Part 1, Book 2 of From the Founding of the City, Volume 1. This is LibriVox Recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. From the Foundation of the City, Volume 1, by Titus Livius, translated by George Baker. Book 2, Part 1. Once forward I am the treat of the affairs, civil and military, of a free people, for such the Romans were now become. Evangelial magistrates, in the authority of the laws, exalted above that of men. What greatly enhanced the public joy on having obtained to this state of freedom was the halty insolence of the late king, for the former kings governed in such a manner that all of them in secession might deservedly be reckoned as founders of the several parts at least of the city, which they added to it to accommodate the great numbers of inhabitants, whom they themselves introduced. Nor can it be doubted that the same Brutus, who justly merited so great glory for having expelled that halty king, would have hurt the public interest most materially had he, through an overhastey zeal for liberty, rested the government from any one of the former princes. For what must have been the consequence of that rabble of shepherds and vagabonds, fugitives from their own countries, having, under the sanction of an inviolable asylum, obtained liberty, or released impunity, and uncontrolled by the dread of kingly power, had once been set in commotion by tribunician storms, and had, in a city where they were strangers, engaged in contests with the patricians, before the pledges of wives and children, and an affection for the soil itself, which in length of time is acquired from habit, and had united their minds in social concord. The state, as yet but a tender chute, had in that case been torn to pieces by discord, whereas the tranquil moderation of the then government cherished it, and by due nourishment brought it forward to such a condition that its powers being ripened, it was capable of producing the glorious fruits of liberty. The origin of liberty is to be dated from that period, rather on account of the consular government being limited to one year, than of any diminution made of the power which had been possessed by the kings. The first consuls enjoyed all their privileges, and all their ensigns of authority. In this respect only, care was taken, not to double the objects of terror by giving the façades to both of the consuls. Brutus, with the consent of his colleague, was first honored with the façades, and the zeal which he had shown as the champion of liberty in rescuing it from oppression was not greater than that which he afterwards displayed in the character of its guardian. First of all, while the people were in raptures at their new acquisition of freedom, lest they might afterwards be perverted by the importunities or presence of the princes, he bound them by an oath that they would never suffer any man to assume the authority of king at Rome. First in order that the fullness of their body might give the greater weight to the senate, he filled up the numbers of the senators which had been diminished by the kings' murders, to the amount of three hundred, electing to that body the principal men of equestrian rank, and hence the practice is said to have taken its rise of summoning to the senate those who are fathers, and those who are conscripty. For they called those who were elected into this new senate conscripty. This had a wonderful effect towards producing concord in the senate, and in attaching the affection of the commons to the patricians. People then turned their attention to matters of religion, and because some public religious rites had usually been performed by the kings in person, in order that these should be no want of one in any occasion, they appointed a king of the sacrifices. This office they made subject to the jurisdiction of the pontiff, requiring less honor, being joined to the title, might in some shape be injurious to liberty, which was then the first object of their concern. I know not whether they did not carry to excess their great anxiety to raise bulwarks to it, on all sides, even in points of the most trivial consequence. For the name of one of the consuls, though there was no other cause of dislike, became a subject of jealousy to the people. When it was alleged that Tarquini had been too long accustomed to the possession of sovereign power, Priscus first began, next indeed reigned Sevilius Tullius. Yet though that interruption occurred, Tarquinius Superbus never lost sight of the crown, so as to consider it the right of another, but by violence and by flegitious means reclaimed it, as the inheritance of his family. Now that Superbus had been expelled, the government was in the hands of Colatinus. The Tarquinii knew not how to live in a private station. The very name itself was displeasing and dangerous to liberty. These discourses were at first gradually circulated through every part of the city, for the purpose of trying the disposition of the people. After the suspicions of the commons had by these suggestions been sufficiently excited, Prutus called them together. When they were assembled, after first reciting the oath which the people had taken that, they would never suffer a king at Rome or anything else that might be dangerous to liberty. He told them that, they must support this resolution with their utmost power and that no circumstance of any tendency that way ought to be overlooked. That from his regard to the person alluded to, he mentioned the matter unwillingly, nor would he have mentioned it at all, did not his affection for the commonwealth outweigh all other considerations. The Roman people did not think that they had recovered entire freedom. The regal family, the regal name remained, not only in the city, but in the government. This was a circumstance not merely unpropitious, but dangerous to liberty. Do you, Lucius Tarquinius, of your own accord, remove from us this apprehension? We remember, we acknowledge that you expelled the princes. Complete your kindness. Carry hence your name. Your countrymen, on my recommendation, will not give you up your property, but if you have occasion for more, will make liberal additions to it. Depart in friendship. Deliver the state from this, it may be groundless, apprehension. But the opinion is deeply rooted in their minds that, only with the race of the Tarquinii, will kingly power depart hence. And at this extraordinary and unexpected affair, at first deprived the consul of all power of utterance, and when he afterwards began to speak, the principal men of the state gathered round him, and with earnest importunity, urged the same request. Others affected him less, but when spurious Lucretius, his superior in age, and dignity of character, and his father-in-law besides, began to try every method of persuasion, using by Tern's arguments and in treaties, that he would suffer himself to be overcome by the general sense of his countrymen. The consul, fearing lest hereafter when he should have returned to a private station the same measures might be used against him, with the additional, perhaps, of the confiscation of his property and other marks of ignominy, resigned the office of consul, and removing all his effects to Lavinium, withdrew from the territories of the state. Lucretius, in pursuance of a decree of the Senate, proposed to the people that all who were of the Tarquinian family should be banished, and in an assembly of the centuries he elected for his colleague Publius Valerius, who had been his assistant in expelling the royal family. No person now doubted but war would be immediately commenced by the Tarquinii. That event, however, did not take place as soon as was expected. But what they entertained no apprehension of, liberty was very near being lost by secret machinations and treachery. There were, among the Romans, several young men of no inconsiderable families who, during the reign of the king, had indulged their pleasures too freely, and being of the same age and constant companions of the younger Tarquinii had been accustomed to live in a princely style. The privileges of all ranks being now reduced to one level, these grew uneasy at the restraint hereby laid on their irregularities and complained heavily among themselves that the liberty of others had imposed slavery on them. A king was a human being, from him a request might be obtained whether right or wrong. With him there was room for favor and for acts of kindness. He could be angry, and he could forgive. He knew a distinction between a friend and an enemy. But the law was a deaf inexorable being, circulated rather for the safety and advantage of the poor than of the rich, and admitted of no relaxation or indulgence if its bounds were transgressed. Men being liable to so many mistakes, to have no other security but innocence, is a hazardous situation. While their minds were in this discontented state, ambassadors arrived from the Tarquinii, who without any mention of their restoration, demanded only their effects. The Senate, having granted them an audience, continued their deliberations on the subject for several days, being apprehensive that a refusal to give them up would afford a plausible reason for a war, and, the giving them up, a fund in aid of it. Meanwhile, the ambassadors were busily employed in schemes of another nature. Whilst they openly demanded the effects, they were secretly forming a plan for recovering the throne, and addressing themselves to the young nobles, seemingly on the business which with they were supposed to have in charge, they made trial of their dispositions. To those who lent an ear to their suggestions, they delivered letters from the Tarquinii, and concerted measures with them for receiving those princes privately into the city by night. The business was first entrusted to the brothers of the name Viteleii, and those of the name Aquileii, a sister of the Viteleii, had been married to the consul Brutus, and there were two sons of that marriage now grown up, Titus and Tiberius. These were led in by their uncles to take part in the design, and several others of the young nobility were drawn into the conspiracy, whose names, at this distance of time, are unknown. In the meanwhile, the opinion of those who advised the giving up of the property, having prevailed in the senate, this afforded the ambassadors of pretexts for remaining in the city, because they had been allowed time by the consuls to procure carriages for the conveyance of the effects of the princes, all which time they spent in consultations with the conspirators, and had by pressing instances, prevailed upon them to send letters for the Tarquinii. Therefore, without these, how could they be so fully assured, as an affair of that high importance required, that the report of the ambassadors were not groundless? These letters, given as a pledge of their sincerity, proved the means of detecting the plot. For the day before that, on which they were to return to the Tarquinii, the ambassadors happening to sup with the Viteleii, and the conspirators having here in private had much conversation, as much natural, on the subject for their new enterprise. Their discourse was overheard by one of the slaves, who had, before this, discovered that such a design was an agitation, but waited for this opportunity, until the letters should be given to the ambassadors, because these, being seized, would furnish full proof of the transaction. As soon as he found that they were delivered, he made a discovery of the affair to the consuls. The consuls, setting from home directly, and apprehending the ambassadors and conspirators in the fact, effectually crushed the affair without any tumult, taking particular care with regard to the letters that they should not escape them. They instantly threw the traders into chains, but hesitated for some time with regard to proceeding against the ambassadors, and though, by their behavior, they had deserved to be treated as enemies, yet regard to the law of nations prevailed. With respect to the effects of the princes, which they had before ordered to be restored, the business was now laid before the Senate for reconsideration, and they, actuated entirely by resentment, decreed that they should not be restored, but converted to the use of the State. They were, therefore, given up to the commons as plunder, with the intent that these, after such an act of violence against the princes, as the seizing of their effects, might forever lose all hope of reconciliation with them. The land of the Tarquinii, which lay between the city and the Tiber, being consecrated to the God of War, has, from that time, been called the Field of Mars. It happened that there was then, on that ground, a crop of corn, ripe for the sickle, and because it would be an impiety to make use of this produce of the field, a great number of men were set in at once, who, having cut it down, carried it in baskets, and threw it, grain and straw together, into the Tiber, whose waters were low at that time, as is generally the case in the middle of summer. The heaps of corn, then being frequently stopped for a while in the shallows, and having contracted a covering of mud, sunk, and remained fixed, and by this means the afflux of other materials from which stream is apt to carry down, an island was gradually formed. I suppose the mounds were added, afterwards, in assistance, given by art, to raise the surface to its present height, and give it sufficient firmness to support temples and porticoes. After the people had made plunder of the effects of the princes, the traitors were condemned and executed, and the execution was the more remarkable on this account, that his office of consul imposed on a father the severe duty of inflicting punishment on his own sons, and that he, who ought not to have been present as a spectator, was yet the very person whom fortune pitched on to exact the penalty of their offense. The youths, all of the first distinction, stood tied to stakes, but the sons of the consul entirely engaged the eyes of the spectators, as if the others were persons unknown, and people felt compassion, not only for their punishment, but even for the crime by which they had brought it on themselves. To think that, they could, during that year particularly, had been induced to entertain a design of betraying their country, just delivered from tyranny. Their father is the deliverer, the consulship, which had commenced in the Junyan family. The patricians, commons, in a word, whatever Rome held in its highest veneration, into the hands of one who was formerly a tyrannical king, now in enraged exile. The consuls mounted their throne, and the lictors were sent to inflict the punishment. After stripping, the criminals naked, they beat them with rods, and beheaded them. Wilst, through the whole process of the affair, the looks and countenance of Brutus afforded an extraordinary spectacle. The feelings of the father often struggling with the character of the magistrate, enforcing the execution of the laws. Wilst is stunned to the offenders, in order to exhibit a striking example for the prevention of crimes in their treatment of the several parties. They gave, as a reward to the discoverer of the treason, a sum of money out of the treasury, his freedom, and the rights of a citizen. This man is said to have been made free by the vindicta. Some think that the term vindicta was taken from him, his name having been vindictius. After him it obtained, as a rule, that whoever was made free in that manner should be considered and admitted a citizen. Tarquinius, on being informed of these transactions, became inflamed, not only with grief for the disappointment of such promising hopes, but with hatred and resentment, and finding every pass shut against secret plots, determined to have recourse to open war, and to that end he went round to all the cities of Vaturia. In the character of a suppliant, addressing himself particularly to the people of Weieyi and Tarquiniyi, and treating them not to suffer him who was sprung from themselves and of the same blood, who was lately possessed of so great a kingdom, now exiled and in want, to perish before their eyes, together with the young men his sons. Others have been invited from foreign countries to Rome to fill the throne, but he went in possession of the government, and while he was employing its arms in extending the limits of the Roman Empire, was expelled by a villainous conspiracy of men who were most closely connected with him, who, because no one of their number was qualified to hold the reins of government, had forcibly shared the several parts of it among them, and had given up his property to be plundered by the populace, to the intent that all might be equally guilty. He only wished to be restored to his own country in crown, and be avenged on his ungrateful subjects. He besought them to support and assist him, and at the same time to take revenge for the injuries which they themselves had sustained of old, for their legions so often slaughtered in their lands taken from them. These arguments had the desired effect on the Weientians, every one of whom earnestly and with menaces declared that, out now at least, with a Roman at their head, to efface the memory of their disgraces and recover by arms what had been lost. The people of Tarquinii was moved by his name and his relation to themselves. They thought it redounded to their honor that their countrymen should reign at Rome. Thus two armies of two states followed Tarquinius to demand his restoration and to prosecute war against the Romans. When they advanced into the Roman territories, the consuls marched out to meet the enemy. This led the infantry in order of battle. Brutus with the cavalry marched at some distance from them in order to procure intelligence. In like manner the vanguard of the enemy was composed of cavalry under the command of Arun's Tarquinius, the king's son. The king himself followed with the legions. Arun's, perceiving at a distance by the Lictors, that a consul was there, and afterwards on a nearer approach, plainly distinguished Brutus by his face, became inflamed with rage, and cried out, That is the man who has driven us as exiles from our country. See how he marches in state, decorated with our ensigns. Ye gods, avengers of kings, assist me. He then spurred on his horse, and drove furiously against the consul. Brutus perceived that the attack was meant for him, and as it was at that time reckoned not improper for generals themselves to engage and fight, he eagerly offered himself to the combat, and they advanced against each other with such furious animosity, neither thinking of guarding his own person, but solely intent on wounding his enemy. That, in the violence of the conflict, each of them received his antagonist spear in his body, through his buckler, and being entangled together by the two spears they both fell lifeless from their horses. At the same time the rest of the cavalry began to engage, and were shortly afterwards joined by the infantry. A battle then ensued, in which victory seemed alternately to incline to either party, the advantages being nearly equal, for the right wings of both armies got the better, and the left were worsted. At length, the way Anteans, accustomed to be vanquished by the Roman troops, were routed and dispersed. The Tarquinians, a new enemy, not only cut their ground, but even on their side, made the Romans give way. End of Book 2, Part 1 Book 2, Part 2 of From the Founding of the City, Volume 1. This is LibriVox Recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. From the Foundation of the City, Volume 1. By Titus Livius, translated by George Baker. Book 2, Part 2 Though such was the issue of the battle, yet so great terror took possession of the Tarquinians and the Aeturians that, giving up the exercises impracticable, both armies, the Vainitian and Tarquinian, retired by night to the respective countries. To the accounts of this battle, writers have added miracles, that, during the silence of the following night, allowed a voice was uttered from the Arcian wood, which was believed to be the voice of Silvanius. In these words, the number of the Aeturians who fell in the engagement was greater by one. The Romans have the victory. The Romans certainly departed from the field as conquerors. The Aeturians is vanquished, for when the day appeared, not one of the enemy was to be seen. The consul, Publius Valerius, collected the spoils and returned in triumph to Rome. He celebrated the funeral of his colleague with the utmost degree of magnificence, which those times could afford. But a much higher mark of honor to the deceased was the grief expressed by the public, singularly remarkable in this particular, that the matrons mourned for him as a parent during the whole year, in gratitude for his vigorous exertions in avenging the cause of violated chastity. In a little time, the consul who survived, so changeable are the minds of the populace, from having enjoyed a high degree of popularity, became an object not only of jealousy but of suspicion, attended with the charge of an atrocious nature. It was given out that he aspired to the sovereignty, because he had not submitted a colleague in the room of Brutus, and besides was building a house on the summit of Mount Walia, which, in such a lofty and strong situation, would be an impregnable fortress. The consul's mind was deeply affected with concern and indignation, finding that such reports were circulated and believed. He therefore summoned the people to an assembly, and, ordering the facies to be lowered, mounted with the rostrum. It was a sight highly pleasing to the multitude to find the ensigns of sovereignty lowered to them, and an acknowledgment thus openly given that the majesty and power of the people were superior to those of the consul. When being ordered, the consul exalted the good fortune of his colleague, who, after having accomplished the deliverance of his country and being raised to the highest post of honor, met with death while fighting in defense of the Republic, when his glory had arrived at full maturity, without having excited jealousy. Whereas he himself, surviving his glory, was become an object of calamity, and from the character of deliverer of his country had sunk to a level with the Aquile in Wittele. While no degree of merit, then, said he, ever gain your confidence, so far as to be secure from the attacks of suspicion, could I have the least apprehension that I, the bitterest enemy to kings, should undergo the charge of aiming a kingly power? Supposing that I dwelt in the very citadel and in the capital, could I believe that I was an object of terror to my countrymen? Is my reputation among you depend on so mere a trifle? Is my title to your confidence so slightly founded, that it is more to be considered where I am than what I am? Citizens, the house of Publius Velerius shall be no obstruction to your freedom. The willy amount shall be secure to you. I will not only bring down my house to the plain, but will fix it under the hill, that your dwellings may overlook that of your suspected countrymen. Let those build on the willy amount, to whom you can better entrust your liberty than to Publius Velerius. Immediately, all the material were brought down from the willy amount, and the house was built at the foot of the hill, where the temple of victory now stands. Some laws were then proposed by the consul, which not only cleared him from all suspicion of a design to possess himself of regal power, but whose tendency was so contrary there, too, that they even rendered him popular, and from thence he inquired that surname of Publicola. Such particularly was that concerning an appeal to the people against the decrees of the magistrates, and that which devoted both the persons and the goods of any who should form a design of assuming regal power. These laws were highly acceptable to the Populus, and having affected the ratification of them, while alone in office, in order that the credit of them might be entirely his own, he then held an assembly for the election of a new colleague. The consul was spurious Lucretius, who, being far advanced in years, was too feeble to support the duties of his office, died in a few days after. Margrus Heratius Publius was substituted in the room of Lucretius. In some old writers I find no mention of Lucretius as well. They place Horatius as immediate successor to Brutus. I suppose he was not taken notice of because his consulate was not signalized by any important transaction. The temple of Jupiter, in the capital, had not yet been dedicated. The consuls Valerius and Heratius cast lots, which should perform the dedication, and it fell to Heratius. Publicola set out to conduct the war against the Wynantians. The friends of Valerius showed more displeasure than the occasion meritan, at the dedication of a temple so celebrated being given to Heratius. Having endeavored by every means to prevent its taking place and all their attempts having failed of success, when the consul had already laid his hand on the doorpost and was employed in offering prayers to the gods, they hastily addressed him with the shocking intelligence that his son was dead and insisted that his family, being thus defiled, could not dedicate the temple. Whether he doubted the truth of the intelligence, or whether it was owing to great firmness of mind, we are not informed with certainty, nor is it easy to conjecture. But he was no further diverted from the business he was engaged in by that information than just to give orders that the body should be buried, and still holding the post he finished his prayer and dedicated the temple. Such were the transactions at home and abroad, which occurred during the first year after the expulsion of the royal family. The next consuls appointed were Publius Velerius a second time and Titus Lucretius. Meanwhile, the Tarquinii had carried their complaints to Lars Porcena, king of Clusium, and there, mixing admonitions with entreaties, they at one time besalt him that he would not suffer those who derived their origin from Aturia and were of the same blood and name to spend their lives in poverty and exile. Then warned him not to let this new practice of dethroning kings proceed without chastisement, adding that liberty had in itself sufficient suites to allure others to follow the example, unless kings would show the same degree of vigor in support of kingly power which the people exerted to rest it from them. The highest ranks would be reduced to a level with the lowest. There would be no dignity, no preeminence, among the several members of society. There would soon be an end to regal authority, which among the gods and men had heretofore been held in the highest degree of estimation. Porcena, considering it as highly conducive to the honor of Aturia, that there should be a king at Rome, and also that that king should be of the Aturian race, led an army to Rome, determined to support his pretensions by force of arms. However on any former occasion where the senate struck with such terror, so powerful was the state of Clusium at that time, and so great the name of Porcena. Nor were they in dread of the enemies only, but also of their own countrymen, lest the Roman populace, overcome by their fears, might admit the kings into the city, and for the sake of peace submit to slavery. The senate therefore, as this season practiced many conciliatory measures toward the commons. The first care was applied to the markets, and people were sent, some to the Woloskians, others to Kumai, to purchase corn. The privilege also of selling salt, because the price had been raised to an extravagant height, was taken out of the hands of private persons, and placed entirely under the management of government. The commons were also exempted from port duties and taxes, that the public expenses might fall upon the rich, who were equal to the burden, the poor paying tax-efficient if they educated their children. This indulgent care preserved such harmony in the state, even during the people's severe sufferings afterwards, from siege and famine, that the name of king was abhorred by all, nor did any single person in after times ever acquire such a high degree of popularity by artful intrigues, as the whole senate then obtained by their wise administration. As the enemy drew nigh, everyone removed hastily from the country into the city, on every side of which strong guards were posted. Some parts seemed well-secured by the walls, others by the Tiber running close to them. The Sublucrian bridge was very near affording the enemy in entrance, had it not been for one man, Heratius Coakles. No other ball-work had the fortune of Rome on that day. He happened to be posted on guard at the bridge, and when he saw the geniculum taken by a sudden assault and the enemy pouring down from thence in full speed, his countrymen in disorder and confusion no longer attempting opposition or quitting their ranks, he called hold of every one that he could, in appealing to gods and men, assured them that it was in vain that they fled after deserting the post that could protect them, that if they passed the bridge and left it behind them they would see greater numbers of the enemy in the palatium and the capital than in the geniculum. Wherefore he advised them and warned them to break down the bridge by their swords, fire, or any other effectual means, while he should sustain the attack of the enemy as long as it was possible for one person to withstand them. He then advanced to the first entrance of the bridge, and being easily distinguished from those who showed their backs and retreating from the fight by his facing to the front with his arms prepared for action, he astonished the enemy by such wonderful intrepidity. Shame however prevailed on too to remain with him, spurious Lartius and Titus Herminius, both of them men of distinguished families and characters. With their assistance he, four times, supported the first storm and the most furious part of the fight, even though he sent back, when the bridge was nearly destroyed, and those who were employed in breaking it down called upon them to retire. Then, darting fierce menacing looks at each of the leaders of the Eturians, he sometimes challenged them singly, sometimes uprated them together, as slaves of haughty kings who were incapable of relishing liberty to themselves, had come to wrest it from others. For a considerable time they hesitated, looking about for some other to begin the combat. Shame at length put their troops in motion, and setting up a shout they poured their javelins from all sides against their single opponent, all which, having struck in the shield with which he guarded himself, he was still persisting with the same undaunted resolution, and with haughty strides to keep possession of his post. They had now resolved, by making a violent push to force him from it, when the crash of the falling bridge, and at the same time a shout raised by the Romans, for joy at having completed their purpose, filled them with sudden dismay, and stopped them from proceeding in the attempt. Then Cochle said, Holy Father, Tiberanus, I beseech thee to receive these arms, and this thy soldier into thy propitious stream. With these words, armed as he was, he leaped down into the Tiber, and, through showers of darts which fell around him, swam safe across to his friends, having exhibited a degree of trepidity, which, in aftertimes, was more generally celebrated than believed. The State showed a grateful sense of such high dessert. A statue was erected to him in the Commitium, with a grant of land as large as he could plow completely in one day. The zeal of private persons, too, was conspicuous, amidst the honors conferred on him by the public. For great as the scarcity then was, everyone contributed something to him in proportion to the stock of their family, and bridging themselves of their own proper support. Porcena, disappointed of success in this first effort, changed his plan from assault to a blockade, and, leaving a force sufficient to secure the geniculum, encamped his main body in the plain along the bank of the Tiber, at the same time collecting ships from our quarters, at once to guard the passage that no corn should be conveyed to Rome, and to enable his troops to cross over the river in different places, as occasion offered, to lay waste to the country. In a short time he extended his depredations so successfully, through every part of the Roman territories, that people were obliged to convey their effects into the city as also their cattle, which no one would venture to drive within the gates. The Aturians were permitted to act in this uncontrolled manner, not so much through fear as design, for Valerius the consul, intent on gaining an opportunity of making an unexpected attack on a large number of them, at a time when they were unprepared, overlooked trifling advantages, reserved his force for a severe revenge on a more important occasion. With this view, in order to allure the plunderers, he gave orders to his men to drive out some cattle through the Esquiline gate, which was at the opposite side from the enemy, judging that these would soon get information of it, because during the blockade, in the scarcity of provisions, many of the slaves turned traitors and deserted. Accordingly they were informed of it by a deserter, and passed over the river in much greater numbers than usual, in hopes of gaining possession of the entire booty. Publius Valerius then ordered Titus Herminius, with the small body of men, to likenseal near the two-mile stone on the Gabyan road. Spurious Lartius, with a body of light-armed troops, to stand at the Colline gate, until the enemy should pass by, and then to take post in their rear, so as to cut off their retreat to the river. The other consul, Titus Lucretius, with some companies afoot, marched out of the Nivean gate. Valerius himself led down his chosen cohorts from the Colline mount, and these were the first who were observed by the enemy. Herminius, as soon as he found that the alarm was taken, rushed out from his ambush to take his share in the fray, and while the Eturians were busyed in forming an opposition to Valerius, fell upon their rear. The shot was returned, both from the right and the left, from the Colline gate on the one hand, and the Nivean on the other. The plunderers, being thus surrounded, destitute of strength to make head against their adversaries, and shut out from all possibilities of a retreat, were cut to pieces. After this the Eturians confined their ravages to narrower limits. The siege continued notwithstanding, and provisions becoming exceedingly scarce and dear, Porcena entertained hopes that, by remaining quiet in his present position, he should become master of the city. When Gaius Musius, a noble youth, filled with indignation on reflecting that the Roman people, while they were in bondage under their kings, were never in any war besieged by any enemy, and that the same people, now in a state of freedom, were held besieged by those very Eturians whose armies they had often routed, resolved, therefore, by some great and daring effort, to remove much reproach. At first he designed to make his way into the enemy's camp, without communicating his intention. But afterward, dreading, lest, if he should go without the order of the consuls, and the knowledge of any, he might be apprehended by the Roman guards, and brought back as a deserter, an imputation for which the present circumstances of the city would afford plausible grounds. He applied to the senate, and told them, Fathers, I intend to cross the Tiber, and to enter, if I can, the enemy's camp, not to seek for plunder, or to revenge their depredations in kind. The blow which I meditate, with the aid of the gods, is of more importance. The senate gave their approbation, and he set out with a sword concealed under his garment. When he came into the camp, he took his place close to the king's tribunal, where a very great crowd was assembled. It happened that, at this time, the soldiers were receiving their pay, and a secretary, sitting beside the king, and dressed nearly in the same manner, acted a principal part in the business, and to him the soldiers generally addressed themselves. Moushius, not daring to inquire which was Porcena, lest his not knowing the king should discover what he was, fortune blindly directing the stroke where it was not intended, slew the secretary instead of the king. Then endeavoring to make his escape through a passage, which, with his bloody weapon, he cleared for himself among the dismayed crowd, a concourse of soldiers being attracted by the noise. He was seized by the king's lifeguards, and dragged back. Standing there, single, among a crowd of enemies, and before the king's tribunal, even in this situation, in the midst of fortune's severest threats, showing himself more capable of inspiring terror than of feeling it, he spoke to this effect. I am a Roman citizen. My name is Gaius Moushius. As an enemy, I intended to have slain an enemy, nor is my resolution less firmly prepared to suffer death than to inflict it. It is the part of a Roman both to act and to suffer with fortitude, nor am I the only one who has harbored such designs against you. There was a long list after me of candidates for the same glorious distinction. Fare therefore, if you choose, for a contest of this sort, wherein you must every hour engaged at the hazard of your life, and have the enemy and the sword continually in the porch of your pavilion. This is the kind of war in which we, Roman youths, engage against you. Fear not in army in the field, nor in battle. The affair will rest between your single person and each of us separately. The king, inflamed with rage, and at the same time terrified at the danger, ordered fires to be kindled round him, threatening him with severe punishment unless he instantly explained what these plots were, with which he had threatened him in those ambiguous expressions. Behold, said Moushius, and perceive what little account is made of the body by those who have in view the attainment of great glory, and thrusting his right hand into a chafing dish of coals which had been kindled for the purpose of a sacrifice, held it there to burn, as if he were a void of all sense of feeling. On which the king, thunderstruck in a manner, by such astonishing behavior, left from his seat, ordered the youth to be removed from the altars, and said to him, retire in safety, for the treatment which you intended for me was mild in comparison, which that you have practiced on yourself. I should wish to increase in success to your bravery, if that bravery were exerted on the side of my own country. However, I dismissed you untouched and unhurt, and discharged you from the penalties, which, by the laws of war, I might inflict. Moushius then, as if to make a return for this act of favor, told him, since I find you disposed to honor bravery, that you may obtain for me by kindness what you cannot by threats. Know that three hundred of us, the principal youths in Rome, have bound ourselves to each other by an oath to attack you in this manner. My lot happened to be the first. The others will be with you, each in his turn, according as the lot shall set him foremost, until fortune shall afford an opportunity of succeeding against you. End of Book Two, Part Two Part Three, Book Two of From the Founding of the City, Volume One. This is the LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org. From the Foundation of the City, Volume One, by Titus Livius, translated by George Baker. Book Two, Part Three. Moushius, who afterwards got the name of Skyvola, or the left-handed from the loss of his right hand, being thus dismissed, was followed to Rome by ambassadors from Porcena. The king had been so deeply affected by the danger to which he had been exposed in the first attempt, from which nothing had protected him but the mistake of the assailant, and by the consideration that he was to undergo the same hazard as many times as the number of the other conspirators amounted to, that he thought proper of his own accord to offer terms of accommodation to the Romans. During the negotiation, mention was made to no purpose of the restoration of the Tarquinian family to the throne, and this proposal he made, rather because he had not been able to refuse it to the Tarquinii, than from entertaining the slightest expectation of its being accepted by the Romans. He carried the point, respecting the giving up of the lands taking from the Veiantians, and compelled the Romans to submit to give hostages if they wished to see his forces withdraw from the geniculum. This being concluded on these terms, Porcena withdrew his troops from the geniculum, and retired out of the Roman territories. To Gaius Mukius, as reward for his valor, the Senate gave attractive land on either side of the Tiber, which was afterwards called the Mukien Meadows. Such honor being paid to his courage, excited even the other sects to merit public distinctions. A young lady called Chloelia, one of the hostages, the camp of the Aeturians happened to be pitched at a small distance from the banks of the Tiber, evaded the villages of the guards, and at the head of a band of her companions swam across the Tiber, threw a shower of darts discharged at them by the enemy, and restored them all in safety to their friends at Rome. When the king was informed of this, being at first highly incensed, he sent envoys to Rome to insist on the restoration of the hostage Chloelia. As to the rest, he showed little concern. But his anger, in a little time being converted into admiration, he spoke of her exploit as superior to those of Chloelia and Mukius, and declared that as, in the case, the hostage should not be given up, he would consider the treaty as broken off. So if she should be surrendered, he would send her back to her friends in safety. Both parties behaved with honor. The Romans on their side returned the Pledge of Peace, agreeably to the treaty, and with the Aturian king, Merritt found, not security only, but honors. After bestowing high compliments on the lady, he told her that he made her a present of half the hostages, with full liberty to choose such as she liked. When they were all drawn up before her, she is said to have chosen the very young boys, which was not only consonant to maiden delicacy, but in the universal opinion of the hostages themselves, highly reasonable, that those who are of such an age, as was most liable to injury, should in preference be delivered out of the hands of the enemies. Peace being thus re-established, the Romans rewarded this instance of intrepidity so uncommon in the female sex, with a mark of honor as uncommon, and equestrian statue. This was erected at the head of the Sacred Street. Very inconsistent with this peaceful manner, in which the Aturian king retired from the city, is the practice handed down from early times, and continued among other customary usages, even in our own days, of proclaiming at public sales that they are selling the goods of King Barsena, which custom must necessarily either have taken its rise originally, during the war, or it must be derived from a milder source than seems to belong to the expression, which intimates that the goods for sale were taken from an enemy. Of the several accounts which have been given, this seems to be the nearest to the truth. That Porcena, on retiring from the geniculum, made a present to the Romans of his camp, which was plentifully stored with provisions collected from the neighboring fertile lands of Aturia, the city at that time laboring under a scarcity, in consequence of the long siege, and lest the populace, if permitted, might seize on them as the spoil of an enemy, they were set up to sale and called the goods of Porcena, the appellation denoting rather gratitude for the gift than an auction of the king's property, which besides never came into the power of the Romans. After he had put an end to the war with Rome, Porcena, that he might not appear to have led his troops into those countries to no purpose, sent his son, Arunes, with half of his forces, to lay siege to Aurelia. The unexpectedness of the attack struck the Aurelians at first with dismay, but afterwards, having collected aid, both from the Latin states and from Kumai, they assumed such confidence as to venture an engagement in the field. At the beginning of the battle the Aturians rushed on so furiously that at the very onset they put the Aurelians to the route. The cohorts from Kumai, opposing art to force, moved a little to one side, and when the enemy, in the impetuosity of their career, had passed them, faced about, and attacked their rear. By these means the Aturians, after almost having gained the victory, were surrounded and cut to pieces. A very small part of them, their general being lost, and no place of safety nearer, made the best of their way to Rome, without arms, and in their circumstances and appearance merely like suppliance. They were kindly received and provided with lodgings. When their wounds were cured, some of them returned home, and gave an account of the hospitality and kindness which they had experienced. A great number remained at Rome, induced by the regard which they had contracted for their host and for the city. They had ground allotted to him for building houses, which was afterwards called the Tuscan Street. The next elected consuls were Publius Lucretius and Publius Valerius Publicula, for a third time. During this year, ambassadors came for Porcena for the last time about restoring Tarquinius to the throne. The answer given to them was that the senate would send ambassadors to the king, and accordingly, without delay, a deputation, consisting of the persons of the highest dignity among the senators, were sent with orders to acquaint him that it was not because their answer might not have been given in these few words that the kings would not be admitted, that they had chosen to send a select number of their body to him rather than to give the answer of his ambassadors at Rome, but an order that an end might be put forever to all mention of that business, and that the intercourse of mutual kindness at present subsisting between them might not be disturbed by the uneasiness which might arise to both parties if he were to request that they would be destructive of the liberty of the Roman people. When the Romans, unless they chose to comply at the expense of their own ruin, must give a refusal to a person to whom they wished to refuse nothing, that the Roman people were not under regal government but in a state of freedom, and were fully determined to open their gates to declared enemies rather than to kings, that this was the fixed resolution of every one of them, that the liberty of the city and the city itself should have the same period of existence, and therefore to entreat him that if he wished the safety of Rome he would allow it to continue in his present state. The king, convinced of the impurity of interfering any farther replied, since this is your fixed and unalterable resolution, I shall neither tease you by a repetition of fruitless applications on the same subject, nor will I disappoint the Tarquinii by giving hopes of assistance which they must not expect from me. With them, whether they look for war or for quiet, seek some other residence in their exile, that there may subsist no cause of jealousy, to disturb henceforth the good understanding which I wish to maintain between you and me. To these expressions he added acts still more friendly. The hostages which remained in his possession he restored, and gave back the Veientian land, of which the Romans had been deprived by the treaty at the Geniculum. Publius, finding all hopes of his restoration cut off, retired for refuge to Tuscalum, to his father-in-law, Mamilius Octavius. Thus peace and confidence were firmly established between the Romans and Porcena. The next consuls were Marcus Valerius and Publius Pustumius. During this year war was carried on with success against the Sabines, and the consuls had the honor of a triumph. The Sabines, afterwards, preparing for a renewal of hostilities in a more formidable manner, to oppose them and at the same time to guard against any sudden danger which might arise from the sight of Tuscalum, where, though war was not openly declared, there was reason to apprehend that it was intended. Publius Valerius, a fourth time, and Titus Lucretius, a second time, were chosen consuls. In the year 250 or 502 B.C. a tumult which arose among the Sabines, between the advocates for peace and those for war, was the means of transferring a considerable part of their strength to the sight of the Romans. For Atta Clausus, called afterwards at Rome Apius Claudius, being zealous in favor of peaceful measures but overpowered by the turbulent promoters of war, and unable to make head against their faction, withdrew from Regulum to Rome, accompanied by a numerous body of adherents. These were admitted to the rights of citizens and had land assigned to them beyond the Anial. They had been called the old Claudian tribe to distinguish them from the new members, who, coming from the same part of the country, were afterwards added to that tribe. Apius was elected to the Senate, and soon acquired a reputation among the most eminent. The consuls, in prosecution of the war, marched their army into the Sabine territories, and, after reducing the power of the enemy by wasting their lands, and afterwards in battle, to such a degree that there was no room to apprehend a renewal of hostilities in that quarter for a long time to come, returned in triumph to Rome. In the ensuing year, when Agrippa Menius and Publius Postumius were consuls, died Publius Valerius, a man universally allowed to have excelled all others, and superior talents both for war and peace, full of glory, but in such slender circumstances that he left not sufficient to defray the charges of his funeral. He was buried at the expense of the public, and the matrons went into mourning for him as they had done for Brutus. During the same year, two of the Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Aruncians, and war was undertaken against that people. The very numerous army, with which they boldly attempted to oppose the consuls, who were entering their borders, was entirely routed, and the Aruncians compelled to make their last stand at Pometia. Nor was the carnage less after the battle was over, than during its continuance. There greater numbers slain than taken, and those who were made prisoners, were in general put to death, nay, in the violence of their rage, which ought to have been confined to foes and arms, the enemies spared not even the hostages, three hundred of whom had been formally put into their hands. During this year also, there was a triumph at Rome. The succeeding consuls, Opeter Reginius and Spurius Cassius, attacked Pometia, at first by storm, afterwards by regular approaches. The Aruncians, actuated rather by implacable hatred, than by any hope of success, and without waiting for a favorable opportunity, resolved to assail them, and, sallying out, armed with fire and sword, they filled every place with slaughter and conflagration. And besides burning the machines, and killing and wounding great numbers of their enemies, were very near killing one of the consuls. Which of them, riders, do not inform us? Who was grievously wounded, and thrown from his horse? The troops, thus foiled in their enterprise, returned to Rome, leaving the consul, whose recovery was doubtful, together with a great number of wounded. After a short interval, just sufficient for the curing of their wounds and recruiting the army, the Romans renewed their operations against Pometia, with redoubled fury and augmented length. And when they had anew completed their military works, the soldiers, just being on the point of scaling the walls, the garrison capitulated. However, although the city had surrendered, the chiefs of the Aruncians were, from all parts, dragged to execution, with the same degree of cruelty, as if it had been taken by assault. The other members of the colony were sold by auction, the town was demolished, and the land set up to sail. The consuls obtained a triumph, rather in consideration of their having gratified the people's resentment by severe revenge than of the magnitude of the war which they had brought to a conclusion. The following year the consuls were Pristumius, Cominius, and Titus Lartius, when some Sabine youths, having, through wantonness, used violence to certain courtesans at Rome, during the celebration of the public games, and a mob of assembling, a scuffle ensued, which might almost be called a battle, and from this trifling cause matters seems to have taken a tendency towards a renewal of hostilities. Besides the apprehension of a war with the Sabines, there was another affair which created much uneasiness. Undoubted intelligence was received that thirty states had already formed a conspiracy at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius. While Rome remained in this perplexity, looking forward with anxious apprehension to the issue of such a perilous conjuncture, mention was made, for the first time, of creating a dictator. But in what year, or who the consuls were, or who could not be confided in, because they were of the Tarquinian faction, for that is also related, or who was the first person created dictator? We have no certain information. In the most ancient writers, however, I find it asserted that the first dictator was Titus Lartius, and that Spurius Cassius was appointed master of the horse. They chose men of consular dignity, as ordered by the law, and acted concerning the creation of a dictator. For this reason, I am more induced to believe that Lartius, who was of consular dignity, and not Manius Valerius, son of Marcus, and grandson of Volesus, who had not yet been consul, was placed over the consuls as their director and master, as even if it had been thought proper that the dictator should be chosen out of that family, they would have rather elected the father, Marcus Valerius, a man of approved merit, and of consular dignity. On this first establishment of a dictator at Rome, the populace, seeing the axes carried before them, were struck with such terror, as made them more submissive to rule. For they could not now, as under the consuls, who were equal in authority, hoped for protection, from one of them against the other, but prompt obedience was required of them, and in no case was there any appeal. Even the Sabines were alarmed at the appointment of a dictator by the Romans, the more so because they supposed that he had been named to act against them. They therefore sent ambassadors to treat of an accommodation. Who, requesting of the dictator and senate, that they would pardon the misconduct of thoughtless young men, were answered that pardon would be granted to young men, but not to the old, who made it their constant practice to kindle one war after another. However, a negotiation was entered into for an adjustment of affairs, and it would have been concluded if the Sabines had been willing to reimburse the costs expended on the war, for that was the condition required. War was proclaimed, but still a suspension of hostilities continued during the remainder of the year. The consuls of the next year were Servius Sopicius and Manius Tullius. Nothing worth mentioning occurred. Then succeeded Titus Abuteus and Gaius Vetusius. In their consulate, Fidenei was besieged, Crustumeria taken, Prinestae revolted from the Latins to the Romans, and a Latin war, the seeds of which had for several years past been growing to maturity, could not now be choked. Aulis Postumius, dictator, and Titus Abuteus, master of the horse, year 255, 497 B.C., marching out a numerous army of cavalry and infantry, met the forces of the enemy at the lake Regilius in the territory of Tuscalum, and as it was known that the Tarquinii were in the army of the Latins, the rage of the Romans could not be restrained, but they insisted on engaging instantly. For this reason, too, the battle was unusually obstinate and bloody. For the generals not only performed the duty of directing everything, but exposing their own persons, mixed with the combatants, and shared the fight, and scarcely one of the principal officers of either army left the field without being wounded, except the Roman dictator. As Postumius was encouraging and marshalling his men in the first line, Tarquinius Superbus, though now enfeebled by age, spurred on his horse furiously against him, but receiving a blow was quickly surrounded by his own men and carried off to a place of safety. On the other wing, Abuteus, the master of the horse, made an attack on Octavius Mamilius, nor was his approach unobserved by the Tuscalan general, who advanced in full career to meet him. In each, aiming his spear at his antagonist, they encountered with such violence that the arm of Abuteus was pierced through, and Mamilius received a wound in his breast. The latter was received by the Latins in their second line, while Abuteus, disabled by the wound in his arm from wielding a weapon, retired from the fight. The Latin general, not in the least spirited by his wound, continued his vigorous exertions, and perceiving his men begin to give ground, sent for a cohort of Roman exiles, commanded by Lucius, the son of Tarquinius. These fighting under the impulse of keen resentment, on account of their having been deprived of their property and of their country, kept the battle for some time in suspense. End of Book 2, Part 3. The Romans were now on one side giving way. And Marcus Valerius, brother of Publicula, observing young Tarquinius with ostentatious fierceness, exhibiting his prowess in the front of the exiles, and inflamed with the desire of supporting the glory of his house, and that those who enjoyed the honor of having expelled the royal family might also be signalized by their destruction, set spurs to his horse, and with his javelin presented, made towards Tarquinius. Tarquinius avoided this violent adversary by retiring into the body of his men, and Valerius rashly pushed forward into the line of the exiles, was attacked and run through by some person on one side of him, and as the horse's speed was in no degree checked by the wound of the rider, the expiring Roman sunk to the earth, his arms falling over his body. Postumius, the dictator, seeing a man of such rank slain, the exiles advancing to the charge with fierce impetuosity, his own men disheartened in giving way, issued orders to his cohort, a chosen band which he kept about his person as a guard, that they should treat as an enemy every man of their own army whom they should see retreating. Meeting danger thus on both sides, the Romans, who were flying, faced about against the enemy, and renewed the fight. The dictator's cohort then for the first time engaged in battle, and with fresh strength and spirits falling on the exiles who were exhausted with fatigue, made great slaughter of them. On this occasion another combat between two general officers took place. The Latin general, on seeing the cohort of exiles almost surrounded by the Roman dictator, ordered several companies from his reserve to follow him instantly to the front. Titus Hermenius, a lieutenant general, observing these as they marched up, and among them, knowing Memilius, who was distinguished by his dress and arms, encountered him with the strength so much superior to what had been shown a little before by the master of the horse that with one blow he slew Memilius, driving the spear through his side. Thus was he victorious, but having received a wound from a javelin while he was stripping the armor from his adversary's body, he was carried off to the camp and expired during the first dressing of it. The dictator then flew to the cavalry, and treating them as the infantry were now fatigued to dismount and support the engagement. They obeyed his orders, leaped from their horses, flew forward to the van, and covering themselves with their targets, took post as the front line. This instantly revived the courage of the infantry, who saw the young men of the first distinction foregoing every advantage in their manner of fighting, and taking an equal share of the danger. By these means the Latins were at length overpowered, their troops were beaten from their ground and began to retreat. The horses were then brought up to the cavalry, in order that they might pursue the enemy, and the line of infantry followed. At this juncture the dictator, omitting no means of engaging the aid both of gods and men, is said to avow a temple to Castor, and to have proclaimed rewards to the first and to the second of the soldiers who should enter the enemy's camp. And so great was the ardor of the Romans that they never remitted the impetuosity of the charge by which they had broken the enemy's line until they made themselves masters of the camp. Such was the engagement at the lake Regilius. The dictator and master of the horse on the return to the city were honored with a triumph. During the three ensuing years there was neither war nor yet a security of lasting peace. The consuls were Quintus, Coelius, Titus Lartius. Then Aulis Sampronius and Marcus Minutius, in whose consulate the temple of Saturn was dedicated, and the festival called Saturnalia instituted. After them Aulis Postumius and Titus Reginius were made consuls. I find it asserted by some writers that the battle at the lake Regilius was not fought until this year, and that Aulis Postumius, because the fidelity of his colleague was doubtful, abdicated the consulship, and was then made dictator. Such perplexing mistakes, with regard to dates, occur from the magistrates being ranged in different order by different writers, that it is impossible at this distance of time when not only the facts, but the authors who relate them, are involved in the obscurity of antiquity to trace out a regular series of the consuls as they succeeded each other, or in the transactions as they occurred in each particular year. Appius Claudius and Publius Sevilius were next appointed to the consulship. This year was rendered remarkable by the news of Tarquinius' death. He died at Cumae. Wither, on the reduction of the power of the Latins, he had retired for refuge, to the tyrant Astrodamus. By this news both the patricians and the commons were highly elated, but the former suffered their exultation on the occasion to carry them to unwarrantable lengths, and the latter, who, until that time had been treated with the utmost deference, began to feel themselves exposed to insults from the nobility. During the same year the colony of Cygnia, which Tarquinius had founded in his reign, was re-established by filling up its number of colonists. The tribes of Rome were increased to the number of twenty-one. The Temple of Mercury was dedicated on the Ides of May. During these proceedings against the Latins, it could hardly be said that there was either war or peace with the nation of the Volskians, for, on the one hand, these had got troops in readiness, which they would have sent to the assistance of the Latins if the Roman dictator had not been so quick in his measures, and on the other, the Roman had used this expedition in order that he might not be obliged to contend against the united forces of the Latins and Volskians. In resentment of this behavior the consuls led the legions into the Volskian territory. The Volskians, who had no apprehensions of punishment for a design which had not been put in execution, were confounded at this unexpected proceeding. In so much that, lying aside all thoughts of opposition, they gave three hundred hostages, the children of the principal persons at Cora and Pometia, inconsequence whereof the legions were withdrawn from thence without having come to an engagement. However, in a short time after the Volskians being delivered from their fears resumed their former dispositions, renewed secretly their preparations for war, and prevailed on the Hernikians to join them. They also sent ambassadors, through every part of Latium, to stir up that people to arms. But the Latins were so deeply affected by their recent disaster at the lake Regilius, and so highly incensed at any persons attempting to persuade them to engage in a war that they even offered violence to the ambassadors. Seizing the Volskians, they conducted them to Rome and there delivered them to the consuls, with information that the Volskians and Hernikians were preparing to make war on the Romans. The affair being laid before the Senate, the conduct of the Latins was so acceptable to the Senators that they restored to them six thousand of the prisoners, and made an order besides that the new magistrates should proceed in the business relative to an alliance, a point which had been almost absolutely refused them. The Latins then highly applauded themselves for the part which they had acted, and the friends of peaceful measures were held in high estimation. They sent to the capital a golden crown as a present to Jupiter, and together with the ambassadors and the present came a great multitude of attendants consisting of the prisoners who had been sent back to their friends. These proceeded to the several houses of the persons with whom each of them had been in servitude, returned thanks for their generous behavior and treatment of them during the time of their calamity, and formed mutual connections of hospitality. Never at any former time was the Latine nation more closely united to the Roman government, both by ties of a public and private nature. But besides being immediately threatened with a Volscian war, the state itself was torn in pieces by intestine animosities between the patricians and the commons, on account principally of persons confined for debt. These complained loudly that after fighting abroad for freedom and empire, they were made prisoners and oppressed by their countrymen at home, and that the liberty of the commons was more secure in war than in peace, amongst their foes than amongst their own countrymen. This spirit of discontent, of itself increasing daily, was kindled into a flame by the extraordinary sufferings of one man. A person, far advanced in years, whose appearance denoted severe distress, threw himself into the forum. His garb was squalid, and the figure of his person still more shocking, pale, and emanciated to the last degree. As a long beard and hair had given his countenance a savage appearance. Wretched, as was the plight in which he appeared, he was known, notwithstanding. Several declared that he had been centurion in the army, and, filled with compassion for him, mentioned publicly many other distinctions which he had obtained in the service. He himself exhibited scars on his breast, as testimonies of his honorable behavior in several actions. To those who inquired the cause of that wretched condition, both of his person and apparel, a crowd meantime having assembled round him which resembled in some degree an assembly of the people, he answered that, while he served in the army during the Sabine War, having not only lost the produce of his farm by the depredations of the enemy, but his house being burnt, all his goods plundered, his cattle driven off, and attacks being imposed at a time so distressing to him, he was obliged to run in debt, and this debt, aggravated by usury, had consumed, first his farm, which he had inherited from his father and grandfather, then the remainder of his substance, and lastly, like a pestilence, had reached his person, that he had been dragged by a creditor, not into servitude, but into a house of correction, or rather a place of execution. He then showed his back, disfigured with the marks of fresh stripes. On this site, after such a relation, a great up-war arose, and the tumult was no longer confined to the forum, but spread through every part of the city. Those who were then in confinement, and those who had been released from it, forced their way into public street, and implored the protection of their fellow citizens. There was no spot which did not afford a voluntary associate to add to the insurrection. From all quarters they ran in bodies, through every street, with great clamor into the forum. The situation of the senators, who happened to be there at that time, and who fell in the way of this mob, became highly perilous, for they would certainly have proceeded to violence had not the consuls, Publius Sevilius and Appius Claudius, hastily interposed their authority. To them the multitude turned their applications, showed their chains and other marks of wretchedness, said, this is what they had deserved, and reminded them of their former services in war, and in various engagements, insisted, with menaces rather than supplications, that they should assemble the Senate. They then placed themselves round the Senate House that they might act as witnesses, and directors of the councils of government. A very small number of the senators, whom Chance threw in the way, and these against their will, attended the consuls. Fear kept the rest at a distance, so that nothing could be done by reason of the thinness of the meeting. The populace then conceived an opinion that there was a design to allude their demands by delay, that the absence of certain of the senators was occasioned, not by Chance nor by fear, but by their wishes to obstruct the business, that the consuls themselves showed a backwardness, and that their miseries were manifestly made a matter of mockery. The affair had now nearly arrived at such a state that even the majesty of the consuls, it was feared, might be insufficient to restrain the rage of the people. At length the senators, beginning to doubt whether they should incur the greater danger by absenting themselves or by attending, came to the senate, and when, after this delay, a proper number had assembled, not only the senator, but even the consuls themselves, differed widely in opinion. Apius, a man of violent temper, thought that the riot ought to be quelled by the weight of the consular authority. That when one or two were taken into custody, the rest would be quiet. Civilias, more inclined to gentle remedies, maintained that, as the people's spirits were already wound up to such a pitch of ill humor, it would be the safer and the easier method to bend than to break them. To add to these perplexities, they were threatened with still greater peril from another quarter. Some Latine horsemen arrived, in the utmost haste, with the alarming intelligence that the Volskians and hostile array were coming to attack the city, which news, so entirely opposite were the views of the parties into which the state was split, affected the patricians and the commons in a very different manner. The commons exalted with joy, said the gods were coming to take vengeance for the tyranny of the patricians, and encouraged each other in the resolution not to enroll themselves, saying, it was better that all should perish together, than that they should be the only victims. Let the patricians serve as soldiers, let the patricians take arms, that those who reap the advantages of war may also undergo its severities and hazards. On the other hand, the senate, dejected and confounded on finding themselves thus encompassed by dangers from their countrymen on one side and from the enemy on the other, besought the consul Sevilius, whose temper was adapted to conciliate the regard of the people, that he should find means to extricate the commonwealth from the dreadful apprehensions with which it was beset. Whereupon the consul, dismissing the senate, went forth to the assembly of the people. There he assured them that the senators were solicitous, that the care should be taken of the interest of the commons, but that their fears for the safety of the commonwealth in general had interrupted their deliberations concerning that part of the state, which, though it must be allowed to be the largest, was still but a part. Nor could they, while the enemy was just at the gates, allow any business to take place of the necessary provisions for the war. Even if they were allowed a little respite, would it be either for the honor of the commons to have refused to take arms in defense of their country, unless on condition of receiving higher for it? Nor could it fail of injuring the reputation of the senators themselves if they should appear to have now applied their attention to the good of their countrymen through fear, rather than afterwards through inclination. He gave proof of his sincerity of this discourse by an edict, whereby he ordained that no person should hold any Roman citizen in bonds or confinement so as to prevent his giving in his name to the consuls. And no person should take possession or make sales of the goods of a soldier, while upon service, nor detain in custody either his children or grandchildren. On the publication of this edict, such debtors under arrest, as were present, instantly gave in their names, and crowds of others in every part of the city, rushing out of their confinement, when their creditors had no longer a right to detain them, ran together to the forum to take the military oath. These composed a large body of troops, and none, during the Volskian war, displayed a greater share of bravery and activity. The consul let out his army against the enemy, and pitched his camp at a small distance from theirs. The following night the Volskians, expecting great advantages from the dissensions of the Romans, approached their camp in hopes that, in the surrounding darkness, some might desert or betray their posts. They were, however, perceived by the sentinels, the troops were called up, and the signal, being given, they ran to arms, and by these means frustrated the attempt of the Volskians. The remainder of the night was dedicated to repose by both parties. Next day, at the first dawn, the Volskians, having filled up the trenches, assaulted the rampart, and were proceeding to demolish the fortifications on either side. When the consul, having delayed, for some time, in order to try the temper of his men, though called on from all sides and particularly by the debtors to give the signal, at length, on finding their ardor so great, issued the order for sallying, and sent forth his troops eager for the fight. At the first onset the enemy were immediately routed, and their rear harassed in their retreat, as far as the infantry were able to pursue, while the cavalry, not suffering them to recover from their consternation, drove them to their camp. In a little time the camp itself was surrounded by the legions, and the Volskians, not having courage enough left to make a stand there, it was taken and plundered. Next day the legions were led in, Suesa Pometia, whether the enemy had retreated, and shortly after the town was taken, and given up to the troops to be plundered by these means. The needy soldiers were in some measure relieved. The consul, having acquired great glory, led back his victorious army to Rome. As he was preparing for his departure, ambassadors came to him from the Volskians of Ectria, who, after the taking of Pometia, felt apprehensions for their own safety. These had peace granted them by the decree of the Senate, but were deprived of their lands. Immediately after the Sabines also caused an alarm at Rome, but it was in fact a tumult rather than a war. An account was brought by night to the city, that a Sabine army were plundering the country, and had advanced so far as the river Anio, and that they were ravaging and burning all the farms in that neighborhood. Aulus Pastumius, who had been dictator in the Latine war, was instantly dispatched thither with all the cavalry, and the consul Sevilius followed with the chosen body of foot. The greater part of the stragglers were cut off by the cavalry, nor was the main body of the Sabines capable of resisting the infantry on their approach, fatigued both by their march and by collecting booty, and great number of them in the country houses, overcharged with meat and wine, had scarcely strength sufficient to enable them to fly. Thus was the Sabine war finished within the same night in which the first account of it had been received. The next day, while Sanguine hopes were entertained that peace with all their neighbors was now securely established, ambassadors came to the Senate from the Aruchians, denouncing war, unless the troops were withdrawn from the territory of the Volskians. The army of the Aruchians had set out from home, at the same time with the ambassadors, and intelligence arriving that it had been seen not far from Aruchia, it excited such an alarm among the Romans that neither could the Senate be consulted in a regular manner, nor could they, while busy in taking up arms, give a peaceable answer to those who were advancing against them. The troops marched to Aruchia, and not far from thence meeting with the enemy came to a general engagement, which without further contest put an end to the war. When the Arunchians were defeated, the Romans, having vanquished so many different powers within the space of a few days, expected the fulfillment of the promises made them by the consuls, and strengthened by the engagements of the Senate. But Apius, instigated both by his own natural haughtiness and a desire to undermine the credit of his colleague, issued decrees on suits between debtor and creditor with all possible severity, in consequence of which both those who had formerly been in confinement were delivered up to their creditors, and others also were taken into custody. When this happened to be the cast of nay of the auditors, he appealed to the other consul, a crowd gathered about Servilus, reminded him of his promises, upbraided him with their services in war, and the scars which they had received, insisted that he should lay the affair before the Senate, and that as consul he should support his countrymen, and as general his soldiers. The consul was affected by these remonstrances, but circumstances obliged him to decline interfering, not only his colleague, but the whole faction of the nobles, having gone so violently into opposite measures. By thus acting a middle part, he neither avoided the hatred of the commons, nor procured the esteem of the patricians, the latter considering him as destitute of the firmness becoming his office, and as too fond of popular applause, while the former looked upon him as a deceiver, and it shortly appeared that he was to become no less odious than apious. A contest happened between the consuls, as to which of them should dedicate the temple of Mercury. The Senate refused to decide the matter, and referred it to the people, passing a vote that, to whichever of them the dedication should be granted, the same should preside over the markets, should institute a college of merchants, and join the pontiff in the performance of the ceremonies usual on such occasions. The people gave the honor of the dedication to Marcus Dittorius, a centurion of the first rank, showing plainly that they acted thus not merely out of respect to the person on whom they conferred an office of higher dignity than became his station, but with design to affront the consuls. This threw the patricians, and one of the consuls particularly, into a rage, but the commons had now assumed a greater degree of courage, and began to prosecute the measures in a very different method from that in which they had set out. Having given up all hope of protection from the consuls and the Senate, whenever they saw a debtor led to the court, they flew together from all quarters, so that neither could the sentence of the consul be heard amidst their noise and clamors, nor when it was pronounced did any one obey it. All was managed by force, and the whole dread and danger, with respect to their freedom, was transferred from the debtors to the creditors, who standing single were abused by the multitude under the very eye of the consul. To add to the perplexity of the Senate the alarm was spread of an attack being intended by the Sabines, and orders being issued for levying troops, not a man gave in his name. While Appius in a rage invade bitterly against the criminal leniency of his colleague, saying that by his popular silence he was betraying the commonwealth, and that besides refusing to enforce the laws with respect to creditors, he neglected also to execute the decree of the Senate for levying troops. He declared that the interest of the State was not yet entirely deserted, nor the consular office yet stripped of its authority, that he himself would stand forth singly and vindicate his own dignity and that of the State. Though surrounded by the multitude which assembled daily, and were of a temper too violent to be controlled, he ordered one of the principal ring-leaders of the mob to be apprehended. When the lictors laid hold of him he appealed, but the consul would not at first allow the appeal, there being no doubt what the sentence of the people would be. His obscenity, however, was at length overcome, more by the advice and influence of the nobility than by the clamors of the people. So firmly did he withstand the indignation of the multitude. From this time the evil daily gained ground, showing itself not only in open expressions of discontent, but what was much more pernicious in secret meetings and private cabals. At length these consuls, so odious to the people, went out of office, apious in high favor with the patricians, servilious with neither party. First entered on the consulship, Ilus Verdinius and Titus Vitusius. The people now, not being able to judge what sort of consuls they were to have, took care to form nightly meetings, some on the Esquiline, others on the Aventine Mount, in order that their proceedings might not be confused by their being obliged to adopt measures hastily in the forum, and to act on every occasion at random and without a plan. The consuls, considering this as a very dangerous proceeding, which it really was, proceeded to the consideration of the Senate, but were not allowed, after proposing it, to take the votes regularly, a great tumult arising on the mention of it among the senators, who exclaimed and expressed the highest indignation at the consuls attempting to throw on that body the odium of an affair which ought to have been quelled by the consular authority. They told them that, if there really had been magistrates in the Commonwealth, there would have been no council at Rome but the public one. At present the government was divided and dispersed into a thousand Senate houses and assemblies, some meetings being held on the Esquiline Mount, others on the Aventine. That they had no doubt but one man, such as Appius Claudius, would have dispersed these meetings in a moment's time. The consuls, on receiving this rebuke, asked the Senate what then they would have them do, for they were resolved, they said, to act with the activity and vigor which the Senate might recommend. A decree then passed that they should enforce the levies with utmost strictness, for that the commons were grown insolent through want of employment. Dismissing the Senate the consuls mounted the tribunal and cited the younger citizens by their name. No answer being made, the multitude which stood round, like a general assembly, declared that the commons could be no longer deceived and that not a single soldier should be raised until the public engagements were fulfilled. But every man must have his liberty restored, before arms were put into his hands, that the people might be convinced they were to fight for their country and fellow citizens, not for their masters. The consuls saw clearly enough what the Senate expected from them, but of those who spoke with the greatest vehemence within the walls of the Senate house, not one was present to stand the brunt of the contests, and everything threatened a desperate one with the commons. It was resolved, therefore, before they should proceed to extremities, to consult the Senate again, the consequence of which was that all the younger Senators rushed up hastily to the seats of the consuls, desiring them to abdicate the consulship and lay down a command which they wanted spirit to support. Having made sufficient trial of the dispositions of both sides, the consuls at length spoke out. Conscript Fathers, lest ye should hear after say that ye were not forewarned, know that a dangerous sedition is ready to break out. We demand that those who are the most forward to censure us for an activity may assist us by their presence, while we hold the levy. We will proceed in the business in such a manner as shall be approved by the most strenuous advocates for vigorous measures, since such is your pleasure. They then went back to the Tribunal and ordered, purposely, one of those who were within view to be cited, finding that he stood mute, and that a number of people had formed in a circle round him, to prevent any force being used. The consuls sent a lictor to him, who, being driven back, those of the senators who attended the councils, exclaimed against the insolence of such behavior, flew down from the Tribunal to assist the lictor. The populace then, quitting the lictor, to whom they had offered no other direction than that of hindering him from making the seizure, directed their force against the senators. But the consuls, interposing quickly, put an end to the scuffle, in which, as neither stones nor weapons had been used, there was more clamour and rage than mischief. The senate called tumultrously together, proceeded in a manner still more tumultuous, those who had been beaten, demanding an inquiry into the affair, and the most violent of them endeavouring to carry their point by clamour and noise, rather than by vote. At length, when their rage had somewhat subsided, the consuls, reproaching them with being equally disorderly in the senate-house as in the forum, began to collect the votes. There were three different opinions. Publius Virginiaus thought that the case did not extend to the whole body of the commons, and that those only were to be considered, who relying on the promises of the consul Publius Servilius, had served in the Volskin, Aruncian, and Sabine wars. Titus Largius was of opinion that the present juncture required something more than the making of return for services performed, that the whole body of the commons were overwhelmed with debt, nor could the progress of evil be stopped unless the advantages of the whole were attended to. On the contrary, if distinctions were made, this would add fuel to the dissensions instead of extinguishing them. Appius Claudius, whose temper was naturally harsh, was roused to a degree of ferocity by his hatred to the commons on the one hand, and the applause of the patricians on the other, affirmed that all these disturbances were excited, not by the people's sufferings, but their licentiousness, and that the commons were actuated by a spirit of wantonness rather than by resentment of injuries. This was the consequence of giving them a right to appeal, for all that a consul could do was to threaten. He could not command, when people are allowed to appeal to those who have been accomplices in their transgressions. Come, said he, let us create a dictator, from whom there is no appeal. This madness, which has set the whole state in a flame, will quickly sink into silence.  To many, the expedient recommended by Appius appeared too rough and violent, and justly so. On the other hand, the propositions of Virginius and Largius were considered as tending to establish a bad precedent, particularly that of Largius, which was utterly subversive of all credit. The advice of Virginius was deemed to be the farthest from excess on either side, and a just medium between the other two. But through the spirit of faction, and men's regard to their private interests, things which ever did and ever will impede the public counsels, Appius prevailed, and was himself very near being created dictator, which proceeding beyond any other would have highly disgusted the commons at a very critical juncture, when the Volskians, the Equians, and the Sabines happened to be all in arms at the same time. But the counsels and the elder part of the Senate took care that a command, in itself uncontrollable, should be entrusted to a person of a mild disposition, and accordingly they chose for dictator Manius Valerius, son of Volusus. Although the commons saw that the dictator was created in opposition to them, yet as by his brother's law they enjoyed the privilege of appeal, they dreaded nothing harsh or overbearing from that family. Their hopes were farther encouraged by an edict which the dictator published, of the same tenor in general with the edict of the consul Servilius. But as they thought that they had now secure grounds of confidence both in the man himself and in the power with which he was invested, they desisted from the contest, and gave in their names. Ten legions were completed, a force greater than had ever been raised before. Of these three were assigned to each of the consuls, the other four were commanded by the dictator. War could now be no longer deferred, the equians had invaded the territories of the Latins, and these by their ambassadors petitioned the Senate, that they would either send troops to protect them or permit them to take arms themselves to defend their frontiers. It was judged the safer method to defend the Latins without their own assistance, than to allow them to handle arms again. The consul Vitucius was therefore sent thither, who put an end to the depredations. The equians retired from the plains and provided for their safety on the tops of the mountains, relying more on the situation than on their arms. The other consul, who marched against the Voleskins, not choosing that his time should be wasted in like manner, used every means, particularly by ravaging the country, in order to provoke the enemy to approach nearer, and to hazard an engagement. They were drawn up in order of battle in a plain between the two camps, each party before their own rampart. The Voleskins had considerably the advantage in point of numbers. They therefore advanced to the fight in a careless manner, as if despising the enemy. The Roman consul did not suffer his troops to move, nor to return the shout, but ordered them to stand with their javelins fixed in the ground, and as soon as the enemy should come within reach, then to exert at once their upmost efforts, and decide the affair with their swords. The Voleskins, fatigued with running and shouting, rushed upon the Romans, whom they believed to be benumbed with fear, but when they found a vigorous resistance, and the swords glittering before their eyes, struck with consternation, just as if they had fallen into an embuscade. They turned their backs, nor had they strength left to enable them to make their escape, having exhausted it by advancing to the battle in full speed. The Romans on the other hand, having stood quiet during the first part of the engagement, had their vigour fresh, and easily overtaking the wearied fugitives, took their camp by assault, and pursuing them, as they fled from thence to Velotree, the victors and the vanquished composing as it were but one body, rushed into the city together. People of every kind were put to the sword without distinction, and there was more blood spilt than even in the fight, a small number only who threw down their arms obtained quarter. While these things passed in the country of the Volskins, the Sabines, who were by far the most formidable enemy, were routed, put to flight, and beaten out of their camp by the dictator. He had at first, by a charge of his cavalry, thrown the center of the enemy's line into disorder, which while they extended their wings too far, had not been sufficiently strengthened by a proper depth of files. Before they could recover from this confusion, the infantry fell upon them and continued their attack, without intermission, while they made themselves masters of their camp, and put a conclusion to the war. Since the battle at the Lake Regulus there had not been obtained in those times a more glorious victory than this. The dictator entered the city in triumph, and besides the accustomed honors there was a place in the circus assigned to him and his posterity, for a seat and a cruel chair fixed in it. From the vanquished Volskins the lands of the district of Velotree were taken, for which inhabitants were sent from the city, and a colony established there. Soon after this a battle was fought with the Equians, against the inclination indeed of the consul, who considered the disadvantage of the ground which the troops had to traverse. But the soldiers, accusing him of protracting the business, in order that the dictator might go out of office before they should return to the city, and so his promises fall to the ground without effect, as had those of the former consul, they at length prevailed on him to march up his army, at all hazards, against the steep of the mountain. Rash as this undertaking was, yet through the cowardice of the enemy it was crowned with success. For before a weapon could be drawn, struck with amazement at the boldness of the Romans, they abandoned their camp, which they had fixed in a very strong position, and ran down precipitantly into the valleys, on the opposite side. There the Romans gained a bloodless victory, and an abundance of booty. Though their arms were thus attended with success in three different quarters, neither the patricians nor commons were free from anxiety respecting the issue of their domestic affairs. With such powerful influence, and with such art also, had the lenders of money concerted their measures, that they were able to disappoint not only the commons, but even the dictator himself. For valerius, on the return of the council Vitucius, took care that the first business which came before the Senate should be that of the people, who had returned home Vitucius, and proposed the question, what did they think proper to be done with respect to the person's confined for debt? And when they refused to take the matter into consideration, he said, My endeavours to restore concord are, I see, displeasing to you. Believe me, when I solemnly declare that the time will shortly come when you will wish that the commons of Rome had just such patrons as I am, as to myself I will neither be the means of farther disappointments to the hopes of my countrymen, nor will I hold the office of dictator without effect. In testing discord and foreign wars made it necessary for the commonwealth to have such a magistrate. Peace has been procured abroad. At home it is not suffered to take place. It is my determination, then, in time of sedition, to appear in the character of a private citizen, rather than that of dictator. Then withdrawing from the Senate house he abdicated the dictatorship. The case appeared to the commons as if he had resigned his office out of resentment of the treatment shown to them, and therefore as if he had fulfilled his engagements. It not having been his fault that they were not fulfilled, they attended him as he retired to his house with approbation and applause. End of book two, part five.