read about it, starring the guy from Breaking Bad, apparently. Right, right. Yeah. But it's all about how Johnson's got things done. I couldn't get a ticket.  Well, I'll tell you what I did do, what I have done about Johnson. I've read two books of my life, which I read as manuals for how to behave. One was a biography of Adam Clayton Powell, who was the third African American to be elected to the House in the post civil war. Wait a minute. You read Adam Clayton Powell's biography on how to behave? On how to behave early on as someone breaking a discrimination set of barriers. He was the first black man to say, when he got to Congress in 1943, he was told he couldn't use the house swimming pool. He couldn't go to the house barbershop and he couldn't eat in the house restaurant. And his two predecessors had a bite about it.  And he did it. And when I became the first voluntarily openly gay member of Congress, I followed some of that, which was not to do things just to make a point, but not to refuse to do it. So somebody else makes a point. But the other one I read, I was on a trip to Cape Bird, which is an area where a lot of people in the district I used to represent come from. From the New Bedford people. New Bedford and William. And I was doing a lot of reading on a trip like that. And I read Robert K. Rose, one of his volumes of his biography. And I read the chapter about Johnson as minority leader. When he was minority leader, he had like 46 or 47 Democrats. I had about 35 Democrats. I learned by reading about Johnson's technique. So, yes, he was very good at it, but there were limits to what he knew. And by the way, and people forget this, let's put it this way, Johnson was excellent at getting the most that could be gotten in a given political context. But he couldn't change the political context. So Lyndon Johnson, 63, 64, honored to 65, great legislative achievements. But by 66, when the country was in this bitter mood over Vietnam, no, you do not see any great accomplishments by Johnson after the 1965, 66, 67, 68, there was too much anger. So the kind of personal skills he had were useless. And so there is not a really good comparison between the present 2013 and 1964 and 65. There's comparison between 1967 and 68. Right. Okay. Let's turn to a couple of other things. Dodd Frank. I saw in the Wall Street Journal a few days ago, an editorial said that Dodd Frank and the regulations that are being drafted to implement all of the details of Dodd Frank are killing the big banks. It says the big banks said the editorial are under siege by the government, because they weren't under siege before you passed the bill. Well, I'd say a couple things about it. First of all, because the Wall Street Journal was chewing them on, but they were doing one of the bad stuff. Secondly, one of the first things the Wall Street Journal attacked me for when I became chairman was outlawing the kind of loans that were given to people who shouldn't have gotten loans, who couldn't pay them back and went bad and hurt everybody, the subprime loans. The Wall Street Journal had an editorial in December of 2007 about how wonderful they were. The other thing I'd say, by the way, is if the banks were under siege, how come they are still paying the top people so much money? I mean, do you think David Crockett got a bonus at the Alamo? Now, they were under siege at the Alamo, but I don't remember that Crockett or Jim Bowie were giving themselves bonuses. I mean, for a group of institutions that claim they're under siege, they're living pretty good. In my experience with most business people, you know, my father's small businessman, my husband has a small business, my father-in-law does. When things are tough, they don't increase their home pay. They don't pay themselves more. The fact is, this is just nonsense. In the first place, the banks have been doing well until the, they were starting to recover and the stocks would, until the Republicans began to scare the stock market this way. And what we are preventing them from doing are the things they never should have done in the first place. The JPMorgan Chase is under siege, or what are they under siege for? For losing $6 billion by engaging in derivatives manipulations in London that they lost control over for selling mortgages that were defective. They haven't, let's put it this way. I ask the Wall Street General and everybody else, give me one specific regulation that you think goes too far, and maybe I'll agree with you. But this general notion that we should leave the poor banks alone so they can repeat the performance that got us in a big trouble doesn't persuade me. Well, if you're oppressed, you get a lot of sympathy. And I think the idea here is that the big banks, the real big ones, not the little banks here in Maine, the big banks, the international banks, are being oppressed by you, your law and the regulators and the Democrats. And of course they said they then, I guess that's why they have to pay themselves millions and millions of dollars a year is to relieve their oppression. We have basically told them to stop doing things they never should have done in the first place and I again, and by the way, it was not just the Democrats that did this. We worked in 2008 with a group of bank regulators who were Bush appointees. Remember, the way we regulate financial institutions is we try not to make it partisan. So for example, Ben Bernanke, the chairman of the Federal Reserve, he was appointed three times to high office by George W. Bush. He was chairman of his council of economic advisors, then a member of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, and then the chairman. He's a major player with all these regulations. One of the toughest regulators we've had was a woman named Sheila Baer, who was a Bush appointee, a former Bob Dole employee who was the head of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. Hank Paulson, Bush's Secretary of Treasury, will tell you that he takes credit legitimately for many of the things we have put in the bill. So the Wall Street Journal is kind of the Tea Party of American media. They were a little bit more dressed up in some aspects, but they were just as extreme. They're okay off the editorial page. Oh, that's exactly right. They still have a pretty good newspaper that's fairly straightforward, but the editorial page is a little bit. I will tell you, in 2007, I asked people to go back and look for this. In December of 2007, the Wall Street Journal attacked us for trying to stop bad mortgage loans after claiming that the Democrats were behind it all and said that most subpoimones were a good thing and leave it to the market. But what about that? That's what people understand is the Democrats had this idea that everybody in America, no matter who, was entitled on their own home. No, at first place, that was true. Both the Clinton and Bush administration pushed home ownership. Bush did it as well. For instance, in 2004, George W. Bush ordered Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to increase the percentage of mortgages they bought from people below the median income. I criticized that. I said that was not a good thing. Yes, Democrats wanted to help working class and middle class people buy homes, but we also were trying to prevent home mortgages from being given to poor people because it was going to hurt them as well as the economy. And in fact, in 2004 and 2005, when the Republicans were in control, again, that's what people forget, Republicans controlled the Congress from 1995 to 2007. So that was them. They were the ones who controlled Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. They were the ones who controlled all the banking laws. We did try in 2004 and 2005 to get a bill passed to restrict subprime loans. The Republican leadership said no. In 2007, when I became the chairman, we did restrict subprime loans and the Wall Street Journal attacked us, and most Republicans voted against it. Yeah, that's interesting because you're a poster boy for all of this. I want to write about this. I now have something in common with weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Dick Cheney has lied about both of us. I opened up Dick Cheney's autobiography, and I did what's called the Washington Read. I turned to the index to look for my name, and I see a reference to me, and it says I was astounded just a month ago. In 2003, Cheney writes, we submitted legislation to Congress to control Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, but Barney Frank, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, killed it. I was not the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee in 2003. I was in the minority. I became the chairman in 2007, at which point we did pass that legislation. So here's Cheney claiming falsely, dishonestly, knowing better. A lie.  I agree they've gotten away with that. You know part of this House, people tend to think of the Democrats as the party in power, as the party that governs, even when we've been in the minority. So from 1995 to 2007, the Republicans controlled and didn't do anything. It's in 2007 that we passed the legislation that cleaned up Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and banned subprime loans, and then went after the other regulations. So they also say that it was the Democrats, as well as Republicans to be fair, that called for and got the repeal of Glass-Steagall, which separated the businesses of these banks. You couldn't take the ordinary guy like me's deposit dollars and then invest them in derivatives in the old days. Now they could because you guys repealed it. Well, two things. One, I voted against the repeal. You did? I voted against repeal of Glass-Steagall. I did agree that those regulations were something outdated, but I wanted new regulations in their place. So I voted against it. But I will say this, even as Bill Clinton was saying, my senator, whom I greatly admire, Elizabeth Warren, who wants to be a state Glass-Steagall acknowledges that Glass-Steagall repeal had nothing to do with the crash. Here's the problem. Lehman Brothers and AIG were the two institutions that precipitated the crash. Neither one of them were affected by Glass-Steagall. They weren't banks that were in the investment business. They were in other business here. So, and secondly, I would say this with the point about putting deposit money at risk. We did address that in the financial reform bill. And it's something called the Volcker rule, which people are going to see adopted in pretty good form within a few months.  If a customer says to you, I want you, as my money manager, to do it, you can do it. But that's with the customer's money, not with depositor funds. And the bank's own capital on depositor funds will no longer be at risk in derivative trading after this rule, which I expect in a couple of months. And as a depositor, if I don't want my money invested in derivatives, it won't be. It won't be. By the way, as a depositor, you are now insured. That's one of the things we did to help the small banks. The deposit insurance cap had been $100,000 per person. And in the financial reform bill at the request of the community banks, we raised it to $250,000 per person so that you can now have a married couple can have up to half a million dollars in the smallest possible bank with total security. That is 100% guaranteed by the federal government, no matter how badly the bank screws up. Barney, one thing related to Glass-Steagall, I watched on public television John Reed, former chairman of the board of Citicorp, go on TV, was interviewed by Bill Moyers, and say, I lobbied hard for the repeal of Glass-Steagall, and I'm sorry I did, and I apologize. Well, there were arguments for putting it back in. I don't think it would make much difference, to be honest. The argument is that the banks have gotten too big. But again, no one, there's no, even an argument that the repeal of Glass-Steagall contributed to the crisis, derivatives were the problem. But the derivative activity or the, well, two things. The worst thing was mortgages being made that shouldn't have been made. But a lot of banks made those. I mean, that was, the fundamental problem was that they made mortgages that shouldn't have been made, and they bundled them up and sold them, and everybody got in over their heads. But all of the, I guess the best way to do it is this. None of the practices that led to this crisis would have been outlawed if Glass-Steagall had still been in effect. AIG, an insurance company that was selling derivatives, unaffected by Glass-Steagall. Lehman Brothers, an investment house, unaffected by Glass-Steagall. On the other side, banks, like countrywide, that made lousy loans. Glass-Steagall said banks could only make loans. It did nothing to just say they had to be good ones. So we just got a couple of minutes left here.  I've enjoyed it. I would be glad to. I am. I guess, I know Shelley Pingby was kind of slated here, but Shelley's, I got to know from there that they help. I am being held prisoner by the Tea Party in Washington, D.C., but Shelley's a great congresswoman. I'm delighted my husband is to be represented by her. I still vote in Massachusetts, so I'll come back. And she's a good friend of yours. And I will be great to come back on my own. Shelley, I always thought she'd be real. She declined to run for the Senate when Angus King got in. But I told Shelley, I think she's better off in the house. She can become a real player in the house. She's very well positioned. You know, she's on the Appropriations Committee, which is a great honor. And she deals with agriculture and she deals with the national parks and the interior and energy. Shelley, well, you know, she's been a great leader in agriculture and in organic and other kinds of agriculture. She's very well positioned and delivers well for the state. So you live part-time in Maine. You're here a few days each week. Well, this year, because I'm writing a book, I'm here more often than not. But starting, I still have my apartment in Newton. Next year, I'm going to have one in Cambridge, and I hope to teach in Cambridge. Teach at Harvard Law School and the Kennedy School. But so I'm back and forth now, and I do some traveling, actually. Part of it is, I make money by giving speeches. This is the longest I've talked for nothing in a long time now. I was going to say, I owe you a lot. I was talking for nothing.  But it turns out you can. Okay.  Of course. But how is it going to happen, and we have now about a minute and a half, how is it going to happen if everyday settlements in the West Bank get bigger and there more of them? I think the settlements are a great mistake and they're not in Israel's own interest. On the other hand, you have this problem, because I believe twice now, the Palestinians were offered very fair settlements, very fair agreements, and turned them down. And so you have this frustration on both sides. But I do believe that the Israelis have very legitimate security needs, and the 67 borders by themselves would have to be altered some. But I do believe that the settlement policy is not in Israel's best interest, or in the interest of peace. We had on this show about a month ago, about four months ago, Jeremy Ben-Ami, who is the head of J Street. And he was up in Boston, he came up and did the show with. Barney, it's been a real pleasure. It's been fun. And you said a few funny things. I wanted you to say more funny things, but maybe next time you say more funny things. I'm going to say a few. Okay. Thanks very much.


Hi, and welcome to the session. I am Deepika here. Let's discuss the question differentiate the following function with respect to x x is to power x minus 2 raised to power sine x So let's start the solution that y is equal to Argument function that is x raised to power x minus 2 raised to power sine x Here we can't take direct logarithm on both sides as we don't have any formula for log of m minus n So we will proceed like this by putting u is equal to x is to power x and v is equal to 2 raised to power sine x we get y is equal to u minus v Therefore dy by dx is equal to du by dx minus dv by dx is equal to x raised to power x taking logarithm on both sides we get log u is equal to x log x Because log m raised to power n is equal to n log n log u is equal to therefore x log x Now differentiate both sides with respect to x we have 1 over u into du by dx is equal to x Here we use the product rule x into dy dx of log x plus log x into dy dx of x and this is equal to 1 by u into du by dx is equal to x into 1 by x plus log x This implies du by dx is equal to u into 1 plus log x and that is u is equal to x raised to power x this implies du by dx is equal to x raised to power x into 1 plus log x Now we want to find dv by dx and we will substitute in this equation the value of du by dx and dv by dx Let us give this as number 1 Now we have v is equal to power sine x taking logarithm on both sides we get log v is equal to sine x log 2 now differentiate Both sides with respect to x we have 1 over v into dv by dx is equal to now here use the product rule sine x into derivative of log 2 that is 0 plus log 2 into derivative of sine x that is cos x this implies dv by dx is equal to cos x log 2 into cos x log 2 Substitute a value of v here we get dv by dx is equal to 2 raised to power sine x into cos x log 2 Now we have du by dx is equal to x raised to power x into 1 plus log x and dv by dx is equal to 2 raised to power sine x into cos x log 2 substitute the value of du by dx and dv by dx In equation 1 to obtain the value of dv by dx we have dv by dx is equal to 6 to power x into 1 plus log x minus 2 raised to power sine x into cos x log 2 Hence we have differentiate our given function And the answer for the above question is x raised to power x into 1 plus log x minus 2 raised to power sine x into cos x log 2 I Hope the question is clear to you by a take care


My must have must collection. Guys, this one is going to be epic. Sit back, relax, stay tuned. Welcome to the channel where fashion meets fragrance. My name is Kevin Samuels, the godfather style and guys in today's video, my must have must collection. This is going to be epic. Like this kind of video? Cool. Let's drop drop that like down below. Shout out to the CIA. What is going on you modern sexy savages and guys? Nothing says sexy savage. Like a good note of musk musk has been in the base of men's perfumery since time immemorial. You want to smell like a man? Throw on some musk. If you know anything about where the musk gland is. There you go. In the seventies musk was everywhere. Harry Chess, Bert Reynolds, mustache, all about musk. But in the eighties, it fell out of favor for for patchouli in the 90s who weren't clean, fresh, bright. So now it's hard to find a good musk. Sadly, many people confuse anything that's kind of dark, dank, kind of husky as a musk fragrance. So your godfather says I got you covered. I'm going to show you guys my musk collection. I'm going to say it's all the musks out there, but I think it's a great musk collection and some must haves. Let's get started. First up on our mention goes to Kiehl's original musk, the OG of any musk fragrance line. Guys, I've talked about this thing so many times. Grab it under 50 bucks, set it, forget it, throw it in your gym bag, keep it with you for a lifetime, never go out of style. Kiehl's original musk is that good. Then we get to these four right here. What I consider to be the base of any solid musk collection. Narciso Rodriguez for him. We have the EDT, the EDP, the EDP Intense and for him, Blue Noir. And yes, they are all different. I'm going to do a standalone review on just this part right here because I think it's such a standalone foundational part of a musk collection. And the price point is so easy. You can knock all this out for under $300. More on that later, but let's get into the rest of the list. First up from the house of Nassamato, we have none other than Silver Musk. I'm going to be talking about this entire line because I love Nassamato and sadly, this clean, simple, pure minimalist musk, probably one of the best musks on the planet. And many of you will just skip right on over it because there's so many other ones. Pardone, Burawanda, Black Afgana, Doro. This one just gets skipped over. But guys, anybody that knows anything about musk will tell you this is fantastic. Fantastic, simple and easy to wear. Nassamato Silver Musk. And you can't talk about simple, pure, minimalist musk without talking about probably one of my favorite musk fragrances to wear. Lottabow Musk 25. Musk 25, city exclusive for LA. Guys, musk lovers dream. A musk lovers dream. I have four of these little bottles and I'm still going to get the 100 ML bottle of this because I wear it so much. It is, like I said, a musk lovers dream and they must have, if you're going to have any kind of musk collection. Next up, Valentino Noir Musk Essence. I've already done a video on this, an ute essence. It will be insane not to include this in a musk video, especially for the price point. The scent you get is incredible. Incredible, guys. Even though you can't spill it in an apartment store, blind by it because it's blind by worthy. So freaking good. Valentino Noir Musk Essence, a must have musk. And since we're talking about must have must, let's get the obvious out of the way. First of all, must grab and enjoy. Yes, springtime, you still have more time to wear this thing because this is one of those conversation starting fragrances. Some people that polarize, some people don't like the clove note in it. I love it.  Fantastic. Fantastic. Frederick Maul, must grab and enjoy, a must have musk for sure. Next up, we have bottom number nine, New York Musk. Again, guys, I love this fragrance. New York ute is the one that gets all the top from the New York notes, but this one, spring, summer, fall, must have. Spring, summer, fall, must have. It is a chameleon of a musk and it can be worn alone or with a citrus to bring out just a different characteristic of this fragrance. Great musk fragrance and a must have, if you really dig musk, in my opinion.  Musk, musk, musk, musk, musk. I've already hyped this one up and up. I said, if you're going to own one Chanel exclusive, guys, this is the one you'll want because of the note of musk. It smells so good on men. It smells great on women too. But this one, guys, like I said, go check the video out I did about it. Must have for musk lovers, guys.  Spring, summer, me and this thing right here are going to have some fun. Now it's time to get into the big boys. Next up, Armani Privet, Musk Chamal. Of everything that I've talked about, this one right here is a compliment monster and a conversation starter. This one has the numbers and the stats to prove it. She'll call this stuff show your work. Every time I wear this thing, someone stops me and asks me, what are you wearing? What is that? Armani Privet, Musk Chamal. I'm going to talk about Armani Privet on one of my Friday night fragrances because that line doesn't get enough discussion and it has some bonafide winners. And I will say arguably, arguably, for compliments, this is up there with Rose DRB, which is an insane thing to say until you see the numbers. Musk Chamal, Musk done right. Oh, and the rock star on the list that sadly most of you will never put your nose on. Mugler Les Exceptions over the Musk. If you want to smell this, you're likely going to have to blind buy it because you just can't go in a store and smell it. I had to blind buy it and I'm so glad I did. I'm going to say this thing has ambrose seasoning and musk melon. It's an expensive luxurious musk and it's a compliment workhorse. It's up there with Musk Chamal. I will have this in my collection forever because it just makes me feel good to wear it. And then when you get the conversations, compliments starters, even better. I am overjoyed with my purchase of over the Musk Mugler Les Exceptions. Next up from the House of Killing, we have none other than Musk Oud and Eternal Oud, which is Musk Oud Intense. Sadly, this one is discontinued, so I'm not going to torture you guys about it. But I love to wear this one even more. But let's move it over here for Musk Oud. Musk Oud is on one of the videos I talk about fragrances and drive women nuts because women love this on me. It has the note of Musk, which is manly and Oud, which is deep. Musk Oud is so good, sensual, especially on a man's skin guys, and do not be afraid to wear this stuff in warmer weather. See, sadly, a lot of you guys are shying away from wearing bolder, richer scents and warmer weather, which you're missing a huge opportunity. What do you think our friends in the Middle East do? You think they just walk around in citrus when it's hot, hot, hot outside? No, they still wear oods and musks and ambers and everything else. But let's start learning how to wear this stuff. And this is one of the best, Musk Oud by Killing, Eternal Oud by Killing. Get this one in your life. And last but certainly not least on the list, Roja Dove, Musk Oud, and Musk Oud Absolute, something or other. Musk Oud Intense, guys. Gotta admit, Roja, when you do it, you do it well. Spraying this on your skin is like spraying on luxury. You know where your money goes as soon as it hits your skin from the sheen. The oil concentration is there. And then when you put your nose around it, OMG. Out of all the oods, this is going to be the minimalist of the bunch, but this one gets so much attention and starts so many conversations. It should be outlawed. I like this version. You can get the crystal version. They're the same fragrance. I just like the way this one looks, even though I wear white shirts all the time. Gotta be careful. But I dig this one. And then the AAP version, guys. That sucker right there is just special. Special occasion date night. All it takes is just a little pop. And this stuff lasts forever, forever, forever, forever. Both of these are great Musk fragrances, Musk Oud fragrances. And so glad I have them out of collection. But as usual, guys, don't just leave it up to me. Hit us up in the comment section. Guys, let us know what are your must have musks. If you're going to build a musk collection, let us know what you would put in it. Let us know what you have in it. What would you rock? What would you wear? Inquiring minds would like to know. Godfather, out. Hey guys, whether look style or life, whether personal or professional, you can level up and be your personal best each and every day. If you're interested in any of that, do us both a favor. Follow the link in the description and book your one-on-one session with me. Details down in the description. Peace.


Okay. Nicole asks, I have a few questions. We all have questions. Don't waste time for all everyone to get their voice all be heard. Is there a way to create a link to an office file and make it force the user to make a copy of it like on Google Docs? Can I just start by saying that having assisted with a Google to M365 migration, those sharing links, the level of craziness that is the Google sharing links, that is a mess. I say this as part of my answer. The copy versus move link versus print link, they have all these pieces that can get put into the URL that just make migrations a disaster from a permissions perspective. But that's not really an answer to Nicole's question. Just commentary. It doesn't make it a struggle then when you're doing, because on the Google migrations I've done, it makes it a struggle because they expect it to act the same when they come over. I always do, if you're going to start training them, don't train them on what's the difference between the two. It's like, well, what have you got now? Because if you try to do comparison, they're either going to get something they like or something they don't like, and you live in the negative more than you live in the positive. Usually I say, if you're going to do a link, create one where it's a view only, but they're allowed to download, so then they have to create a copy. If they can't actually edit it and they can't do much else with it, then they're forced ultimately to do a download. Yeah. Well, I mean, in SharePoint, one thing is that you can provide a link to a file, but require them to check it in, check it out, or check it out. It's true. Yeah. I think there's- Go ahead, Sherry. There's two SharePoint features that offer you the option for that too. On the SharePoint library, you can select the checkbox that says, it doesn't open in the browser window, it has to open in the client. Well, that would require them to have the licensing to have the client application as well. So there's a little gotcha, but you can also save it as a template format, and then they won't be able to save it back either. That's true. That's the default setting for folks that don't know that with Word or with Office documents. If you have the original file as a template, then when somebody wants to go and utilize that and they go to save, then it would be as a standalone document. They would have to, you know, additional steps to go and save it as a new template or what have you. But that's a creative way around doing that. So when you do file save as, it'll ask you to browse, and then it'll take you back to the web location, but that's the only place you can save the file format. If you want to save it as a PDF, don't save it as a macro-enabled. Macro-enabled is bad, but if you save it as a template, you'll be fine. What is Nicole trying to do? What's the purpose of that question? That's the real question. Yeah. Well, if it's a form or something, maybe she could use forms instead. Like, there's other... But is it like a versioning question? Just making sure that if people are making edits, that they're making edits to a net new? Because this is one of the reasons why Microsoft promotes so heavily, and you have now Microsoft Loop, which even more ways of co-editing on material is that we do these things through co-editing, but you have the ability to go back when you, yeah, versioning on and to see what was there before. Well, I mean, it does concern me because creating a copy of a file, I mean, we've been talking about doing a link to a document so that you got one source of truth. So it kind of detracts from, why don't you just email an attachment then, and it's their own copy? Because I mean, you're effectively removing some of the great features of sharing a link. So, you know, it comes down to, if it was a template, then you're right. Like Shari said, then sure, you know, you want to keep something that's consistent. But then I go, you're just taking away all that the version history, which you talked about, the one source of truth and co-editing, and to me, that creates a nightmare because you've got a copy of a copy and how many of copies, yeah. Well, and I think it goes back, Jay, to what you said. You know, are we trying to recreate that previous experience by moving over? You're over in this world now, it's different, and we should talk about, what are you trying to accomplish? Why are you doing that? Is the reason why she's even asking for this, is it more of a, it's a crutch because you did things a certain way because of limitations of the previous technology? What are you really trying to do? What's your goal here? Cause there may be a completely different way to do it, and probably more secure and compliant way of doing it over in Microsoft 365. Not that I'm biased. Shari, I think you mentioned a form earlier, right? Like if you can look at the Microsoft 365 stack and improve whatever you were doing with the rest of the capabilities, form, power, platform, flows, all sorts of things that you can do that are so much better than just make a copy. Yeah, I think, yes. I think what's happening, and I can imagine this cause, you know, being from the end user world, somebody is opening a file and they're adding the original and they're messing up the original and they're tired of reverting it back or fixing it. And I totally get that. You know, like a leave request form. But, you know, again, we have other ways that we can make that easier. But one little thing about the SharePoint, opening it by default, that is a library setting. It's not a document setting. So if they're really wanting to centralize templates so that they're in one place, I'd create a separate document library because that limits like co-authoring and somebody being able to use the web version of the document that I've been doing. Shari, could you also do a markers final?  Yeah, I guess if the market is a record, it can be edited. So I'm not sure what you mean by markers final. Oh, like in Word, you can let anyone know it says final document. Often it's kind of, it can be a little bit more locked down or you can put some protection around the document itself so it would force them as well, might be another way from the actual app itself rather than through your link, whether it's SharePoint or OneDrive, sort of do it more from the application rather than the actual app. Yeah. I did a whole course on LinkedIn. I'll give you a link to that, Christian, of how to use templates with SharePoint libraries. In this spreadsheet, Shari, you know, we've provided this spreadsheet. I don't think that now that we've discussed this, I mean, I think to this scenario, it sounds like it, and maybe Nicole will watch this and let us know we'll do part two of the video. But is that idea of having, you know, like the templates and wanting people not to mess up that, that, you know, kind of parent, you know, version of that. And I mean, my guidance has been coming from the project portfolio management world and building out PMOs for multiple clients, multiple companies. The idea of creating a template library and locking down the library, but allowing people to go and pull down a template and then modify that. So I can go in and update the template as the owner of those things, but every time you go in as a project manager, download the version, it saves you a local copy and it's a subset of that. You've got to rename that, but it can never mess with the template. And so there's plenty of ways of doing that if that's the scenario and SharePoint, and then of course in Teams, which is still SharePoint. Yeah. Yay.


Hey everybody it's Sam at Mixed Up Craft, thank you for watching my tutorial today, I'm going to be showing you how to make these really sweet kite fold cards. So I actually made these during my last Facebook Live craft along, so if you haven't joined and you're on Facebook and you'd like to just chill out for a couple of hours then head over to my Facebook page, Mixed Up Craft and you'll be able to you know join in on the next live. So the idea for these actually came from one that I was taking some photos off, so I've actually been helping out with a couple of magazines with everything that's going on at the moment, I'm doing some photography, so one of the cards is this kite fold card. Now I have done all my measurements myself and I've actually made a bigger version here because we were talking during the live about maybe having one for a gift card, so this is actually a gift card holder and I'll show you that in a moment, but these are all the same size and you can put them onto any size card you want. So I'm only going to show you to make this size kite and this side kite, this size kite. The actual card blanks, the base is entirely up to you, this is a 6x6, this is a 5x7 and this one here is a 3x6, so it ends up being 6x6 with the height of where I've stuck this kite, but you can imagine this is a smaller you know any size like I said that you want and I just think it's gorgeous, I love that when it stands up you know the little kind of kite tail just hangs there onto the you know the surface and I've used an embossing folder I've got some glue I'm going to probably change the glue on that because I'm waiting for some clear glue sticks because I've had to use gold ones but you can see and I just use the embossing folder there the cloud one that I've got I'll share the links to the product that I have here in my blog post and then this one I just think it's brilliant so this is a 5x7 card so you could stick this onto a 5x7 blank you can see there and have the tail kind of dangling off at the bottom but inside this one is your gift card and then you've got space here to write your message now you could put the gift card there if you wanted to and then it just closes there with a little velcro dot and you can pop that in an envelope and I just think that's a lovely way to give a gift card to someone especially when you're mailing them having the kite in the mail I just think it's brilliant really really lovely and then again what I'll do is I'll just open them up so they've all got a little bit of velcro on the bottom so you can see there that's ready to stamp and that's using the paper posies they kept that kind of you know quite simple I guess because there's so much going on with that kite and this is a top fold in 6x6 but you've got all that space inside to write a message as well so you know you could have a nice little surprise maybe inside the actual kite this one's well I think these two are my favorites just because I love the background again if I just lift that one up you can see you've got that space inside there and then finally this one is just the same again so they're all ready for me to kind of stamp but the sentiment I've used there another year flies by it's just an old one from one of the free stamps that I got from Creative Stamping magazine so you know but any kind of flight related stamps I think worked perfectly for these and you can see there that one I've actually kept plain I just think it's really pretty with that flower in the middle so enough of my talking let me get into the video and show you how to make them okay so like I said I'm just going to show you how to make the kites all of the backgrounds you can you know choose and do your mats and layers and everything you know yourself because that's really straightforward to do but okay so the first template here's for the smaller kite and I've also then got the one there for the 5x7 size but both of them you can use your regular size cardstocks now I would suggest that you use something that's a lighter weight so around the 200gsm kind of mark I think will be better because you've got those folds all around here if you've got something too thick it's just too bulky and the card will probably crack and just not really look too good whereas if you have a much lighter soft by the time you add your mats and layers it becomes pretty strong anyway and you're going to pop it if you are onto your card blank as well so what you want to do is if you want to make the smaller one you want a piece of 11x4 and you can see everything that I've done here and I've also put in red the score lines and then the black other cut lines then you want to mark three and three quarters up on all of your sides so three and three quarters and then from this end three and three quarters up and again three and three quarters up and that gives you these little so you just put a little pencil mark there and then you're going to score joining those marks together you've already scored that one but these ones you're going to score across there and I'm going to do this on this one in a minute I will speed that up but you can see I've already put a pencil mark here here here and here and then you just want to mark the center of your four inch width there which is two so just put a pencil mark there and you can draw a pencil mark joining that if you want or just cut it you can pop it in your trimmer and cut it and again I will do all that in a moment there but that is what you need so if you want to pause the screen you know take a screenshot whatever you want to do like I said this will be on my blog as well but that's what you need for that size and then for this one here so you'll see it's a much bigger template but it's using two separate pieces and they're actually stuck together through the middle there ignore that there I made a mistake with my scoring and I scored the wrong size so with this one here you want a piece of five by seven and a piece of five by seven and a half because I've already put my template together we'll do this one now just so that you can see what it is that you have to do so this is my piece of five by seven and a half and that's the one where you want to score at half an inch so then that piece will be seven inches so then you'll have two see there which are five by seven okay and that one you just want to fold in half you're basically just making this a longer piece of cardstock and then you will do all the scoring just as I have on that template so you just want to create this one big piece so I'm just going to pop my glue on that tab and just lay this piece over and then this join is here you'll see I've put join it's your center score line okay so this will actually be scored at seven if I was to lie this in here you see it lines up with my seven inches it's 14 inches in length so you just you know it's the same as doing that center score line there but it's already done for you because we've joined them together so now if I just fold that over you can see where we are with that one and what I'm then going to do with this one is I'm going to come up each of the sides by five inches and pop a little pencil mark again come up five and five and you're just going to do that on all of these pieces which you'll see me do like I said I'll put it on just speed it up because I think when you've got this template it's very easy to see what you need to do and then you can see again here with my red score lines you're then going to join across from this one to this one and this one to this one and again if you want to draw pencil lines here because those are just going to be cut away anyway and again if you just want to pause here just so you can see what it is that you need and this is just your halfway again so this is a piece of five inches wide so you're just there putting a marker at two and a half and that's that both ends okay all of the mats and layers I will go through in a moment but I'm now going to go and get my actual pieces here all scored and marked and then we'll be back with two sizes of that kite so there's both of my pieces now and you can see how they fit within the templates okay next we want to just fold those score lines so just your middle one right through the center just make that amount in fold along with these you're just folding them and everything should lay nice and flat and then you know you've got it all lined up and then you want to take the center one make sure that is a nice point and just bring them in like that if it's a little bit off like mine has there I'm just going to bring that across and just burnish those a little bit there we go okay so there's one kite really easy so again I'll just go through with this one so just that one's already amount in fold so I'm just going to do these two here see make sure your glue is dry where you've joined it and then again just bring down that center make sure you've got a nice point there and that one lines up perfectly and you can have that just as a card on its own as well you don't need to put the gift card in there at all okay so I'm going to pop those templates to one side and I will take photos of them and put them onto the blog so what I would recommend at this point is just going over and burnishing all those score lines go inside as well as far as you can and just try and burnish those so it will still be bouncy because of that fold and the fold is very familiar it's an origami fold but it's used it's one of the ones as well that's in like the twist and pop lots of pop-up you know styles so it's quite a common fold okay now the mats and layers so I'm going to do this one first of all now because you're working on angles and depending whether you're using double-sided card stock or pattern paper with a design and so on you will need to probably have two of everything so that means that you could then have mats and layers all ready for another kite fold card so it will make sense so this one here is for the inside I'll go through that in a moment so first of all here these are going to be to create the long kind of bottom let me bring this one in here so these are going to be for these mats here at the bottom so for these ones I'm going to just bring in my trimmer we can go through all of the sizes so these pieces here measure one and three quarters by three and a quarter okay now you want to cut them both you know differently so the this one here for example I'm going to cut from the top left to the bottom right and then this one I'm going to cut from the top right to the bottom left so and the reason being is because we're not working with an equal side you know shape so we're not working with squares you will need to have two because these will not so now I can have one turn it upside down and it will go into there I'm going to have to move that across a little bit again let me go on this side here because it's just to redo that score line maybe I've got one of my pencil lines slightly off but there you go you can see now so that one's going to go in there but this one unless I flipped it over but then I wouldn't have the mirror card stock isn't going to go on that side so that's why we then need to cut that one so remember we've cut that one from the top right down to the bottom left this one we're going to cut from the top left down to the bottom right so it's just the same kind of mats that we're doing here that we done for the star cards because you were working on those angles but now I've got that one that can go in there and that one can go in there and we have that tiny border okay but now you've got these two if you just move them around that one that way and that one that way you've already got mats ready for another kite and those kites are very quick and easy to make so you know why not do a few you could do a batch you know if you want to put some you know in your stash and keep them for when you need them then you know obviously do not waste these because they will all get used and I will be using them on another one because I've got kite cards coming out of my ears so that's for the base mats then for the top mats again it's the same principle so these ones here you want two pieces that are one and three quarters by one and a half so with these ones here again I'm going to pop them their rectangles so just have them in like a landscape orientation you're going to do the same so you're going to cut one from well let's just do yeah so we do this one from the top left to the bottom right okay and then this one I'm going to do from the top right to the bottom left make sure it's in landscape again it's not an exact square but now you can take the bottom two and they will sit perfectly up here and then you just twist that one around and that one around and they're ready to go with those other two for your mats for your other other kite so I'm going to pop those ones there then if you want to do pattern paper you might just want to do pattern paper and not have the holographic cardstock like I have but if you do want to do the layers like I have here and I've also done a contrast then you'll need these pieces but also if you're working with double sided which is going to make sense with this next one when I show you the mats for the five by seven you can actually just flip the card so that's another way to save cardstock if you don't want to use it like I am so for the mats sorry for the layers for this one you'll want two pieces that are one and three eighths of an inch by two and seven eighths of an inch and again so I'm going to do this one from the top left to the bottom right so that one is going to go over this side here it's going to go obviously on top of that mirrored and I always just lay them down so you remember which way you've cut so now I know I want to do this one from the top right to the bottom left once you start making these you will know exactly what it is that you need just follow the you can see the angle and you can see the shape of the kite so now if I lay that one down there and grab say so this is this mat here then this layer here is going to go on top of that one there okay it will go there because I've worked them all now there we go you'll get that nice border like so and then this one here and then that one will go here now I may have to redo that again because I've just realized this is an or it this does have a direction so now if I turn that upside down although it's the mats that I need can you see I'm going to have my rainbows upside down so take that into account as well you can see actually this is the first time I've used a directional paper see those there they're all doesn't matter which way you twist them so do take that into account as well but I'm happy with that one there okay and then again for the top ones you will want two pieces that are one and three eighths of an inch by one and one eighth of an inch and again in landscape orientation I'm going to do this one from top right to bottom left so that one can go over there again just leave them there because it's always handy to see which way you've gone so then this one I'm going to do from top left to bottom right so I'm going to have this one which is going to go on top of this piece here and it's going to sit at the top there I was confusing myself then so they're going to go like that okay those are already now to be stuck down I'm going to stick both of the kites together in a minute so and then you'll want this piece for the inside of that kite as well which is three and a half by five okay and you just want to mark with the centre of both of these short sides which is what did I just say that was three and a half so it's one and three quarters just put a pencil mark at the top and the bottom and then just come down I believe it was one and a half so come down one and a half each side and then you're just going to cut you can you know do a pencil line if you want to join up these marks you know you're going to get a nice straight line but you're just going to cut like this that piece will go inside here okay and if you want to do two then you just double it up so that's all ready to stick down now on to the five by seven I'll start off with this big one first so I've actually done two because for me these are gift card ones so I'm going to have the gift card at the bottom so I've got this one already to go in there and you see that sits nicely with that frame so you will want two pieces that are four and a half by six and a half okay okay again you want to mark the center so four and so it would be two and a quarter top and bottom and then for these ones which I came down two inches on both sides so again it might be worth joining these ones up just because it's a bit of a longer kind of section to cut we just cut away the pencil line I mean that slight you know just making it that little bit smaller isn't really going to affect the card I'm only just going to do those ones but again you just want to cut from the center there down to each point for about any pencil marks or you can just flip it over okay so there's my two mats for inside okay so the mats and layers for this one will probably work out a lot more easier because for my mat here I'm using a double-sided so you only need one piece so this is a piece of two and a quarter by four and a half okay and you're just going to cut across it doesn't matter which one so I'm just going to cut from the top left make sure it's in you know um portrait but just cut across because now I can just turn that one that way and I can just flip that one over and you can see there how I'm going to have my base mats for this one here and again they're just going to sit over exactly the same way like so so you only need one piece and then again I've cut two but you could just have one as well so with this one here this is a piece of again this is for the base layer this is two by four and I'm going to cut from the top left to the bottom right and if I bring these back up again I can turn this one around and it will sit over that one and because this is double-sided the colors match but it's just a different pattern you can see now again I don't need to have more but if I wanted to use the same print then you just have to cut that just opposite to how you cut that one so I'm hoping this is all kind of helping you decide on what papers you want to use and maybe you don't have mirrored cardstock you don't maybe have a lot you might be just starting off doing the white mat because you can see it helps that pattern piece pop against the green card bank because we've got that white border okay so I'm not going to actually cut that bit I just wanted to show you for the video and then that's the same for the tops okay those top layers and I need to do the white as well because I didn't cut those ones so let me just grab my white okay so again because I'm using the white I only need one piece so this is two and a quarter by one and seven eighths and then I'm just going to cut this one again it doesn't matter because you can flip it and twist it and all that kind of stuff but now those are ready to go on the top here so one will go that way and then this one I can just flip around and that will go at the top there okay and then again for the pattern layer to go over the top so this is two by one and a half and again I'm just going to cut like so and then I'm just going to keep this one piece because I can just flip it over like so so that is your mats and layers so I'm hoping it although there's a lot of measurements there this would all be wrote down on my blog but I just wanted to kind of show you different pattern papers and working with a mirrored cardstock and just you know and to have that contrast as well what you would need to do but if you do the contrast style you'll be able to make two kite cards if you just want to just have one and you want to kind of not break into a lot of card then go for this one where you use a double-sided pattern paper and a plain color for your mats okay so now I'm going to stick all of this down and then we're pretty much done okay so I've done all my mats in layers I really love the two green kind of prints there together I think it looks lovely and you can see the mats all in there and all I done with the gift cards I just used a foam pad or a glue dot just to keep it in place and then there's that one as well really really sweet love those patterns so next you want to just grab a Velcro dot you only need one really because you cut it like into segments I mean I did use one actually on this this size so I'm just getting that one there popping it right down the bottom you don't want it overhanging but this will help line everything up as well because you kind of pull it into place there we go but now that stays nice and closed okay but if you're making more of this size you'll see I've got a segment here left so I just cut one of these little glue dots and Velcro dots I think it's the 10 mil in half and then in half again and then where you've got the right angle you just kind of want to have that point down to the bottom of the kite and then again just make sure it lines right up you don't want to see any of it like so okay so that's what I've done there and then you want to add some strings so I'm going to bring in this green bakers twine for the the green one there and I've just got this kind of very thin pink organza which I thought would work quite nice as well now you can I'm going to stick it onto the back because I'm going to stick this onto a card blank so you won't see it but you might maybe with that one what I might do is just put a mat layer on the back of that because this one will not go onto a card for me anyway you could easily put it on there what I would suggest is that you stick your ribbon down before you stick a matte layer inside okay and then that way the the mat can go over the string but it's fine I'm not too worried like I said this one will eventually go onto a card so for this one here I'm just going to grab some of my glue there and just put a little bit on the back you can use you know double sided tape as well if you want to but that will grab in a moment and again I'm just going to pop that one there you don't need them this long well you may be doing some bunting or something maybe you might be having it more as a decorative piece but I will trim that off I just quickly grabbed that while I was doing the video so then I've got all these bows now you can make little bows I did show you how to make a bow from oval nested dyes I'll share my facebook video anyway because I know some people like to have them playing in the background I know I watch a lot of lives and long videos when I'm crafting so you know check that out but it's a really straightforward thing but for this one I'm just going to use some of my ready-made bows I really like them and I've got a lot of this color which I think with these little pearl kind of they must be just little beads in the center let's get one that's a little bit neater but I'm going to have three the same color that one's got a lot of glue on it I don't like the look of that one you've got to kind of find the best looking ones out of them all there we go I'm going to have those three I think coming down from the green one because it's kind of that it's like a rich gold color and it kind of works really well with that one and then I've got that hot pink and I've got a few more so maybe I just have a trail of three hot pink I'm going to be in need of some more bows soon I've got oranges in there as well there we go there's another one and that one's going to go there and I think that will look really nice so I'm just going to get these ones glued okay so that's those two finished you'll see that I did actually use my hot glue in the end but I've got that little kind of kite tail there and then that one with the three hot pink ones I think looks really cute and then I've just brought in the other ones again so like I said this one will eventually go on to a card I probably will do the clouds again I really like this one I think it's lovely and just to give you an idea on your sentiments you can see there I've got that one with the silver embossing powder and then inside I've put some bunting as well I think it looks really really cute and then this I just love this this version just to have it kind of look like it's going off into the sky against that cloud background again so yeah that is how that one will probably end up being used and then again with the gift card kind of style or just that larger card you can see I've just put a simple topper in the middle of that one and I've just used some of the white blizzard nuvo drops in the center and then on to a six by six size again there as well so you can just see how that sits nicely on there so I've got more than enough these ones will just stay as they are until I kind of decide on the occasion that I might be using them for but I hope this tutorial has helped I hope it's helped all of you that watch the Facebook live because now you've got one that you can go to all the time and I will be back again very soon with another tutorial thanks for watching bye