for the Lorne Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. A presentation of the Lorne Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lorne Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world honored Lorne Jean. Good evening, this is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lorne Jean Chronoscope. Mr. William Bradford Huey, editor of the American Mercury, and Mr. Henry Haslett, contributing editor of Newsweek Magazine. Our distinguished guest for this evening is Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., United States representative from New York. Well, Mr. Roosevelt, we're very happy to welcome you to the Chronoscope program this evening. I'd like to begin by asking you what you thought of the charges that Senator McCarthy made against Governor Stevenson. Well, Mr. Haslett, first of all, may I express my gratitude for your inviting me here tonight. As for the McCarthy speech tonight, I, unfortunately, was not able to see all of it, hear all of it. I did get the last part of it where the senator from Wisconsin was once again bringing in the affidavit that Governor Stevenson made in the HIST trial, in which, of course, Governor Stevenson testified in writing by his affidavit only to the fact that when he knew HIST in the State Department, HIST then had a reputation, a good reputation, in the community. And that was all. But Senator McCarthy, as usual, tried to read much more into it. Well, do you think that Governor Stevenson showed good judgment in making that deposition? I think that as an attorney and as a citizen in our procedure of justice in the courts, he had had an obligation to state what he knew about the reputation his had in the community at that time. It was not his opinion of his reputation. It was his opinion of the reputation his had in the community at that time. Well, granted that he had the duty to speak, if he thought that a perjurer was a loyal citizen, did it show good judgment in thinking that? Well, of course, he had not been convicted of perjury at the time that Governor Stevenson made that affidavit. That was the decision of the jury after the HIST trial. Well, the first HIST trial was a hung jury, you know. Well, do you think it would show that Governor Stevenson can't tell a communist when he sees one, so to speak? No, I don't think it shows that at all. That's what McCarthy would like it to show. On the McCarthy speech, sir, do you think that it might be effective for the Republicans? Well, not having heard the whole speech, I can't say. I don't think that McCarthy is effective for the Republicans for one very simple reason, that I think the American people have realized that McCarthy has crucified the character and the reputation without evidence of too many Americans. And secondly, that not one single person has been convicted as a result of Mr. McCarthy's efforts. Well, the Justice Department at the same time has convicted 33 well-known communist leaders. Well, moving on to the to the campaign, sir, I believe that you at least made one favorable statement about General Eisenhower in 1948. In March of 1948, I did make a statement saying that I felt that General Eisenhower could unify the country. Now, when did your enthusiasm begin to lag for General Eisenhower? Within the three weeks that followed that statement, I discovered that the impressions that I had of General Eisenhower's position on the issues could not be verified and that General Eisenhower did not would express himself on the issues, nor was he a candidate. Where did those impressions come from, Mr. Roosevelt? That was 1948. I'd say that they probably were a general idea that people had about the fact that Eisenhower at that time certainly was a very humane and a great military leader, and certainly was highly respected both here and throughout the world. I think he still is respected and admired as a great military leader. Well, now about the campaign that the Democrats have waged against General Eisenhower. Do you feel, sir, that any of the charges leveled at him have been unfair? Well, I haven't documented all the charges that have been leveled against him. I've been pretty busy being positive in this campaign on behalf of Governor Steimson and, of course, my own reelection. I'd say that the main charge against General Eisenhower has been not that he has failed to repudiate McCarthy and Jenner who crucified his own great hero, General Marshall, but that he has positively gone out and endorsed these people. The very essence of the Old God Republicans. And I think that the charge that he is now a captive of the Old God is a justified charge. I think that can be shown by his acceptance of Senator Taft's prepared statement, prepared in Cincinnati, and he brought it to Columbia for his meeting with Eisenhower and Eisenhower accepted it. Well, as a great crime for Mr. Eisenhower, who was running on a Republican ticket to be supporting, so to speak, the views of Mr. Republican. Well, he he conquered Mr. Republican at Chicago and then was conquered by Mr. Republican at Columbia University. I don't think it's a crime. Of course not. He's this is a free country. I don't think it will help him, though, with the American people, because I don't think that Senator Taft is he wasn't nominated by the Republicans, so he doesn't even have the Republican support. Two questions on President Truman. In the first place, sir, do you think that any of Truman's tactics have been unfair in this campaign? I think that it's hard to say that they're unfair for the simple reason that we know Harry Truman is a tough fighter in any campaign. That's how he won the election in 1948. I think that some of the things he has said have hurt some people and their sensitivities. On the other hand, I think he has aroused the Democratic Party, and I think that his campaigning has been helpful. Well, I'm sure I'd like to ask this question, whether that isn't applying a sort of double standard. Now, why can't you say about Senator McCarthy? He's a tough fighter and he's been effective. Why is it all right, let us say? Well, I don't think you ought to compare Truman to McCarthy. Well, I'm asking you why you apply what seems to me a double standard of innuendo. How about the innuendo that Mr. Truman made that General Eisenhower was anti-Semitic and anti-Catholic and so on? Wait a minute. He did not say that. What he said was that, and actually he didn't even deliver the speech himself, although he approved the speech, what he said was that General Eisenhower was now endorsing positively those men who had passed and supported the McCarran bill, which is selective and anti-racial. Mr. Roosevelt. It's anti-Polish, it's anti-Italian, it's anti-Eastern European and so forth. Well, Governor Stevenson hasn't been repudiating any of the candidates who, the Democratic candidates who favor the McCarran bill has. There's a difference between repudiation and endorsement. That's all that Truman said, that Eisenhower has gone out of his way to endorse these candidates. Well, hasn't Mr. Stevenson endorsed some of the people who voted for the McCarran Act, the Democrats? I don't know. I don't know if Governor Stevenson has endorsed anybody. It hasn't been heralded such as the endorsements of McCarran. Mr. Roosevelt, I'm sure that our viewers want to know something about you and your own campaign, so you have to all you represent one of the big West Side districts in New York City. Now, how's your own campaign going? Well, I've been spending five days a week, four or five meetings a night, meeting with my constituents, discussing the issues with them. I have a very interesting district. It's a very independent district. I'd say that it is liberal. It's progressive. Of course, I hope they reelect me to Congress. Well, you won on a four freedoms platform, didn't you? The first time I ran, I ran on the Liberal Party, candidacy, and also the Independent Four Freedoms Party Candidates. It's a traditionally Democratic constituency, isn't it? No, I'd say that it's traditionally independent. In 1949, they elected me. I was not the Democratic candidate. Then they voted for Mayor and Pelletieri, quite overwhelmingly, when he ran as an independent in 1950. They voted for Mr. Halley when he ran as an independent and the Liberal Party candidate in 1951. And one other question about the family, sir, I believe that one of your brothers is supporting General Eisenhower. Now, is this unusual? Is it a defection in the Roosevelt family like this? No, I don't think it's particularly unusual. We practice what we preach in the Roosevelt family. We believe in freedom of speech, freedom of thought, and the right of everyone to express himself freely if he feels called upon to do so. Frankly, though, I don't think Johnny's going to influence any votes. I don't think I am, but I think my mother is. What are your mother taking an active part in the last few days of the campaign? She certainly is. She's introducing Governor Stevenson to the Madison Square Garden rally tomorrow night. And as as a final question, Mr. Roosevelt, do you expect any dramatic moves in the last part of the campaign? No, I don't look for any dramatic moves. I think that General Eisenhower shot his wad when he said he'd go to Korea personally. What he did when he got there, he didn't say. I think that the American people will vote to continue the prosperity under the Democrats and continue the hope for peace in the world through the United Nations, the Point Four program and NATO. Well, thank you, sir, for being with us. Thank you. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight are entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Long Jean Chronoscope was Mr. William Bradford Huey and Mr. Henry Haslett. Our distinguished guest was Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr., United States representative from New York. During the past weeks, the words of some of our speakers spoken during the heat of the political campaign have evoked considerable comment and occasional criticism. Now, at this time, the Long Jean Wittner Watts Company puts aside its usual commercial message to give our editors an opportunity to explain to you the policy of the Long Jean Chronoscope. For this purpose, we present Mr. William Bradford Huey. As a magazine editor, about once a year, I give a policy statement to the readers. And tonight, as an editor of the Chronoscope, I'll give a policy statement to you. Long Jean Wittner began this program first on a once a week basis. And now for more than a year, we've operated three times a week over a very large nationwide network. And we are pleased that so many of you have liked the program. Now, here's what we do. Regardless of political persuasion, we bring the most important people in America right into your living room. We seat them comfortably, and then in a forthright but friendly manner, we ask them the questions that we think you would like to ask. And in doing this, we take risk. It's a hazardous business of bringing a guest into other people's living rooms. And sometimes when we bring a rather controversial character on one side or the other, you don't like him. And a great many of you protest. Now, when this happens, we are sorry. But quite honestly, what can we do? Neither I nor the sponsors nor the network exercise any control over what said. We are not sensors. We have to take the risk, you and I, of free speech. We ask the questions and you take the risk, forget what answers you get. Then two, we editors are often criticized because we don't rip into some guest because we don't try to refute what he has to say or to embarrass him. And I particularly get criticized because as a writer, I have some reputation as a ripper. But here we don't do any ripping. We don't smash any ink wells.  So during our second year, we expect to bring you stimulating provocative views from the most active men and women in the world. You examine them. 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