Welcome once again to the breakfast and plus TV Africa now and let's introduce our first major conversation for today the PDP's National Convention which comes up sometime in the month of October and of course, we're going to be speaking with Mr. Duran or DME as deputy national publicity secretary for the PDP. Good morning. Mr. DME. Thanks for joining us Good morning and thank you for having me this morning. Great to have you on plus TV Africa. Now let's first of all start with clarifying the dates for the national convention and of course picking up of forms of interest for, you know, hopeful participants in the election. Thank you very much. I'm going to be talking to you about the National Convention on the Secretary, Mr. Duran and Mr. Duran. Thank you. We are doing this today and the last date of submission is from the year of Saturday. On Monday, the screening of aspirants on the one day third day, the names of the social aspirants will be displayed. I'm going to thank you guys to participants who will be having our national convention where national publicity will be elected. Okay, it seems like it is pretty well laid out already for the party. One thing that has, and I saw when this story was put across social media, I saw a lot of the reactions. One question that was asked a lot of an insinuation that was made was that this really wasn't looking like it was going to be a free and fair process that some of the persons that will be picking up interest forms had already somehow some way been known and would simply be given these positions. Can you clarify exactly how that is false and ensure that people who might have any interest can freely come to your convention and pick up a form or come to, you know, pick up a form at the PDP? He who alleges won't be able to prove it. As far as I'm concerned and as far as I don't believe the party. PDP is the only party where internal democracy is enshrined and practiced to direct it. I don't know and I'm sure there are not any body that as the orderly, the strong orderly part from collecting of the nation's forms are presenting themselves for the election.  And this is what you call politics. So whoever is interested must just go ahead and, you know, obtain a form and present itself for the sake of the PDP and from there compare the election. Nobody, and I'm sure you know nobody who stopped anybody from collecting the form. But of course if I know who like the element of interest character is collecting, it is politics. You just have to play it as it is. I am brotherly, the deputy president of the PDP Secretary. I'm still looking at the gold and the rainbow and prize from people friends and colleagues to know if I'm going to contest again. But you know I have not the client interest and I have seen a lot of people aspiring to become the national publicist secretary of the party. But we have about three or four as class now. So if anybody is saying they have the disturb or they are taking that, you know, they are in the pre-selection, I want to disabuse their mind that PDP is a party that views equality to all.  You don't have to be somebody or anybody before you can become somebody in PDP. Okay, pretty interesting. But another factor with regards, you know, like you said, you know anybody can simply obtain a form. These forms are not free, are they? No, no, no. You know, a choice, a choice is not free. When you are, when you get rid of it, it is not free. And that is another one, you know, free of charge. Money will be spent on printing these forms. Money will be spent to organize this convention. There will be accommodation, there will be transportation, there will be money, there will be a lot of things. So these are said finance political parties. And that is why people must pay for the form, not only free. Okay, can you clarify with us what the price range is like for these forms? And for the chairmanship, for the chairmanship, it is 3 million. And for the NWC positions, it is 3 million. And for all that positions, it is 750,000. Okay, and would you say that these are affordable figures for persons who really are of interest in making a change through the platform of the PDP? Political parties are said finance. And there are people who, in part of the contest for annihilation, always contributes money to the party. And don't forget, you know, as a member of the party, you have obligations to pay your dues. To pay your dues to the party. So I don't see anything wrong with these parties. The state fund is very low. And people, a lot of people with people. Yeah, absolutely, and I understand that. But of course, there has been conversations of being an inclusive party, a party that allows anybody who of course believes in a better Nigerian, wants to achieve those goals through the PDP, to be able to do it under that platform. But 3 million Naira, 2 million Naira, 750,000 Naira. I'm sure Mr. Dayome, you would agree that those are not figures that any random Nigerian will be able to afford. That is not true, Anadu, that we will be. People in PDP are not poor. That's why the fact that they are not. They are not poor. And I can assure you that there are instances and situations where, by any friend who randomly randomly believes that they are not poor. So it's not free, it's not meant to be free. So there's nothing we can do about it other than to pay it at that minimum price. Which if you compare to other political parties, you know that PDP is linear. Very interesting. We probably will get back to this before we end the conversation. And I want to talk about the PDP as a party. And one of the reasons, of course, I've mentioned this. And like you said, PDP is not poor. But I'm sure that the PDP is also hungry to have many, many more people join the party, to continue to increase the numbers of members that it has across the country and beyond. So Mr. Dayome, share with us how much the PDP has fed with increasing its membership in the last couple of years. There's people who have said that, well, since there have been people jumping and leaving the PDP, they, of course, move along with their hundreds or maybe even thousands of followers. So do you think the PDP has done well enough in increasing its membership base in Nigeria in the last few years? Our mutual input is when the power belongs to the people. We believe PDP is an example because of the people. And we believe it is being driven by the people. Of course, there are big waves. There are big waves. There are people you think you see that leave the party because of what you have been doing. That they go with hundreds of thousands of people. It's not always the situation. There are people who believe that a PDP, that is where they can get free and fair membership. They believe that is the only political party that gives them the opportunity to operate as a Nigerian and in a political party. And right now, we have embarked on membership drive through the internet. You see the figure coming up from each state. We are becoming to the rest assured that in 2023, we will have more membership than any political party in Nigeria. And this is really why we believe that as we come back to people, we want to contest for an election. Both internally, as a political party, as a member of the U.S. and externally for the presidential position and governorship. So the PDP is on it. It is a political party that is a little bit different. You think things are going wrong for them. We call the way they are going to survive and come out to know we will be at a good echo. I'm sure a lot of people will not believe that PDP we see we made. That's why the little crisis we have among ourselves, which though is still called but you know as it is now. It is evident that the party is moving on as it is now that we are going to be to our conversion. So PDP is a party that a lot of people are enjoying and a lot of people are enjoying on PDP. This time, I'll show you. Can you give us any, I'm not sure if you will be able to, any figures as to the number of people who have joined online. Because I saw those links being shared across social media. Asking young Nigerians to also take advantage of that opportunity and get involved or register as members of the party. Is there any figures that you can share with us? To be honest with you, I cannot tell any figure now because the registration is ongoing. And I have not even gone into how many people have registered so far. For us now that you're asking the question, I will be sure I know who the figure is. Okay, in conversations that I've had before with certain other members of the party. One of the things that I asked was how the PDP itself is positioning itself to be a party that is attractive to young Nigerians. Seeing the vast number and the percentage of young people that currently live in Nigeria and are Nigerians. Our youth population is outstanding. Mr. Adeyemi, yes there are political leaders in the PDP. There are names that have been there for a long time. There are people who currently are in the PDP that we've always known about. But do you think the PDP has positioned itself in a way that it looks inviting and accommodating for a vast number of young Nigerians to join the party and join its movement? As a political party that is strategically planning to take over the globe now in 2023. And the same the product or the outcome of what the youth did with the answers that recently went past. The PDP as a political party has made it mandatory for women and the youth to take nothing like that. But it has to say of our positions. And this will be evident in the common convention whereby it will be dominated by a lot of youth and blended with leaders who are experienced. You will see the combination of this in the end of the year that we are going to hold very soon. So that is to tell you that as a political party we know the importance and the role of the youth and women in our political participation now. So that is why I am sure even I'm saying it categorically that even at the last election it was specifically mentioned that youth and women will have their culture in the formation of the National Working Committee. So that is already, it is a thing, you pick a tool what we came to it and we are just making it out. So it is in our plan. Briefly is there a possibility of a woman national chairman? Of course. People are free to obtain forms. The form is free. That would be very interesting. And I as a person who is a positive woman that comes out to be chairman of the party. It will be interesting. Okay. Let's talk about the PDP as an opposition party. You made mention that the PDP of course as it tries to take over power the mantle of leadership in 2023 will do what it can. But I want you to share your thoughts with me on this one. Do you think that the PDP will have a chance simply because it has done exceptionally well as an opposition party or because well Nigerians are tired of the current or progressive Congress government. Which would you say is more likely the reason why the PDP stands a chance in 2023? I would go for the two. Both. Not one. Of course, virtually every citizen of this country has become opposition to the PDP. Is it the subway of the people that you want to talk about in 2023 or the bad economy? Or lack of good representatives and everything in this country? So all Nigerians are in opposition. And if you are in opposition, then you are in opposition to the PDP. And really, the PDP as a political party has not done badly in opposing this government. We have shown them enough in a decent manner and in such a way that we did not follow or told the line before people come into office. There was no name they did not call it like that. And there was no black way they did not make the PDP. But we know that the oneness of the country is more important than the public that we see. And we are not ready to face getting with them. We have the distance, we have limited a lot of writing. And the sense of wanting in this country in the way we oppose the PDP. And people know the reality. And people know the truth. And that is why we are now afraid that in 2023 Nigerians are going to vote for PDP. And that is why up till now people are interested in what goes on in PDP. And against what is happening to APC. I am sure you know that there is a difference between, like you said, there are many people who are in the opposition. And are currently very, very upset with the APC. There is a difference between that and the PDP itself being an alternative. And so that is what I want you to speak on next. As the opposition party, the biggest opposition party Niger currently has, do you think that the PDP has presented itself as an alternative? Do you think that it has also been able to not just criticize but also share brighter or better ways of running government compared to what the APC has done? Are people, like you said, interested in taking the current APC government out of power simply because they are tired of the government or because they have truly seen the PDP as a viable opposition that knows what it wants for Nigeria?  PDP as the party has done that. We have been examining ourselves. We knew where we made this statement and that was why we just continued the public apology to Nigeria. That we are never going to be a leader of knowledge and we didn't promise Nigeria that we are angels that we are going to rule. But this time around, we are going to let the government for almost 15 years and for almost 30 years now. It may be important to rule government and we have our strategy. We have human resources. We have individuals who are so brilliant and are ready to take over the leadership of this country. Who are APBP and we are presenting one of our best, one of the best to Nigerians. And by the time we reach that occasion, through our free and fair primary election that is going to be conducted, Nigerians will know that PDP is actually ready to govern and rule again. With brilliant manifestos, with assurance that we are going to teach much of the business, with assurance that we are going to correct the mistakes and the errors the APC has brought upon governance in this country. So we are ready at the political party and we do what we are doing. After our convention and the package of this month, you will see PDP in redirection and be proud of us in Nigeria. Well, I think, you know, of course, it's had about seven years now to completely distinguish itself, you know, as a party on a completely new dimension. So some people may not agree with you and of course those are those people who say the APC and the PDP are one and the same. What Nigeria needs is a third force, what Nigeria needs is a new face. Mr. Adeyemi, what would your response be to those people who believe that, really, it's been the same person who have been in either of both parties and they are one and the same, you know, political party? I would clap for them. I'd be happy if they had been in the political party that is coming, you know, on board. You know that there are not many political parties in this country. There are too many. But how many have survived what PDP and PDP have gone through? They are on the same, you know, in Showa, they don't even know what they can do to this country. We are not going to go through that. They don't know what they can do to this country because they are not going to do it. But the political parties they don't have some kind of power to do it, they don't know what they are. So that's not the political party. It's not going to be political parties. But I think it is that they don't know what they are doing, that they don't know what they are doing. If they are still in state politicians in this country, let's see how they are going to make it. Let's see how they are going to do. It's good if they can build it. It depends on the leadership, it depends on the people. But you don't expect people who have left APC and PDT to say they are going to form another political party and come up with a different ideology. I don't see that as state. I think the best thing for us in this country is to empower political parties. I believe that the political party is ideal when it was formed by the former president, the SDP and the NRC. It was still very difficult for Nigerians to move from one party to the other. You are only limited yourself to either the NRC or the SDP. I don't want to see a situation like that in this country. But if there is a plan to form a tough party, let's see how far they can go. But I'm sure if there are still politicians in this country, I don't see them making any effort. That sounds more like, whichever third force will not be able to pull off what the PDP has pulled off and so you are stuck with us. Mr Ademir, isn't that what it sounds like? I'm saying your narrative sounds like the third force and whoever it is that decides to pull off a new party will not be able to gather as much momentum as the PDP has been able to gather over the years and so Nigerians, you are stuck with us. That is exactly what I'm trying to say. That is exactly my point. And the best you can do is to make sure that this political... I'm afraid that we have an electoral law that forbids anybody from moving from one political party to the other. Or if you do that, you will force me to whatever position you vote in that political party. This will stop people from waiting up in the morning to say yes. I will just be there to go and I want to join the PDP tomorrow. So that is what I would want our electoral law to streamline, but not the commission of too many political parties. And I don't see any third force surprising the political surviving at a political party in this country. Are those two that? Well, let's see how it goes. Now, let's talk about zoning. It's one of the things that has made major conversations across the country in the last few months. What is the PDP's stance on zoning? You know, there's been, of course, thoughts from Bodejad from Atiku Abu Bakar and a few others concerning zoning, the chairmanship position. And what are that necessarily or immediately means that the PDP will be picking a candidate from the south for 2023? Well, we have done a PDP to deal with the immediate problem, though with the mindset of somebody whatever may be the outcome of future issues. Zoning is essential, and I want to give good news, good news to a great committee that did the political party, the zoning of the committee. And at the end of the day, at that assignment was, the committee is very similar for the statewide. We turn the position that when the north to the south and the one in the south to the north. Because I think it was that. But then we know after the issue of the presidency. When it comes, when we come back to the meeting, you know how to cause it. And I want to assure my friends that at the political party, we are strategic enough to know that we should present a candidate through which we can control or we can wait for the 2023 election. So if I'm going for the presidential election, let's leave that until you know we get there. Right now, the immediate problem of the immediate issue is putting the name is very good foundation for the party. So that whatever is going to be our candidate, we have a very strong footing to campaign with. Yeah, but Mr. Abdi, I mean, when you say that, of course, what you've said now is that the PDP will pick a candidate that has a very strong chance, a strong footing and is, you know, most likely to win in 2023. Is that what you're saying? Is that what I'm saying? Yeah, but will it also be important if you read the room around Nigeria and hear those people and those voices who say that they would like to see a candidate from the south? Which would be of more importance to the PDP? A candidate from the south or a candidate that, you know, more and more people want to see or region and more people want to see or a candidate that is more likely to win? In mathematics, 2 to 2 is 4. What in politics? It may be 10, it may be 9. What the PDP? We are a couple of books. Maybe surprises 105. Even we are going to choose the candidate from the north or from the south. We don't spoke your word and wait for what? We are going to choose from the right place at the appropriate time and we see what's in action. That's the best way I can answer that. Is the PDP also open to considering a candidate from the southeast? As it is now, it's open to all zones. By the time they all come out, the PDP will do its training, we will do its assessment and we will get to Nigeria and to the north that will make us to win a particular election. I hope that we have time to come back to that. Now I want us to move over to talking about the possibility of a merger. I've seen that, of course, Kings Limogalu and the ADC, as they are called, a new party that are also seeing what they can do to win the seats in 2023 and maybe also on the state level across the country. Besides the ADC, I'm sure that there will also be other candidates. Is the PDP open to a merger between itself and other parties to growing its strength as the 2023 elections move closer? The door of a political party of this is always open.  There is nothing wrong in coalition and there is nothing wrong in cohabiting so as to win elections. PDP is always open to individual and to groups and to political parties that want to merge and forge ahead with them. So PDP as a party does not at any time close its door to coalition of people hoping to join them to achieve success at the polls. So will the PDP be open if that possibility came of taking a president like Kings Limogalu under its umbrella? That is exactly what I said. We are open. We welcome everybody. No political party will ever reject anybody coming to join them. It's never done, the more they are there. And this is the number that the families who win the election will continue to look into ways to get that number to win the election. Okay. And I also want us to talk more on the, you know, the air around the PDP and the narrative that a lot of them are Nigerians. And I've seen and I've read people speak about certain persons like Attico Abu Bakar. And, you know, if he is, you know, the direction, you know, that the PDP really should be taking at this point. And of course, I don't expect that you would speak, you know, ill of his chances or ill of him as a person.  You are asking me a question that I've not even had time to think about. What is uppermost from my mind now is the 29th to 38th of this month's Congressional.  We are very organized. It is one step after the other. And just like I said, we will get to the bridge in order to cut it.  That is what the party has said. Through this zoning, all zones are free to present a candidate and all individuals are free to come out to aspire. When it is time, the PDP will screen, the PDP will conduct a fleet of clear, primary elections and whatever it might be that we can do, we will, by the special needs of God, because the President of this country is the President of this country. You're on the air, me.  You know, that of course will be, that is what the PDP has decided must stand in the convention. And also, you know, the PDP is also welcoming young Nigerians to join the party, among other things. But thank you very much for your time this morning. Thank you so much. And looking forward to speaking with you again. Thank you very much for this opportunity. I enjoyed the conversation and I'm happy to be with you. Thank you. Have a good day, sir. All right, stay with us. When we come back, we're moving from the PDP to the APC. And of course, a little bit of political discussions here and there in the All Progressive Congress, in town of politics mostly. That comes up next after the short break. Good morning.


I'm actually shocked that they came out with this handgun. The TH-10 chambered in 10 millimeter. This is an all ambidextrous gun. Some gritty texturing there as well as the back strap. 15 round magazines. It's a double action single action handgun. So in single action has a nice clean trigger pull with a fairly short reset. Check this out. So I like those single action guns.


After the noon block, I'm Jay Fidel here on Think Tech and we're doing history is here to help and which is a very true and totally totally useful statement about history. You cannot lose the context. Don't lose the context. Anyway, we have Jeffrey Washerstrom. He's a history professor at UC Irvine. Joins us by Zoom. We really appreciate it. Thank you for joining us Jeffrey. It's great to be. I just wish I could be in Hawaii in person to join you. I hope that will come soon. I think it will come soon. And Peter Hoffenberg who was scheduled to join us cannot because the internet is not working in his neck of the woods. So anyway, we're talking about Hong Kong on the brink today. Things will never be the same. And let's take a look at that because you've been writing and thinking about that for a while. Jeffrey, and I'd be really interested in your thoughts about whether this is a one-way and tragic street or whether it will lead to something maybe different, maybe not what we wanted, but that will be functional as a city of China. What do you think? So I think there are a couple of things about Hong Kong speaking as a story and that first of all people who make predictions about Hong Kong have been notoriously wrong and Hong Kong has made fools of forecasters over and over again. From as far back as 1841 when the British were given Hong Kong as a victor's prize in the Opium war and the British negotiator was essentially fired by his boss back in London because he'd gotten a barren hill with barely a house upon it. There would never be a great mart of trade. And of course, that's exactly what Hong Kong became. There were also people who said in 1997 when Hong Kong was going to go from being a British colony to being a special administrative region of the People's Republic of China that was supposed to be able to largely go its own way for 50 years under something called one country, two systems where defense and diplomacy would be handled by Beijing, but a lot of other things would be handled locally. There were a lot of predictions that Hong Kong would instantly die and would become just like any main wet city. And of course, that didn't happen.  And to a lot of extent, the same deal was made with Macau, nearby another former colony, that one of the Portuguese. In the late 1990s, early 2000s, there was a sense in which it seemed to be surprisingly workable, be working better. So it made fools again of the forecasters. But then there has been, I think, a really worrisome slide, especially in the last especially in the last decade in which Beijing has been trying, the Communist Party in Beijing has been trying to show that in its mind, the two systems part of one country, two systems, all they really meant or all they really wanted to mean is a different way to make and spend money in the city. And that this idea that it was a place where the two systems meant you could have a different ability to hold protests without being cracked down on the way you were in the mainland, the idea that you could have schools in which textbooks could talk about taboo subjects like the June 4th massacre of 1989 that took place in Beijing, that can't be talked about on the mainland, can't be taught, but can be talked about in Hong Kong or could until recently. And so we've had, especially since 2014, a series of dramatic protests by people trying to defend a different way of life and try to buttress these always weak but their democratic quasi-democratic institutions, trying to buttress them because they could see these moves toward encroachment and they could see time running out and quite very bold and dramatic protests that have been repressed and increasingly militant protests and increasingly repressive actions until things peaking in 2019 with the biggest protests and also the biggest acts of repression. And then the story since then is a kind of tightening of the vice by Beijing. Hong Kong still isn't dead and it's not going to be dead. It's an amazing city in a lot of ways and people there are determined to keep preserving what they can of a distinctive lifestyle. But a lot of things have been destroyed, including the sort of more vibrant civil society, more independent courts, more freer press, quasi-democratic institutions that didn't give people, there was never a way a majority of pro-democracy forces could take the legislature. It was always, the deck was always, the game was always rigged, but you could still have real debates in the legislature before a bill went through and that alone is important to a democracy and you had some degree of separation of powers. The courts could tell the police that they'd gotten out of line when they arrested somebody. All of this is eroding and it's very distressing and people I know in Hong Kong feel it's happening incredibly quickly that the things that they prized about life are going away very quickly, but externally it actually seems, and here I think the Communist Party has been quite clever, it seems to be happening gradually. It's happening step by step. It's not happening via a massacre of people in the streets. It's happening with one thing one week, one thing the next. And while that's very fast if you're in Hong Kong, it seems slow if the news cycle is spinning in amazing direction. So they're the largest arrests of Hong Kong of democracy figures, close to 50 of them were rounded up a week or so ago, but that was a time when there were shootings on the streets in Myanmar nearby. It was a time when there were big stories, well the pandemic obviously, but many things that kind of that distract us. So you know, I think Hong Kong will, it will live on, it will still be a fascinating city, but a kind of Hong Kong that was radically different from mainland Sydney's nearby that I think has disappeared. You know, my limited knowledge of this, I see Hong Kong as divided into several groups, visa fee, the mainland China moves on it. Number one is you have the students, boys, syphorists, the other ones who protest, the whole umbrellas and the like, and they must be very unhappy right now because they've been repressed, you know, they're whatever protest power they had has been severely curtailed. Then you have the small shopkeepers. I'm sure Hong Kong is a lot of mom and pops down every street and alley and they're not terribly interested in the political things that happen. Just leave me alone to do business. I don't care to protest and I don't care to join the Communist Party either. Then you have the money and the money could be Hong Kong money that has existed since what did you say, 1841 you know, with the British influence and you have the Chinese money and it's been a portal, you know, for investment. A lot of people in China and rather in Hong Kong make a lot of money in China, you know, investing through the portal. It's quite remarkable and they are happy enough to be left alone. I mean, happy enough to make peace with the Chinese government. Just leave me alone to do business and I'm happy. I'm sure they will prevail. I mean, they will be part of the new Hong Kong, if you will. Did I miss a group? Did I miss a group? Who else is the group there? The students, the shopkeepers, the big money guys. There's also, so I mean, I'd say what's left out is there are foreign businesses. Yes. And so one of the things that was a check on kind of outright repression was if it happened too fast after 1997, the foreign businesses would have pulled out. And so what protected Hong Kong to some extent, the metaphor that's been used as the goose that lays the golden egg, that Beijing wanted to have Hong Kong as a city where foreign businesses could have a foothold to then move into the market, into the China market and where there could be different rules, more of a rule of law that would guarantee contracts and things like that, a comfort level, an international city. And what's interesting also in Hong Kong is you can be a Hong Konger without being ethnically Chinese. It's in a way that you can't be a Beijing or you can't be a full member of Chinese mainland society unless you're ethnically Chinese. So Hong Kong was special that way. It was multi-lingual Cantonese and English as the lingua franca, but then increasingly recently Mandarin in the mix as well. But dividing into groups that you have the students and pro-democracy figures who are former students and in some cases are in their 50s, 60s, even 80s. And I'd say another group that's been quite passionate about the movement that sometimes for God and have been important have been Christian groups, church groups, which also have a different ability to operate in Hong Kong than on the mainland. But I think what was important in cases like the 2019 protests that brought so many people onto the streets and so many people in favor of the movement was there were people who might have wanted to be just left alone and didn't necessarily care that much about big political issues. But once students, once youth were on the streets and were initially using largely nonviolent tactics and the police were using tear gas against them, there was a feeling among a broad spectrum of society that the moral high ground was the young people on the streets. And that the police who had been the Hong Kong police were widely respected were seen as one of the most professional forces that something was out of whack morally. And so you had a period and even when some youth became militant and were engaged in some acts of violence, which is important to remember did happen, largely vandalism attacking buildings, attacking symbols, but very, very occasionally hurting people. There was a sense that most of the violence was coming from the other side, was coming from the police, and that the government wasn't doing anything to ring the police in. And so you continually had, even when there was a lot of militancy on the street, you continually had 60% or 70% of the populace that thought the government should do more to ring the police in. And so that kept a movement going. And you know, we know about these movements in other places, including in the United States. And a big issue becomes who's seen as having the moral high ground in this. And for me, watching the Hong Kong protests was very reminiscent of early in my career, right after I was in graduate school, right as I was finishing up the 1989 protests happened in Beijing and across the mainland. And there too, there were some people who were on the streets because of strong political convictions. But others began to support the movement because they thought that the people on the streets were behaving more in step with the ideals of the country than the people in power. And so that you had that situation again in Hong Kong. Does that ever work? It didn't work in viral Russia recently. Where does it work? Where can you have a protest these days that actually works? So it does work. And I'll, you know, this is one thing I remember to, I want to keep in mind. South Korea, around the same time as the umbrella movement, there was what came to be known as the candlelight revolution in South Korea. And it was people on the streets complaining about corruption of a woman who was the daughter of a former right-wing strongman there who had been in power before South Korea democratized. South Korea democratized, she rose up and was behaving in some ways like, you know, in the family tradition, you know, she had no patience for protest, but there was also a corruption issue. And people turned down on the streets in, it was youth, but it was also families and this, and it was an ongoing peaceful movement. And she was, she was hosted from office and she's now in jail. So it can happen. It did happen in Taiwan. You know, Taiwan, when I started studying China, the mainland in the mid 1980s, the mainland was under one party rule, communist party rule, and it was starting to experiment with reforms and was trying to open up to the world. Taiwan was under right-wing authoritarian rule. And so they were kind of in the nationalist party, which had been the opponent of the communist party. So they were both in control of these different places. And it wasn't obvious what the trajectory would be going forward. Taiwan, when I started studying the two places, Taiwan was still under martial law. There had been protests. It was very hard to be a dissident in either of those places. But you flash forward to the early 21st century and you have Taiwan as a well-working democratic system for various reasons. I mean, it was a long struggle to get there, but it does, it can feel sometimes like these never work. And sometimes you have a, you have a protest that has no immediate effect, but it has a long-term effect. It has a long-term change effect. And hopefully that, that can happen because, you know, governments have to change with the times, governments have to change for social changes. And if they, if they don't do that, they become archaic and dysfunctional, arguably in the United States too. Yeah. And I think it's, what's interesting also to remember when I go back to that period in the 80s, when I was in graduate school, how many things, you know, we didn't see coming. I mean, it was clear that the Soviet system had incredible deep flaws, but it wasn't clear it was going to disappear. And it wasn't clear that places like Poland, another place where, and Czechoslovakia, another other place is where nonviolent protests did succeed. In the mid, even as late as the mid-1980s, it wasn't clear at all. I was reading the letters from prison out of Miknik, a Polish journalist. And he was talking about why he was given the choice of leaving Poland. He could get out of jail if he promised to just leave Poland and not make trouble there anymore. And he, he chose to stay because he loved the country. And this is what some Hong Kongers love Hong Kong, the way people love a country. They're staying. Some are going abroad to try to keep the struggle going in, in exile. But so I was really moved by the letters that Miknik wrote. But I read a review of his book in the New York Times. And it said, it said 1986 would mark the 40th anniversary of places like Poland being under communist rule. And there was nothing to celebrate for people who wanted to have a freer society. And there's every reason to think that when the 50th anniversary comes, the situation will be the same.  Now, of course, a lot had to happen. There had to be a Gorbachev. There had to be various things in the world that had to happen that we didn't see coming. So I guess that back to that idea of the foolishness of forecast, I think history is incredibly important to help understand the present, but it really doesn't help us predict the future. No, in the case of Poland, it was fragile. And now it hasn't remained the same. Yeah. But I wanted to ask, it struck me, it's subjective, but it struck me at the time of the umbrella movement and all the trouble preceding the new security law, that the boys in Beijing would find a way to repress this. They didn't want it to happen. You make a list of options and how you're going to repress it.  And little by little, you discourage the people who are protesting and ultimately you squash the protest. I think this is doable. It's doable in our modern times. It's doable with modern communications and social media and the like. And all they had to do is get some smart guys in a room and they could figure out how to wage war on the Hong Kong free speech people. And I think they're winning and they will continue to win and they will have what they want long before 2047. They'll have a complete takeover before 2047 except for the money, except for the money classes in Hong Kong. But I wonder if you feel that things have changed around protests in Hong Kong and elsewhere, where a repressive government actually has the upper hand, because it has a toolkit such as we have never seen before. So yeah, I mean, I think it's taking a long-term picture. Whenever a new technology of communication comes along, there's enormous excitement about the liberating possibilities of that new technology of communication. And then there's a realization that it also gives new powers to those who want to repress or authoritarian states. And we've seen this, so there's a wonderful piece I'd love to talk about by Adam Gopnik who writes The New Yorker. And he says, when you're thinking about media revolutions, there are three points of view. One is never better, like finally this has come along, everything's great. The other is better never, if only this hadn't come along. And the third one is ever was, which just means that actually you still have the same sorts of struggles, they're just maybe accelerated and taken to a new wider global reach. And I think the, I'm in the ever was category of this because I do think we see both the liberating and the controlling possibilities. And there is, it's not exactly the same history doesn't repeat itself with new technologies as anything else. And in some ways, the darker side of the new technologies is darker than what we've seen before, the abilities of surveillance. But there are also always some kinds of possibilities back and forth. So both, both protesters have more in their toolkit. And we can see this in the way that they can get their message to a completely different part of the world in ways that they couldn't before. In 1988 in Burma, there was a crackdown and there were no images as far as I remember coming out of it. I didn't don't remember ever seeing a poem written by a Burmese who was being shot. And now, you know, I wake up in the morning that I can read poems by somebody who was killed the day before and I can see information about it. And it's not necessarily going to stop it, but that's something new in the protesters toolkit. But autocrats have new things. So when the printing press was brought out, it was thought like now this will undermine the authorities who control the written word. And radio is a great example. Radio was seen as something that would connect people in new ways and give democratizing things. But it was used by the by the fascists to spread Nazism. In 1989, table news broadcasts were seen as this amazing thing. We could see what was happening at Tiananmen. But on the other hand, the authorities could monitor with televisions and tell and pick up people who had been on the square because they could identify images. And now we have it all further with facial recognition software. And we have one of the things that the Hong Kong protesters, they did. It was when they were being monitored by some forms of the Internet, they started using telegraph telegraph channel technology that could communicate without the same ability of surveillance. They were doing crowdsourcing of protest venues. They were being very their slogan was be water. Move quickly. Readjust your tactics continually through social media and other communication. And this allowed their movement to in part grow bigger than than any expectation was that it could have been last longer and have more international impact. But at the same time, there were new methods of surveillance. And now one of the things that protesters say is that when they're arrested, one of the things the police do is take their mobile phones and start mining the contacts in them. And this is in all kinds of invasions into this. There are other ways that technologies are used and worrisome ways. So, yes, there's a whole new toolkit. There are new toolkits for protests. It does seem that it's getting harder. It's getting easier to get people onto the streets than it's ever been before, but it's in many settings, but it can be harder at least before the pandemic. But it can be harder, it can be harder perhaps than ever to affect change. Well, and we're the credit governments have a deep pocket. Good technology, new technology, new inventions to repress can be very powerful, but you can't do them without a deep pocket. And so, you have a big advantage that way. I wanted to ask you though, you talk about the first part of that process, that is the protester, the protest goes beyond the location. It goes beyond Hong Kong. And certainly, there's a lot of communication technology in China. I just wonder how fertile that field is for sympathy, empathy with the protestors in Hong Kong. And whether these protests and the sad plight of, you know, free with speech in Hong Kong is reaching China. What would imagine that Xi Jinping would like to put them, one of the reasons he wants to put them down is he doesn't want that same thing to happen in other cities on the mainland. But is there a fertile ground for that to happen? Is that legitimate worry? Is it happening? It's not really happening. I mean, to Hong Kong, the mainland is incredibly diverse. There are people, there are mainland Chinese who are very sympathetic, but there are lots who aren't. And in general, when Hong Kong, when Hong Kong became part of the People's Republic of China, there were some people who were hopeful that Hong Kong ways would sort of permeate the mainland, and that Hong Kong would, Hong Kong would be the influence rather than mainland ways influencing Hong Kong. And to some degree, it has happened. Modes of consumption and entertainment on the mainland are a lot or have been influenced a lot by Hong Kong. When I went between Shanghai and Hong Kong in the 80s, there were no luxury malls, no forms of entertainment. Yeah, Hong Kong was a lot more fun and a lot more ways to distract yourself and stay happy than in certain ways. Enjoy yourself than in Shanghai. Now, there's really not that much difference between the two of them, between the two of them in those ways. So things have flowed in that direction, but the kind of political control things meanwhile have flowed in the other direction. But the other thing is so the Chinese Communist Party, yes, it worried about any kind of contagion effect or spillover effect, but they worked hard, double time, to try to fill the airwaves on the mainland, to block images of positive things to the protest, and then to just flood the airwaves with their story about the protests, which was that these were chaotic, undermining the stability of the city, that the protesters were prejudiced against mainland people and some of them were, and that the protesters were violent. And what the government did was, I think they were worried on the mainland, but they became less worried once there were even isolated acts of violence that could be magnified and shown over and over again, violence by the side of the protesters. And they could create a narrative that made it seem like the protests were all about what were actually isolated incidents. And this is something we've seen again in the US with certain things, where is it an isolated, do you focus on in a protest 100,000 people who are engaging in non-violence or 10 of them who are engaging in violence? And there are going to be those 10. And if what you do, if what you do is have a state-controlled media system the way you do on the mainland, you just show those images of the violence over and over again, it becomes very hard to know whether that's what's going on or not. So there is some sympathy, but there hasn't been a way in which there haven't been sympathetic protests in the mainland. In the way there were, interestingly, in 1989, there were very big protests in Hong Kong and Macau in sympathy with the protesters on the mainland because Hong Kong and Macau had different systems, but knew they were going to be part of that. I wonder, you talk about the reach of the media and the propaganda to dampen the truth and so forth. We know China does that, including in this country, about things that are happening in China. We've had so many. But I'm interested in the world view of Hong Kong because Hong Kong is a child of the world, not just the UK, but a child of the world. A great court, a great example of some kind of global gathering process. And that's probably why in the UK a range of special visas or respected visas of Hong Kongers who they were led into it. And then, of course, the Chinese try to stop that. They are stopping it, I think. So you have a world reaction, a reaction, a popular reaction, a governmental reaction, diplomatic reaction. And I wonder if it's getting out or if the propaganda that comes from the mainland is dampening that, too. Do we have an accurate view or not? So I think the international view stayed quite sympathetic to the protests while they were taking place. And I think there is a lot of international concern about what's going on. But there are limits to what the international community can do, especially in its divided state. So I think one of the things, there were different ways in which the crudest moves that Beijing made, the imposing of the national security law, they did that last spring, when the world was battling the pandemic and very little bandwidth for these kinds of things, even if there was concern. And the other thing they took advantage of was the degree to which Trump had undermined the alliances that the United States had with other countries. All of this has allowed space for the expansion of the Chinese Communist Party's rule. Actually, I want to make sure I show, I have this book, Vigil, Hong Kong on the Brink. And with a lot of what you've been saying, I was thinking about the cover of it, which I had no role in designing, but I love. The Hong Kong flag is a white flag with a flower on it. And this is showing the white flag being dyed red in a process. And I also just wanted to mention it was going to be called Hong Kong on the Brink. The book was going to be called that. But then it turned out there was another book called Hong Kong on the Brink already out there. And it had been written. It was about the events of 1967. So Hong Kong's been on the Brink before. And of course, it's now slid beyond it. But the title Vigil was added to it. I was very lucky to have an editor at Columbia Global Reports, the publisher of Hong Kong, or actually Jimmy So, who's been living in the United States. And he said, well, since Hong Kong on the Brink's already been used, you talk a lot about this vigil every year that's held for the anniversary of the June 4th massacre, we could call it vigil Hong Kong on the Brink. And the term vigil also implies watching over somebody who's ill or somebody you care about is ill or dying perhaps. And so that was a very powerful kind of image. And so I think to some extent the world's been ready to hold vigil. But what a lot of it is taking the form of expressions of deep concern. There have been some efforts to push back against the moves with economic sanctions of high officials. There have been a variety of steps taken. There's increasing outrage about what the Chinese Communist Party is doing at the other end of the People's Republic of China in Xinjiang, where there's been a massive human rights atrocities going on against the largely Muslim ethnic group of the Uighurs. And, you know, this is horrific. And again, there are statements of concern and there's pushback. But there are fewer there are fewer tools to use to pressure Beijing to change its policies than there used to be. Beijing is less dependent on the world community and the world community is so divided. So there are things that could conceivably happen. There's talk about boycotting the 2022 Winter Olympics that are going to be held in Beijing, even though Beijing doesn't really have snow, but it'll be held near their place with snow. I mean, I think one of the things that people might think about, regardless of whether they boycott, is simply to not allow it to be a celebration of the Chinese Communist Party the way, to some extent in 2008, there was a occasionally newscast would would would bring up human rights issues. But on the whole, there was a acceptance and amplification of what was a very kind of nationalistic message in the opening ceremonies. And it doesn't mean that you say that there shouldn't be, that they shouldn't, those ceremonies shouldn't have happened. But you could use that as a teachable moment to say, hey, well, the Communist Party is presenting the history of China as a single unified story for 5,000 years in which they're putting their stamp on it. Well, actually, if we could take this opportunity to learn a little bit about China, Chinese tradition is not just a tradition of control and hierarchy. There's strands within Chinese tradition that celebrate diversity of opinion. There's strands in Chinese tradition that have more of a democratic side to them. Taiwan became a democratic system while staying in many ways, initially at least culturally, Chinese. It's being pushed away from that. And there are always different strands in Taiwan. But in part, it's because the Chinese Communist Party is putting forth an idea of having a monopoly on what chineseness means, that there's been an effort in Hong Kong and in Taiwan to say, well, look, then we don't want to be identified with chineseness. It's not that we're denying our ethnicity. It's not that we're denying our ancestry. But we don't accept the way this is being defined. There's a move toward grappling with it that hasn't found a new kind of language for this, which I think people of Jewish descent around the world have developed to be able to say, I can be proud to be of Jewish descent, but I don't like Zionism, and I don't believe in the government of Israel. They can say that and separate that out. And we need to figure out a way that people of Chinese descent can have a way to establish a sense of chineseness separate from the Chinese Communist Party's effort to impose one. Is this strategy against Hong Kong, just a forerunner of a strategy against Taiwan? That is, you know, the one country, two systems strategy was supposed to be to ease the idea that there was talk in Beijing, you know, look at Hong Kong now, that could be your future Taiwan. And now there are some protesters who say, look at us now, Taiwan, this could be your future as a warning to do that. So it's definitely one of the reasons why it's important, even if there's no way to alter the direction that things are going in Hong Kong, to make there be a price to pay for the moves in Hong Kong is a way to send a signal about protecting Taiwan. It's hard to say. It could also be in some ways for Xi Jinping a way of being able to claim that he expanded Beijing's reach, expanded the country by really bringing Hong Kong in in a way that means he doesn't have to take Taiwan to be seen as a great leader who expanded the reach of the Communist Party, the way great leaders have wanted to be seen. I see what's going on in Hong Kong largely is fitting, though, within a pattern across the PRC of the parts that are already in the PRC of forced assimilation on various fronts, trying to do away with many forms of difference that were allowed to exist under the Communist Party rule. There's been more of a clampdown on various kinds of religious activities. There's been more of a clampdown on the use of different languages within China. And I think Hong Kong is an example of that process that's happening. Is it really necessary for Xi Jinping and his government and the Chinese culture, the Chinese vision of the future to do these repressive things? I mean, for example, I'm sure you're referring to Tibet and Xinjiang and Hong Kong and maybe soon enough Taiwan. What's happening in Mongolia too? Well, the way I think about it, I don't think it's necessary, but the way I think about it is governments to stay in power, particularly ones maybe that come into power via revolution and things. They have to tell stories. They have to have a story to tell, even if you're even if you're authoritarian state, you have to have some kind of story to tell about why it's legitimate for you to rule. And a lot of energy goes into that kind of story. And you can see that in any look around the world, you could say with Putin's Russia. And one of the ways one of the stories you tell is that before us, look how badly, whether or not you like exactly what we're doing, look at what the alternative was before. What are we taking? The Communist Party has told a series of stories since 1949 about why they deserve, first of all, why they deserve to rule rather than nationalists right away and then why they continue to continue to rule. And the stories have not have some of them have changed. So one story they told early on was the nationalist party officials were corrupt. Our officials aren't corrupt. And that was a pretty compelling story at first, but it no longer works. People within China think that the officials of the Communist Party are corrupt. There's been ongoing anti-corruption campaigns because of that. Another story they told was under the old regime, there were rich, there were poor, and society was very unequal. Under us, society, everybody will, everybody will live the same kind of lifestyle. Okay, that story doesn't work anymore, especially in the last 40 years or so. There's been a giving up on that kind of egalitarianism. But there was another story that Mao and others said, which was that before we took power, China was bullied in the world for a long period of time, and our territory was being chipped away at by different powers. And then after the Communist Party took power, well, over largely disunified China, they spent time trying to expand the territorial reach. That was one of the first places forcibly brought into the PRC, but brought in kind of the way Hong Kong was with a promise that people would be able to go, would have a high degree of autonomy, but if they became part of the country. And the story in Tibet, early 1950s, there was a fair amount of ability to allow things to go their own way. The Dalai Lama thought he could work with Mao and then Beijing exerted its control. People got, people pushed back when they saw Beijing is already more control, things exploded, repression came in. So there was a kind of precursor to the Hong Kong story, to that story. But so now there's still that need. So the other story later, the Communist Party told, was under our watch the economy, it's just booming and booming. And your material condition is getting better. Even if it's not equal, everybody's boat is being lifted. Now there's some doubt about how long the economy can go on. So what's left is this kind of nationalistic story. And that's what Xi Jinping is doubling down on over and over again. So that's how I would see. Very interesting. We're out of time, Jeff, but I do want to ask you whether a vigil Hong Kong on the brink is available on Amazon or somewhere else? Sure, it's available through bookshops.org through which is independent bookstore thing. It's available through Amazon. It's available as a audio book. It's very short. It only takes about two and a half hours to listen to the listen to it. It's about 100 pages. It's available on paperback. Well, things move quickly, even in the world of history, maybe especially in the world of history. So you must be writing or thinking about writing something else. What's the next one? So I'm working with a couple of very talented journalists on an updated spin-off from Vigil. It won't be called that. It'll take a couple of years for it to come out, but it'll carry, it'll draw on that, but it'll carry the story forward. And it'll have some illustrations. One of the journalists is a very talented artist. So it'll have some graphic novel kinds of elements. But I'm finishing up a book on the world in 1900 and particularly focused on China. The time of the boxer uprising and the shape of the world in a year of multiple crises. 1900 was a bit like 2020, where it just seemed things were coming apart at the seams and the world had suddenly gotten smaller, but it also gotten more dangerous. So it's a story, a book about China, but also a book about the world in 1900 with relevance for the world now. Fabulous. I can't help but think of Steve McQueen as the sand pebbles, if you recall, that movie. Well, the movie that comes into the book about 1900 is another one, 55 Days of the Peking with Charlton Heston and David Niven and the boxer uprising, basically a Western transpose to China. Perfect. Jeffrey Washerström of UC Irvine, thank you so much for joining us for this really compelling discussion. It's been a pleasure. I'm glad you had me on.


common in many businesses to finance the business by using that money to purchase say fixed assets for example and using the fixed assets then to help generate the revenue. But the loan payable, the activity with it, we don't finance all the time. We're not taking loans out all the time usually unless it's like a line of credit situation. So you've got the loan is a pretty fixed transaction and if we're paying off the loan steadily then we're going to be paying it in accordance with an amortization type of table. The problem there is that we have to deal with interest and principal breakout between those two. So we'll talk about those transactions as we go and then the equity. We don't usually post anything to the capital account but instead this account is used after this beginning balance after we did the first thing to just roll over the income statement into. Now we might have other equity accounts if we're sole proprietorship for draws the money that we take out of the business which are similar to dividends if it were a corporation except that draws we can take out as the owner anytime we need without permission from the board of directors or anything and whatnot. We don't have to worry about other shareholders getting paid the same dividends and that kind of stuff. And then we might have investments which is us putting money into the company. However, hopefully we're not putting money into the company all the time once it gets rolling we are generating revenue and then taking money out in the form of draws. So that's the general layout. Let's take a look at some other reports that are subsidiary reports to these major reports. So I'm going to duplicate a tab and look at some other common reports that we might be taking a look at. Now the first one I want to touch on is going to be the let's go to the accounting reports the trial balance the trial balance I'll just type in up top trial balance many people that that don't have an account


And the FIRS has projected generating 10.1 trillion Naira revenue for the 2022 financial year, according to its chairman Mohamed Nami. Nami stated this when he appeared before the House of Representatives Committee on Finance on Wednesday in Abuja and that was at a public hearing by the committee on the 2022-2024 medium-term expenditure framework and fiscal strategy paper. He said that a 10.1 trillion Naira was the global figure projected to be generated and submitted to the federal government in 2022 by the FIRS.


So we had to run up and down, do five laps and see what time we got, and then we would be younger. I learned that the earth isn't flat at all. Turns out it's an old late spheroid, round and a little bit squashed. We've been in here, this has been free, we've even had a lovely free lunch. It's been well organised, it's been really interesting that people have been very enthusiastic about what we've been doing here. We've never been to the big bounce before, and it was great. We've got a wee understanding of loads of things, but it's been really good fun. It's not been like reading through an old textbook, it's been in our face, we've heard noises, we've put ideas together. It's been great. When I was younger I found it quite a difficult one, so it's even some of the things we learned today were new to me. So I think it's been really great to get these ideas across to kids in a really fun way that they can understand. It's active learning, it's just been a really interactive, fun day. It's just really good to have something educational on the school holidays. I think it's important young people get into physics, and it leads into so many careers. Stuff like this, showing kids that science isn't boring, science is interesting. I think that's a big hurdle, a lot of the wee girls I talk to. I think engineering is just boring, it's just for old men in brown suits, and it's just showing them that there's so much more to it. It's nice to see that there's still somebody there who sees that education is worthwhile and good on them for doing it.


Hello and welcome to the session. Let us discuss the following question. Question says, in a return market, few vendors were selling mangoes kept in packing boxes. These boxes contained varying number of mangoes. The following was the distribution of mangoes according to the number of the boxes. This is the given table which represents the distribution of the mangoes. Find the mean number of mangoes kept in a packing box. Which method of finding the mean did you choose? First of all, let us understand step deviation method for finding the mean. According to step deviation method, mean is equal to a plus h multiplied by summation fiui upon summation fi where, now in this formula, x pi is the mean is assuming fi represents the frequency ui is equal to xi minus a upon h where xi is the class mark of the interval and h is the class size. And a is assuming, now we will use this formula as our key idea to solve the given question. Let us now start with the solution. Now first of all, we will rewrite the data given in the question. Now we are given this distribution of mangoes according to number of boxes. First of all, let us find out class mark for every class interval. Let us recall that class mark is equal to upper class limit plus lower class limit upon 2. Now in this interval, 52 is the upper class limit and 50 is the lower class limit. So 52 plus 50 upon 2 is equal to 51. Similarly, we can find class mark for this class interval. We know 55 plus 53 upon 2 is equal to 54. For this interval, class mark is 57 plus 56 upon 2 is equal to 57. Similarly, midpoint of this class interval is equal to 60 and midpoint of this class interval is equal to 63. Now we will choose one among these Xi's as assumed mean and denote it by A. Let it be 51. So we denote 51 by A. Now we will find the difference between A and each of the Xi's. That is, we will find the variation of assumed mean from each of the Xi's. So here we can write Xi minus A. Now clearly we can see X1 is equal to 51 and A is also equal to 51. Now we have to find X1 minus A. So it is equal to 51 minus 51. That is 0. So here we can write 0. Now clearly we can see X2 is equal to 54 is equal to 51. So the variation of assumed mean from X2 is equal to 54 minus 51, which is further equal to 3. So here we can write 3. Similarly, 57 minus 51 is equal to 6. Now here 63 minus 51 is equal to 9 and 63 minus 51 is equal to 12. Clearly we can see all these values in this column are multiples of 3. So if we divide the values in the entire column by 3, we would get smaller numbers to multiply by f i. We know f i represents the frequency and here frequency is represented by number of boxes. So we will denote it by f i. Now we will find U i by dividing all these values by 3. And we also know that 3 is the class size of each of the discrete class intervals.  So here we can write class size f is equal to 3. Now 0 divided by 3 is equal to 0. 3 divided by 3 is equal to 1. 6 divided by 3 is equal to 2. 9 divided by 3 is equal to 3 and 12 divided by 3 is equal to 4. Now we will find the product f i U i 15 multiplied by 0 is equal to 0. 110 multiplied by 1 is equal to 110. 135 multiplied by 2 is equal to 270. 115 multiplied by 3 is equal to 345 and 25 multiplied by 4 is equal to 100. Now we will find out summation f i. We know summation f i is equal to sum of all these frequencies. So sum of all these frequencies is equal to 400. Here we will find out summation f i U i. Summation f i U i is equal to sum of all these products. So sum of all these products is equal to 825. From key idea we know mean is equal to assume mean plus h multiplied by summation f i U i upon summation f i. Now substituting corresponding values of assume mean plus size summation f i U i and summation f i in this formula we get mean is equal to 51 plus 3 multiplied by 825 upon 400. Now we know 825 upon 400 is equal to 2.0625. So mean is equal to 51 plus 3 multiplied by 2.0625. Now multiplying these two terms we get 6.1875. So we can say mean is equal to 51 plus 6.1875. Now this implies mean is equal to 57.1875. Now rounding off this value up to two places of decimals we get mean is equal to 57.19. So we get the mean number of mangoes kept in a packing box is equal to 57.19. Now here we have used step deviation method for finding the mean. When the numerical values of x i and f i are large finding the product of x i and f i becomes tedious and time consuming. So for such situations we use step deviation method. So we can say we have used step deviation method because numerical values of x i and f i are large. So this is our required answer. This completes the session. Hope you understood the solution. Take care and have a nice day.


This is Doctomer 11012. We are here at Summit Automotive in Fond du Lac, Wisconsin. You're new and use Jeep and Jeep Grand Cherokee headquarters. Today we are checking out this super clean 2017 Jeep Grand Cherokee SRT8. This vehicle has the 6.4 liter V8 Hemi motor which pumps out 470 horsepower. This Jeep has been fully-safetyed and inspected by our service shop has a fresh oil and filter change. All the fluids have been checked and topped off and this Jeep is 100% ready to go. Diamond black metallic is the color. We shoot all of our videos in 1080p 60 frames per second so if you have HD capabilities on your computer tablet or smartphone device turn them on right now because it is definitely your best way to check out the quality and condition of the vehicle before seeing it in person. If you'd like to check out all the photos on this Jeep in the upper right hand part of your screen is a link right to our website click that and check us out there. Comes with the 20 inch painted and polished aluminum SRT8 20 inch rims and it has Pirelli Scorpion Verde 29545 ZR20 tires and they got right around half the tread left on those tires. Of course this one comes with the Brembo brakes being an SRT8. Front fender is in absolutely perfect condition. No dents or dings on there. It does come with the HID headlamps, the LED running lights, the LED fog lamps, the front bumper parking sensors. Front bumper is in really nice shape. Didn't see any dense dings or cracks on that. Headlight lenses are nice and clear. Of course you get the Cowell SRT8 hood on here. No dents or dings on that. And the passenger side fender is in excellent condition as well. Passengers side rim, no scuffs or scrapes on there. Looks really good. And on this side of the Jeep, take note of how clean the body is, how reflective and mirror like that paint is. We take these HD videos so if you are far away or even if you're close by and just cannot make the trip down but you're still interested in purchasing the vehicle, you can see the vehicle, hear the vehicle and have confidence in what you're looking at before you even get here. So then when you do get here there's absolutely no surprises. And that is why we offer the Summit Auto Fastpass option in the upper right-hand part of your screen. A-Link right to our website where you can apply for financing, get pre-approved, see a payment quote, even appraise a trade all from the comfort of your own home. So then when you do get here there's absolutely no surprises and all you got to do is drive the vehicle. Love it and you'll be all set to go. Back rims in great shape as well.  As we come around to the back of the vehicle, rear bumper, great shape. No dents, stings, scuffs or scrapes on that. The rear gate is in excellent condition. You get the LED running lights back here. You can really get a good idea of that black diamond or diamond black paint. It's got a little bit of metal flake in it and that is a power lift gate. Press the button and it'll come on up. Back storage area is very nice and clean. It does come with the factory Subwoofer back here and you do get a spare tire and all the jack tools. Those seats do fold down for extra storage and they go almost completely flat which I'll show you in a little bit. Press that button it'll beep at you three times and then come on down. It actually beeps at you a total of four. Notice you do get LED license plate lights as well and as you go down the driver's side just as clean as that passenger side, no dents or dings on the rear quarter. Looks really good and for full disclosure this back rim is in excellent condition as well. On the rest of this side of the Jeep, no dents, no dings, no scuffs, no scrapes. It does have the entering go system. You do have blind spot monitoring, heated mirrors, built-in directional signals on those mirrors. Inside the SRT 8 package gives you the black leather and suede seats. You get the SRT stitched into the backrest, no rips, no tears on those seats. All look really good. Both of these seats are heated and cooled. You get weather tech floor mats throughout, auto head lamps, power telescopic and tilt, steering wheel, power windows, power locks, power mirrors and you do get the really nice carbon fiber door trim as well as the dash trim and memory driver seats. As we hop inside the vehicle here you can see that this one has 25,881 miles. You do get a digital speedometer as well as all the different displays here and information stuff, fuel mileage. You got your SRT stuff here as well. There you got your digital speedometer, you got your compass outside temp display. You also have lane departure. This one also has the cruise control and the adaptive cruise control right there. Forward collision warning, leather wrapped steering wheel. The steering wheel is heated, got information center controls and Bluetooth audio controls there as well as the paddle shifters right there. This one comes with the 8.4 3C radio and FM and Sirius XM radio capabilities. It also has the factory navigation as you can see. There are your radio controls and then you also get your heated and cooled seat buttons there. This is also where your backup camera shows up. And then yeah you can do your nav and everything there. You also have your performance pages I believe with your performance pages there. Well that starts up. I'll show you that you can also do your dual climate control right there as well. You have your perpendicular and parallel park assist, lane departure warning parking sensors. You can turn those off and on your eco mode and your stability control. There are your performance pages. You got timers, 0 to 60 quarter miles, 60 foot time, all that good stuff. You get your different gauges here as well as there. And then you can measure your g-force. Then you have a live feed on your horsepower and torque range. So really cool stuff that you can do with that radio. And then down here you have your quadra track four-wheel drive system. You got track, sport, snow, tow mode, SRT custom. And then you got a launch control right there which is really cool. You have your 8-speed automatic transmission, keyless entry with remote start, weather tech floor mat on that side, passenger side seat is an excellent condition. And you do get the pano sunroof, the dual pane. Back piece is fixed and the front piece is a sunroof that actually slides open. You got your home link buttons for your garage door security systems and lighting systems. And you also have your map lights up there and your sunroof and sunshade controls. 911 assist buttons in that review mirror. Those are features of the vehicle that you don't have to pay for. Also take note of the carbon fiber trim that goes all the way. It wraps all the way around the dash and door. Looks really good. And we'll take a quick look at the back seats and then check out under the hood. The back seats are just as clean as the front seats.  No rips or tears back here. Very, very clean. Factory floor mats back here and you do get those heated seat buttons to USBs and then a 115 volt 150 watt plug-in.  You get that carbon fiber trim on the doors back here and the child safety locks on the back doors as well. We'll take a quick look under the hood and I would personally like to thank you for checking out the video today and hopefully from this HD video you will have been able to tell just how clean this grand Cherokee is all the way around inside and out. Under the hood here's the real prize the 6.4 liter V8 Hemi motor. 470 horsepower engine bays very clean runs very smooth. This Jeep has been fully safe and inspected by our service shop has a fresh oil and filter change. All the fluids have been checked and tapped off and this vehicle is 100% ready to go. And to see more pictures of this Jeep or one of our other 450 new and used cars, trucks, SUVs, minivans, wranglers, half tons, three quarter tons, one tons, you name it we got it go to our website www.summitauto.com full pictures and descriptions of every single vehicle from two locations all at summitauto.com and if you'd like to check out more HD videos you can go to youtube.com slash summit auto remember to like subscribe and share on this video and all the videos that you see there in fact in a second you will see a link to subscribe to our YouTube channel on your left. A link to more Jeep Grand Cherokee videos like this one on your right and if you have not been to our website on the bottom link to this vehicle on our website click those check us out and we really look forward to helping with this super clean 2017 Jeep Grand Cherokee SRT8 in diamond metallic black. Thanks again.


In many proofs, it's necessary to consider different cases. For example, suppose we need to prove that the set A union B is a subset of C, where in this situation, A is all those numbers divisible by six, that is multiples of six. B is all those integers divisible by nine, that is multiples of nine. And then C is all those integers divisible by three, AKA those multiples of three, okay? So how might we go about proving such a thing here? Well, honestly, the way we would start is, because we're trying to prove a set as a subset of another, what we're gonna do is we're gonna start with an arbitrary element of the set, that's supposed to be a subset. So we're gonna say X belongs to the union of A and B. Now, then the next thing we would do is we'd unravel the definition here. We know what A and B stand for. We also know what the union means, so that's what we apply next. Since X belongs to the union of A and B, we would then be like, oh, then X equals A, or X equals B, all right? But then at that moment, we kinda get stuck because by nature of the or, one of these things is true, and they could both be true, but we don't know that. At least one of them is true. So how do we proceed forward? And the idea is we can proceed forward using cases. One of those two things is true, and therefore, let's consider if the first one was true, what does that mean? And then once we're done with that, then we'll consider the second one, see if that one's true, and then go from there. So we're gonna break it up into cases. There's the case where X equals A, and then there's the case where X equals B. One of those two things must happen, so we will consider the two possibilities separately.  And later on, when you assume that X is inside of B, then you inherit the property of B and in B. So by putting it into cases, you're gaining assumptions which you didn't have beforehand. But you don't necessarily get both assumptions. You're gonna have to prove for X in the side of A, you'll have to prove that X belongs to C. And then if X belongs to B, you have to then argue it belongs to C. And you're gonna use different arguments there, and so you treat these things individually. And so how you might proceed by proofs would be the following. The same proposition as we had before. We wanna show that A union B is a subset of C. So we start off just like we did. X is a member of A union B. Therefore, X belongs to A or X belongs to B. We're gonna consider the first case first. If X belongs to A, what does that mean? Well, then there exists an integer K such that X equals 6K. We couldn't say that when we thought of X as belonging to A union B, but since we're assuming now that X belongs to A, I mean, it could belong to B. I don't know that. It could be a common multiple of six and nine, but we don't need to consider that. We don't have to consider the intersection. We just have to consider right now X is in A, and therefore X is a multiple of six. But six, of course, can be factored as three times two. So if X is a multiple of six, then we can write X as a multiple of three. It's three times 2K, whereas since 2K is an integer, this is three times an integer, so this shows that X belongs to C. Now, on the other hand, so I'm now indicating to the reader here that I'm considering a different case, and there's only two cases, so you can think of one hand versus the other hand. If on the other hand, X belongs to B, well, to be inside of B suggests that you're a multiple of nine. Therefore, there exists an integer L, such that X equals nine L. And if you wanted to, you could overload the symbol K because it's just an arbitrary integer. I chose to use a different integer here just so there was no confusion whatsoever. There's no connection between this L and that K whatsoever. So X equals nine L. But just like we did with the multiples of six, if X equals nine L, you can factor nine as three times three and as three times an integer is an integer, this shows that X is equal to three times an integer. That means that three divides X, so X belongs to C, like it did up here as well. And so in either case, notice what happened. In either case, we ended up with X belongs to C. And so since X belongs to C, that then shows that A union B is a subset of C. So when you're trying to prove something about a union of sets, you often have to do it by cases. You have to treat like, okay, if I'm in the union, I'm in one of these sets. Well, if I'm in that set, or if I'm in that set, and you can do that, that's okay. The cases are nice because they give us extra assumptions. B and an A that empowers us to say that X is a multiple of six. B and B says that X is a, it empowers us to say that X is a multiple of nine. And we're able to use that to show that in either case, X is a multiple of three. Now, an important thing to also know about cases is that if we're gonna consider cases, then the cases have to be exhaustive. That is, we have to try every possibility. For a union, there's only two possibilities, X is in A or X is in B. Which of course, X could simultaneously be in X and B, like if X was 18, it would be divisible as six and by nine, that's okay. We're not saying that these cases are mutually exclusive, but we do consider every possible case we were exhaustive. If we miss even one case, we then fall into the danger of the false dilemma, the limited choice, which was this logical fallacy we had talked about before, we have to make sure if we're doing cases that we include all of the cases. Which oftentimes, like in this one, there was only two cases, so it wasn't that big of a deal. We handled both of them. Let's look at another example. Suppose that N is a natural number, so it could be zero, one, two, three, any positive integer. Then the quantity one plus negative one to the N times two and minus one is a multiple of four. Now that's sort of, when you first look at that, that might seem like a strange result. Is that even true? Oftentimes before starting a proof, we should stop to strategize and consider how the proof is gonna come out. Cause there are some situations, the proof almost writes itself. Like there's only one way to write it, you know, up to stylistic changes here. And if such a thing's gonna happen, we would wanna know. Or maybe the proof would be more difficult and still we wanna investigate that. Now, for this one and for many situations, sometimes it's useful to collect examples of the phenomenon in question. And you know, you're collecting data, seeing that it's supported by examples. And now, no number of examples will prove the theorem, but it's possible that if we have a lot of examples, perhaps we can extrapolate a general pattern from these examples. And then that general pattern is the proof. Like what happens in general here? And so what I want us to do is consider the following. Let's actually make a table to consider these quantities. So on the very top, we'll have N right here. And then this will be our quantity, one plus negative one to the N times two N minus one. And so let's just do a couple of natural numbers here. Zero, one, two, three, four, five, six, seven. We'll go that far. And so notice what happens when you plug zero into this formula here. You're gonna get one plus negative one to the zero, which negative one to the zero is one.  That's gonna be a negative one. You're gonna end up with zero, which of course, zero is the same thing as four times zero. So that is a multiple of four. When you plug in one, plug in one for the Ns, well, in this case, when you plug in a one, you're gonna get a negative one here. You get two times one, which is two minus one, which is one, so you get one minus one. You're also gonna get zero, okay? Now for reasons that'll be making much more sense in a moment, I'm gonna say that zero this time is four times negative zero. You're like negative zero, isn't that just zero? Yes it is, but to indicate the pattern that's forthcoming, I want you to think of it as a negative zero, bum, bum, bum. When you plug in two, when you simplify it, pause the video and do these calculations on your own if you would like to, I'm gonna kind of speed through some of these. When you plug in two, you're gonna end up with four, which four is four times one. When you plug in three, you're gonna end up with negative four, which is equal to four times negative one. And when you plug in four, you're gonna end up with eight, which then is the same thing as four times two. When you plug in five, you end up with negative eight, which is four times negative two. When you plug in six, the quantity will simplify to be 12, which is four times three. And then when you plug in seven, it'll pop out a negative 12, which is four times negative three. So maybe we should also include this as a negative zero right there. So now the negative start to become apparent here. You are getting multiples of four here, zero, four, eight, 12, and also negative ones as well. But when you look at it, it seems like there's a difference of sign based upon the parity of your input. If you look at the positive, excuse me, if you look at the even natural numbers, you always get a positive multiple of four. And then when you look at the odd natural numbers, one, three, five, seven, you seem to be getting negative multiples of four. And so because of this data we've collected, it sort of begs to reason that we should separate our proof into cases. There's gonna be the case where n is an even number and n is an odd number because they seem to be behaving differently. Now, as every natural number is either even or odd, if we consider the evens and consider the odds, this will be an exhaustive list of possibilities. And so that's how we're gonna proceed forward here. Let n be a natural number. We're gonna first consider the possibility where n is even. If n is even, that means there exists some integers such that n equals two to the k. And so then consider the quantity one plus negative one to the n times two n minus one. I'm gonna substitute each of those ends now with my two k like so. Now, some things to note, if you take an even power of negative one, that actually is a positive, which then it just disappears there. Maybe that's why the even ones are actually turning out to be positive because the negative sign disappeared there. Of course, two times two k is the same thing as four k. And those should get one minus one, those will cancel out. And so this just becomes a four k, which clearly that's a multiple of four. And therefore we see four, in fact does divide the quantity when n was an even number. Now let's consider the possibility where n is an odd number. This time, that means there's some integer k such that n equals two k plus one. And so let's start with our quantity again. One plus negative one to the n times two n minus one. Let's replace each of the ends with a two k plus one. Now, one thing to note here when you take an odd power of negative one, that actually becomes negative one. So the negative sign sticks around. Distribute this two here, you're gonna get four k plus two. And so simplifying things, what happens is you're going to get two minus one, which is one, one minus one, which is canceled out to give you zero. And so you're left with, this will simplify just to be negative four k, which is also a multiple of four because you could write this as four times negative k like we were doing over here, okay? And so therefore when n is odd, you get four, it divides the quantity. And so since every natural number is even or odd, it then follows that this quantity is always divisible by four. And so we completed the proof because we have exhausted the possibility you're either even or odd. And as we consider both, we then completed the proof. Now I wanna provide one more proof inside of this lecture video here and we're gonna go the other direction. So we came up with this quantity and showed that this quantity is always a multiple of four. What I wanna do is actually go backwards to kind of flip the direction here. Can every multiple of four be written as this quantity right here? And again, we're gonna break this thing up into cases. This time I'm gonna break it up into three cases for which as we take a number k, is it always possible that four times k can be expressed like this? Can every multiple of four be expressed that way? I'm gonna break it up into three cases because it turns out that k is either zero, it's positive or it's negative. Every integer is either zero positive or negative. That's true for real numbers as well, but we only have to consider integers. And so I'm gonna break it up into three cases. k is zero, k is positive, k is negative. It turned out like we saw, there was something different about positive and negatives that they have to do with even and odds. And then zero is neither positive or negative, so maybe I just treat it separately. But from the data I've already collected, I already know how to deal with zero, that's easy. So if k is zero, then four k is equal to zero, which is equal to one plus negative one to the zero times two zero minus one. And therefore n would equal zero in that situation. There is a number n which produces four times zero. That's the number zero. One also did it, but I don't have to demonstrate every natural number that doesn't. It just says there exists an existential statement. There is a natural number, there's actually two that do it, but I only have to demonstrate one, okay? So then my second case, I'm gonna then assume that k is a positive number. So if k is positive, choose n to be two k, which is not all of four k, but that's what we're gonna choose for n. And so notice here, if you take one plus negative one to the n times two n minus one, if n here is two k, since k is positive and you have a two k, those are things we're gonna consider here. Negative one to an even power is gonna be a positive one like we saw before.  And then you get negative one plus one cancels out. This then produces the four k that we're looking for. And so this then proved the result. When k is positive, you can choose n to be two k. One thing I should note here, what did the positivity have to do anything? Our theorem says that given any integer k, there exists a natural number n. A natural number is either zero or positive, not negative. Now, since k is positive, it's a positive integer, it's actually a natural number. Two times a natural number is likewise a natural number. So I've produced a natural number that satisfies this condition. And then let's consider the last possibility. What if k is negative? Well, if k is negative, then consider the number one minus two times k. Now, because k is negative, negative two times k is a positive integer, which makes it a natural number. Adding one is still a natural number. So this is a natural number like we need. That's where the negativity comes into play. And then consider the quantity one plus negative one to the n times two n minus one. We're gonna get one plus negative one to an odd power this time. One minus two k is an odd number. So that's gonna make this quantity be a negative one. But then we also distribute the two here. We have a one minus two k, distribute the two.  Much like we saw before, two minus one is one. One minus one goes away. So you're left with a negative negative four k. This simplifies just to be a four k. Now be aware that I don't claim that four k is a positive number because I actually know the k is negative. Four k is a negative, that's okay. The point is this is equal to four k even though it's a negative number. But the number we use for the exponent here, the n was in fact a natural number. So we did have to use a different argument for negative multiples of four as opposed to positive multiples of four. But like we saw, we're just gonna use odd numbers for the negatives and we used evens for the positives. That was exactly what we saw just now in the reverse direction. As our list is exhaustive, we then know that we've considered every possibility and as every possibility led to the same conclusion, we have then a complete proof. But that's the thing is we have to make sure that our list is exhaustive. Proof by cases is a powerful technique and I recommend we use it because each time you look at an individual case, you get extra assumptions which then strengthens your ability to prove something but you have to be exhaustive. If you miss even one case in a proof, then your proof actually is then invalid because it's at the false dilemma, fallacy and as such the result might not even be true because of one case. You have to consider all of those cases when you prove by case.