Front Matter of the Prince. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings from the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Paul Adams. The Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli. Translated by William K. Marriott. Introduction. Niccolò Machiavelli was born at Florence on 3rd of May 1469. He was the second son of Bernardo di Niccolò Machiavelli, a lawyer of some repute, and of Bartolomia di Stefano Nelly, his wife. Both parents were members of the old Florentine nobility. His life falls naturally into three periods, each of which, singularly enough, constitutes a distinct and important era in the history of Florence. His youth was concurrent with the greatness of Florence as an Italian power under the guidance of Lorenzo de Medici, Il Magnifico. The downfall of the Medici in Florence occurred in 1494, in which year Machiavelli entered the public service. During his official career, Florence was free under the government of a republic, which lasted until 1512, when the Medici returned to power, and Machiavelli lost his office. The Medici again ruled Florence from 1512 until 1527, when they were once more driven out. This was the period of Machiavelli's literary activity and increasing influence, and he died within a few weeks of the expulsion of the Medici on 22nd June 1527 in his 58th year without having regained office. Heading, youth, ages 1 to 25, 1469 to 94. Although there is little recorded of the youth of Machiavelli, the Florence of those days is so well known that the early environment of this representative citizen may be easily imagined. Florence has been described as a city with two opposite currents of life, one directed by the fervent and austere Savanarola, the other by the splendor-loving Lorenzo. Savanarola's influence upon the young Machiavelli must have been slight, for although at one time he wielded immense power over the fortunes of Florence, he only furnished Machiavelli with a subject of a jive in the prince where he is cited as an example of an unarmed prophet who came to a bad end. Whereas the magnificence of the Medician rule during the life of Lorenzo appeared to have impressed Machiavelli strongly, for he frequently recursed to it in his writings, and it is to Lorenzo's grandson that he dedicates the prince. Machiavelli, in his history of Florence, gives us a picture of the young men among whom his youth was passed. He writes, They were freer than their forefathers in dress and living, and spent more in other kinds of excesses consuming their time and money in idleness, gaming, and women. Their chief aim was to appear well-dressed and to speak with wit and acuteness, whilst he who could wound others the most cleverly was thought the wisest. In a letter to his son Guido, Machiavelli shows why youth should avail itself as its opportunities for study, and leads us to infer that his own youth had been so occupied. He writes, I have received your letter, which has given me the greatest pleasure, especially because you tell me you are quite restored in health, than which I could have no better news. For, if God grant life to you, and to me, I hope to make a good man of you if you are willing to do your share. Then, writing of a new patron, he continues, This will turn out well for you, but it is necessary for you to study. Since then, you have no longer the excuse of illness. Take pains to study letters and music, for you see what honour is done to me for the little skill I have. Therefore my son, if you wish to please me, and to bring success and honour to yourself, do write and study, because others will help you if you help yourself. Heading, Office ages 25 to 43, 1494 to 1512. The second period of Machiavelli's life was spent in the service of the Free Republic of Florence, which flourished as stated above from the expulsion of the Medici in 1494 until their return in 1512. After serving four years in one of the public offices, he was appointed Chancellor and Secretary to the Second Chancery, the Ten of Liberty and Peace. Here we are on firm ground when dealing with the events of Machiavelli's life, for during this time he took a leading part in the affairs of the Republic, and we have its decrees, records and dispatches to guide us, as well as his own writings, and the recapitulation of a few of his transactions with the statesmen and soldiers of his time gives a fair indication of his activities and supplies the sources from which he drew the experiences and characters which illustrate the Prince. His first mission was in 1499, Catherine of Sforza, My Lady of Fawley of the Prince, from whose conduct and fate he drew the moral that it is far better to earn the confidence of the people than to rely on fortresses. He was a very noticeable principal in Machiavelli and is urged by him in many ways as a matter of vital importance to princes. In 1500 he was sent to France to obtain terms from Louis XII for continuing the war against Pisa. This king it was, who, in his conduct of affairs in Italy, committed the five capital errors in statecraft, summarised in the Prince and was consequently driven out. He also it was who made the dissolution of his marriage and the decision of support to Pope Alexander VI, which leaves Machiavelli to refer those who urged that such promises should be kept to what he has written concerning the faith of princes. Machiavelli's public life was largely occupied with events arising out of the ambitions of Pope Alexander VI and his son, Cesare Borgia, the Duke Valentino, and these characters filled a large space of the Prince. Machiavelli never hesitates to cite the actions of the Duke in the fit of usurpers who wish to keep the states they have seized. He can, indeed, find no precepts to offer so good as the pattern of Cesare Borgia's conduct in so much that Cesare is acclaimed by some critics as the hero of the Prince. Yet, in the Prince, the Duke is in point of fact cited as the type of the man who rises on the fortune of others and falls with them, who takes every course that might be expected from a prudent man, but the course which will save him, who is prepared for all eventualities but the one which happens, and who, when all his abilities fail to carry him through, exclaims that it was not his fault but an extraordinary and unforeseen fatality. On the death of Pius III in 1503 Machiavelli was sent to Rome to watch the election of his successor, and there he saw Cesare Borgia cheat it into allowing the choice of the college to fall on Giuliano Dele Rivera, Julius II, who was one of the cardinals that had most reason to fear the Duke. Machiavelli, when commenting on this election, says that he who thinks new favours will cause great personages to forget old injuries deceives himself. Julius did not rest until he had ruined Cesare. It was to Julius II that Machiavelli was sent in 1506 when that pontiff was commencing his enterprise against Bologna, which he brought to a successful issue as he did many of his other adventures, owing chiefly to his impetuous character. He is in reference to Pope Julius that Machiavelli moralises on the resemblance between fortune and women and concludes that it is the bold rather than the cautious man that will win and hold them both. It is impossible to follow here the varying fortunes of the Italian states which in 1507 were controlled by France, Spain and Germany with results that have lasted to our day. We are concerned with those events and with the three great actors in them so far only as they impinge on the personality of Machiavelli. He had several meetings with Louis XII of France and his estimate of that monarch's character has already been alluded to. Machiavelli has painted Ferdinand of Aragon as the man who accomplished great things under the cloak of religion but who in reality had no mercy, faith, humanity or integrity and who had he allowed himself to be influenced by such motives would have been ruined. The Emperor Maximilian was one of the most interesting men of the age and his character has been drawn by many hands but Machiavelli who was an envoy at his court in 1507-8 reveals the secret of his many failures when he describes him as a secretive man without force of character ignoring the human agency necessary to carry his schemes into effect and never insisting on the fulfilment of his wishes. The remaining years of Machiavelli's official career and the events arising out of the League of Cambray made in 1508 between the three great European powers already mentioned and the Pope with the object of crushing the Venetian Republic. This result was attained in the Battle of Vila when Venice lost in one day or that she had won in 800 years. Florence had a difficult part to play during these events complicated as they were by the feud which broke out between the Pope and the French had dictated the entire policy of the Republic. When in 1511 Julius II finally formed the Holy League against France and with the assistance of the Swiss drove the French out of Italy Florence lay at the mercy of the Pope and had to submit to his terms one of which was that the Medici should be restored. The return of the Medici to Florence on 1st September 1512 and the consequent fall of the Republic was the signal for the dismissal of Machiavelli and his friends and thus put an end to his public career for as we have seen he died without regaining office. Heading literature and to death age 43 to 58, 1512 to 27. On the return of the Medici Machiavelli who for a few weeks had vainly hoped to retain his office under the new masters of Florence was dismissed by decreed dated 7th November 1512. Shortly after this he was accused of complicity in an abortive conspiracy against the Medici imprisoned and put to the question by torture. The new Medici and Pope, Leo X, procured his release and he retired to his small property at San Castigliano near Florence where he devoted himself to literature. In a letter to Francesco Vittori dated 13th December 1513 he has left a very interesting description of his life during this period which elucidates his methods and his motives in writing The Prince. After describing his daily occupations with his family and neighbours he writes, The evening being come I return home and go to my study. At the entrance I pull off my peasant clothes covered with dust and dirt and put on my noble court dress and thus becomingly reclothed I pass into the ancient courts of the men of old where, being lovingly received by them I am fed with that food which is mine alone where I do not hesitate to speak with them and to ask for the reason of their actions and they in their benignity answer me and for four hours I feel no weariness I forget every trouble, poverty does not dismay death does not terrify me I am possessed entirely by those great men and because Dante says knowledge doth come of learning well retained unfruitful else I hide down what I have gained from their conversation and have composed a small work on principalities where I pour myself out as fully as I can in meditation on the subject discussing what a principality is what kinds there are, how they can be acquired how they can be kept, why they are lost and if any of my fans is ever pleased you this ought not to displease you and to a prince, especially to a new one it should be welcome or I dedicate it to his magnificence Giuliano Filippo Cassavecchio has seen it he will be able to tell you what is in it and of the discourses I have had with him nevertheless I am still enriching and polishing it the little book suffered many of the cissitudes before attaining the form in which it has reached us various mental influences were at work during its composition its title and patron were changed and for some unknown reason it was finally dedicated to Lorenzo Domedici although Machiavelli discussed with Cassavecchio whether it should be sent or presented in person to the patron there is no evidence that Lorenzo ever received it or even read it he certainly never gave Machiavelli any employment although it was plagiarized during Machiavelli's lifetime the prince was never published by him and its text is still disputable Machiavelli concludes his letter to Vittorri thus and as to this little thing, his book when it has been read it will be seen that during the 15 years I have given to the study of statecraft I have neither slept nor idled and men ought ever to desire to be served by one who has reaped experience at the expense of others and of my loyalty none could doubt because having always kept faith I could not now learn how to break it for he who has been faithful and honest as I have cannot change his nature and my poverty is a witness to my honesty before Machiavelli had got the prince off his hands he commenced his discourse on the first decade of Titus Livius which should be read concurrently with the prince these and several minor works occupied him until the year 1518 when he accepted a small commission to look after the affairs of some Florentine merchants at Genoa in 1519 the Medici and rulers of Florence granted a few political concessions to her citizens and Machiavelli with others was consulted upon a new constitution under which the great council was to be restored but on one pretext or another it was not promulgated in 1520 the Florentine merchants again had recourse to Machiavelli to settle their difficulties with Luca but this year was chiefly remarkable for his re-entry into Florentine literary society where he was much sought after and also for the production of his art of war in the same year that he received a commission at the instance of Cardinal de Medici to write the history of Florence a task which occupied him until 1525 his return to popular favour may have determined the Medici to give him this employment for an old writer observes that an able statesman out of work like a huge whale will endeavour to overturn the ship unless he has an empty casque to play with when the history of Florence was finished Machiavelli took it to Rome for presentation to his patron Giuliano de Medici who had in the meanwhile become Pope under the title of Clement VII it is somewhat remarkable that as in 1513 Machiavelli had written the prince for the instruction of the Medici after they had just regained power in Florence so in 1525 he dedicated the history of Florence to the head of the family when its ruin was now at hand that year the battle of Pavia destroyed the French rule in Italy and left France as the first, a prisoner in the hands of his great rival Charles V this was followed by the sack of Rome upon the news of which the popular party at Florence threw off the yoke of the Medici who were once more banished Machiavelli was absent from Florence at this time but hastened his return hoping to secure his former office of secretary to the Ten of Liberty and Peace unhappily he was taken ill soon after he reached Florence where he died on 22nd June 1527 heading the man and his works no one can say where the bones of Machiavelli rest but modern Florence has decreed him a stately cenotaph in Santa Croce by the side of her most famous sons recognising that whatever other nations may have found in his works Italy founded them the idea of her unity and the germs of her renaissance among the nations of Europe whilst it is idle to protest against the world-wide and evil signification of his name it may be pointed out that the harsh construction of his doctrine which this sinister reputation implies was unknown to his own day and that the researchers of recent times have enabled us to interpret him more reasonably it is due to these inquiries that the shape of an unholy necromancer so long haunted men's vision has begun to fade Machiavelli was undoubtedly a man of great observation acuteness and industry noting with appreciative eye whatever passed before him and with his supreme literary gift turning it to account in his enforced retirement from affairs he does not present himself nor is he depicted by his contemporaries as a type of that rare combination the successful statesman and author though he appears to have been only moderately prosperous in his several embassies and political employments he was misled by Catharina's forza ignored by Louis XII overawed by Cesare Borgia several of his embassies were quite barren of results his attempts to fortify Florence failed and the soldiering that he raised astonished everybody by their cowardice in the conduct of his own affairs he was timid and time-serving he dared not appear by the side of Sodorini to whom he owed so much for fear of compromising himself his connection with Medici was open to suspicion and Giuliano appears to have recognized his real forte when he set him to write the history of Florence rather than employ him in the state and it is on the literary side of his character and there alone that we find no weakness and no failure although the light of almost four centuries has been focused on the prince its problems are still debatable and interesting because they are the eternal problems between the ruled and their rulers such as they are its ethics are those of Machiavelli's contemporaries yet they cannot be said to be out of date so long as the governments of Europe rely on material rather than on moral forces its historical incidents and personages become interesting by reason of the uses which Machiavelli makes of them to illustrate his theories of government and conduct leaving out of consideration those maxims of state which still furnish some European and eastern statesmen with principles of action the prince is bestrewed with truths that can be proved at every turn men are still the dupes of their simplicity and greed as they were in the days of Alexander VI the cloak of religion still conceals the vices which Machiavelli laid bare in the character of Ferdinand of Aragon they will not look at things as they really are but as they wish them to be and are ruined in politics there are no perfectly safe courses prudence consists in choosing the least dangerous ones then to pass to a higher plane Machiavelli reiterates that although crimes may win an empire they do not win glory necessary wars are just wars and the arms of a nation hallowed when it has no other resource but to fight it is the cry of a far later day than Machiavelli's that government should be elevated into a living moral force capable of inspiring the people with a just recognition of the fundamental principles of society to this high argument the prince contributes but little Machiavelli always refused to write either of men or of governments otherwise than as he found them and he writes with such skill and insight that his work is of abiding value but what invests the prince with more than a merely artistic or historical interest is the incontrovertible truth that it deals with the great principles which still guide nations and rulers in their relationship with each other and their neighbours in translating the prince my aim has been to achieve at all costs an exact little rendering of the original rather than a fluent paraphrase adapted to the modern notions of style and expression but Machiavelli was no facile phrase monger the conditions under which he wrote obliged him to weigh every word, his themes were lofty, his substance grave his manner nobly plain and serious Quiseo fu it un quamin party on just rabels in defiendis in explandis pressior in the prince it may be truly said there is reason assignable not only for every word but for the position of every word to an Englishman of Shakespeare's time the translation of such a treatise was in some ways a comparatively easy task for in those times the genius of the English more nearly resembled that of the Italian language to the Englishman of today it is not so simple to take a simple example the word intratanere employed by Machiavelli to indicate the policy adopted by the Roman senate towards the weaker states of Greece would by an illizabethan be correctly rendered entertain and every contemporary reader would understand what was meant by saying that Rome entertained the itoleans and the Achaeans without augmenting their power but today such a phrase would seem obsolete and ambiguous if not unmeaning we are compelled to say that Rome maintained friendly relations with the itoleans etc. using four words to do the work of one I've tried to preserve the pithy brevity of the Italian so far as was consistent with an absolute fidelity to the sense if the result be an occasional asperity I can only hope that the reader in his eagerness to reach the author's meaning may overlook the roughness of the road that leads him to it the following is a list of the works of Machiavelli principle works discorso soprale cosi di pizza 1499 del modo di trattare i popoli della valdichiana ribalate 1502 del modo tenuto del ducco valentino nella massare vitalozzo vitteli oliverotto da fermo etc. 1502 discorso sopra la provisione del denaro 1502 del senale primo poem in terza rima 1506 ritrati della cosi dell'allemagna 1508-12 del senale secondo 1509 ritrati della cosi di Francia 15010 discorso sopra la prima decca di T. Livio 3 volumes 1512-17 il principale 1513 Andrea, comedy translated from Terence 1513, question mark Mandra Gola, prose comedy in five acts with prologue in verse 1513 della lingua dialog 1514 Clitzia, comedy in prose 1515 question mark Belfagor Architievolo, novel 1515 Assino d'Oro, poem in terza rima 1517 dell'arte della guerra 1519-20 discorso sopra il riformare lo stato di Firenze 1520, somario della cosi della cita di Luca 1520, vita di castruccio castrocani da Luca 1520 storia fiorantina, eight books 1521-5 framenti storici 1525 Other poems include Sonetti, Cansoni Ottave and Canticana Schielezchi editions Aldo, Venice 1546 della tertina 1550 Cambiaggi, Florence, six volumes 1782-5, Dei classici Milan 10-1813, Silvestri nine volumes 1820-2 Pasarini, Fanfani, Milanese six volumes only published 1873-7 Minor works, edited F. L. Polidori 1852, Letere Familiari edited E. Alvici 1883 two editions, one with excisions credited Writings, edited G. Canastrini 1857, Letters to F. Vittori C. A. Rodolfi, pensieri intorno alloscopo di En Machiavelli nel Libro il Principi etc. The Private Correspondence of Niccolò Machiavelli 1929 Dedication to the magnificent Lorenzo di Piero de Medici those who strive to obtain the good graces of a prince are accustomed to come before him with such things as they hold most precious or in which they see him take most delight whence one often sees horses, arms, cloth of gold, precious stones and similar ornaments presented to princes worthy of their greatness Desiring therefore to present myself to your magnificence with some testimony of my devotion towards you I have not found among my possessions anything which I hold more dear than or value so much as the knowledge of the actions of great men acquired by long experience in contemporary affairs and a continual study of antiquity which having reflected upon it with great and prolonged diligence I now send, digested into a little volume to your magnificence and although I may consider this work unworthy of your countenance nevertheless I trust much to your benignity that it may be acceptable seeing that it is not possible for me to make a better gift than to offer you the opportunity of understanding in the shortest time all that I have learnt in so many years and with so many troubles and dangers which work I have not embellished with swelling or magnificent words nor stuffed with rounded periods nor with any extrinsic allurements or adornments whatever with which so many are accustomed to embellish their works for I have wished either that no honour should be given it or else that the truth of the matter and the weightiness of the theme shall make it acceptable nor do I hold with those who regard it as a presumption if a man of low and humble condition dare to discuss and settle the concerns of princes because just as those who draw landscapes place themselves below in the plain to contemplate the nature of the mountains and of lofty places and in order to contemplate the plains place themselves upon high mountains even so to understand the nature of the people it needs to be a prince and to understand that of princes it needs to be of the people take then your magnificence this little gift in the spirit in which I send it wherein if it be diligently read and considered by you and my extreme desire that you should attain that greatness which fortune and your other attributes promise and if your magnificence from the summit of your greatness will sometimes turn your eyes to these lower regions you will see how unmeritedly I suffer a great and continued malignity of fortune this LibriVox recording is in the public domain recording by Paul Adams Chapter 1 how many kinds of principalices there are and by what means they are acquired all states, all powers that have held and hold rule over men have been and are either republics or principalices principalices are either hereditary in which the family has been long established or they are new the new are either entirely new as was Milan to Francesco Sforza or they are as it were members annexed to the hereditary state of the prince who has acquired them as was the kingdom of Naples to that of the king of Spain such dominions thus acquired are either accustomed to live under a prince or to live in freedom and are acquired either by the arms of the prince himself or of others or else by fortune or by ability Chapter 2 concerning hereditary principalices I will leave out all discussion on republics as much as in another place I have written of them at length and will address myself only to principalities in doing so I will keep to the order indicated above and discuss how such principalities are to be ruled and preserved I say at once there are fewer difficulties in holding hereditary states and those longer accustomed to the family of their prince than new ones for it is sufficient only not to transgress the customs of his ancestors and to deal prudently with circumstances as they arise for a prince of average powers to maintain himself in his state unless he be deprived of it by some extraordinary and excessive force and if he should be so deprived of it whenever anything sinister happens to the usurper he will regain it we have in Italy for example the Duke of Ferrara who could not have withstood the attacks of the Venetians in 84 nor those of Pope Julius in 10 unless he had been long established in his dominions for the hereditary prince has less cause and less necessity to offend hence it happens that he will be more loved and unless extraordinary vices cause him to be hated it is reasonable to expect that his subjects will be naturally well disposed towards him and in the antiquity and duration of his rule the memories and motives that make for change are lost for one change always leaves the two thing for another Chapter 3 concerning mixed principalities but the difficulties occur in a new principality and firstly if it be not entirely new but is as it were a member of a state which taken collectively may be called composite the changes arise chiefly from an inherent difficulty which there is in all new principalities for men change their rule as willingly hoping to better themselves and this hope induces them to take up arms against him who rules wherein they are deceived because they afterwards find by experience they have gone from bad to worse this follows also on another natural and common necessity which always causes a new prince to burden those who have submitted to him with his soldiery and with infinite other hardships which he must put upon his new acquisition in this way you have enemies in all those whom you have injured in seizing that principality and you're not able to keep those friends who put you there because of your not being able to satisfy them in the way they expected and you cannot take strong measures against them feeling bounds to them for although one may be very strong in armed forces yet in entering a province one has always need of the goodwill of the natives for these reasons Louis XII King of France quickly occupied Milan and as quickly lost it and to turn him out the first time it only needed Lotovico's own forces because those who had opened the gates to him finding themselves deceived in their hopes of future benefit would not endure the ill treatment of the new prince it is very true that after acquiring rebellious provinces a second time they are not so lightly lost afterwards because the prince with little reluctance takes the opportunity of the rebellion to punish the delinquents to clear out the suspects and to strengthen himself in the weakest places thus to cause France to lose Milan the first time it was enough for the Duke Lotovico footnote Duke Lotovico was Lotovico Moro a son of Francesco Sforza who married Beatrice Dester he ruled over Milan from 1494 to 1500 and died in 1510 thus to cause France to lose Milan the first time it was enough for the Duke Lotovico to raise insurrections on the borders but to cause him to lose it a second time it was necessary to bring the whole world against him and that his armies should be defeated and driven out of Italy which followed from the causes above mentioned nevertheless Milan was taken from France both the first and the second time the general reasons for the first have been discussed it remains to name those for the second and to see what resources he had and what anyone in his situation would have had for maintaining himself more securely in his acquisition than did the king of France now I say that those dominions which when acquired are added to an ancient state by him who acquires them are either of the same country and language or they are not it is easier to hold them especially when they have not been accustomed to self-government and to hold them securely it is enough to have destroyed the family of the prince who was ruling them because the two peoples preserving in other things the old conditions are not being unlike in customs will live quietly together as one has seen in Brittany, Burgundy, Gascony and Normandy which have been bound to France for so long a time and although there may be some difference in language nevertheless the customs are alike and the people will easily be able to get on amongst themselves he who has annexed them if he wishes to hold them has only to bear in mind two considerations the one that the family of their former lord is extinguished the other that neither their laws nor their taxes are altered so that in a very short time they will become entirely one body with the old principality but when states are acquired in the country differing in language, customs or laws there are difficulties and good fortune and great energy are needed to hold them and one of the greatest and most real helps would be that he who has acquired them should go and reside there this would make his position more secure and durable as it has made that of the Turk in Greece who, notwithstanding all the other measures taken by him for holding that state if he had not settled there would not have been able to keep it because if one is on the spot disorders are seen as they spring up and one can quickly remedy them but if one is not at hand the state and then one can no longer remedy them besides this the country is not pillaged by your officials the subjects are satisfied by prompt recourse to the prince thus wishing to be good they have more cause to love him and wishing to be otherwise to fear him he who would attack that state from the outside must have the utmost caution as long as the prince resides there it can only be rested from him with the greatest difficulty the other and better course is to send colonies to one or two places which may be as keys to that state for it is necessary either to do this or else to keep there a great number of cavalry and infantry a prince does not spend much on colonies for with little or no expense he can send them out and keep them there and he offends a minority only of the citizens from whom he takes lands and houses to give them to the new inhabitants and those whom he offends remaining poor and scattered and never able to injure him whilst the rest being uninjured they are kept quiet and at the same time are anxious not to err for fear it should happen to them as it has to those who have been despoiled in conclusion I say that these colonies are not costly they are more faithful they injure less and the injured as has been said being poor and scattered cannot hurt upon this one has to remark that men ought either to be well treated or crushed because they can avenge themselves of lighter injuries of more serious ones they cannot the injury that is to be done to a man ought to be of such a kind that one does not stand in fear of revenge but in maintaining armed men there in place of colonies one spends much more having to consume on the garrison all the income from the state so that the acquisition turns into a loss and many more are exasperated because the whole state is injured through the shifting of the garrison up and down all become acquainted with hardship and all become hostile and their enemies who whilst beaten on their own ground are yet able to do hurt for every reason therefore such guards are as useless as a colony is useful again the prince who holds a country differing in the above respects ought to make himself the head and defender of his less powerful neighbours and to weaken the more powerful amongst them taking care that no foreigner as powerful as himself shall by any accident get a footing there for it will always happen that such a one is used by those who are discontented either through excess of ambition or through fear as one has seen already the Romans were brought into Greece by the Itolians and in every other country where they obtained a footing they were brought in by the inhabitants and the usual course of affairs is that as soon as a powerful foreigner enters a country all the subject states are drawn to him moved by the hatred which they feel against the ruling power so that in respect to those subject states not to take any trouble to gain them over to himself for the whole of them quickly rallied to the state which he has acquired there he has only to take care that they do not get hold of too much power and too much authority and then with his own forces and with their good will he can easily keep down the more powerful of them so as to remain entirely master in the country and he who does not properly manage this business will soon lose what he has acquired and whilst he does hold it he will have endless difficulties and troubles the Romans in the countries which they annexed observed closely these measures they sent colonies and maintained friendly relations with the minor powers footnotes see remark in the introduction on the word intratenere without increasing their strength they kept down the greater and did not allow any strong foreign powers to gain authority Greece appears to be sufficient for an example the Archaeans and Itolians were kept friendly by them the kingdom of Macedonia was humbled Antiochus was driven out yet the merits of the Archaeans and Itolians never secured for them permission to increase their power nor did the persuasions of Philip ever induce the Romans to be his friends without first humbling him nor did the influence of Antiochus make them agree that he should retain any lordship over the country because the Romans did in these instances what all prudent princes ought to do who have to regard not only present troubles but also future ones for which they must prepare with every energy because when foreseen it is easy to remedy them but if you wait until they approach the medicine is no longer in time because the malady has become incurable for it happens in this as the physicians say it happens in hectic fever that in the beginning of the malady it is easy to cure but difficult to detect but in the course of time not having been either detected or treated in the beginning it becomes easy to detect but difficult to cure this it happens in affairs of state for when the evils that arise have been foreseen which it is only given to a wise man to see they can be quickly redressed but when through not having been foreseen they have been permitted to grow in a way that everyone can see them there is no longer a remedy therefore the Romans foreseeing troubles dealt with them at once and even to avoid a war would not let them come to a head for they knew that war is not to be avoided but is only to be put off to the advantage of others moreover they wish to fight with Philip and Antiochus in Greece so as not to have to do it in Italy they could have avoided both but this they did not wish nor did that ever please them which is forever in the mouths of the wise ones about time let us enjoy the benefits of the time but rather the benefits of their own valour and prudence the time drives everything before it and is able to bring with it good as well as evil and evil as well as good but let us turn to France and inquire whether she has done any of the things mentioned I will speak of Louis footnote Louis XII King of France the father of the people born 1462 died 1515 and not of Charles footnote Charles VIII King of France born 1470 died 1498 I will speak of Louis and not of Charles as the one whose conduct is the better to be observed he having held possession of Italy for the longest period and you will see that he has done the opposite to those things which ought to be done to retain a state composed of diverse elements King Louis was brought into Italy by the ambition of the Venetians who desired to obtain half the state of Lombardy by his intervention I will not blame the course taken by the king because wishing to get a foothold in Italy and having no friends there seeing rather that every door was shut to him owing to the conduct of Charles he was forced to accept those friendships which he could get and he would have succeeded very quickly in his design if in other matters he had not made some mistakes the king however having acquired Lombardy regained at once the authority which Charles had lost Genoa yielded the Florentines became his friends the Marquis of Mantua the Duke of Ferrara the Bentivoli the Lords of Forenza of Pissaro of Rimini of Camarino of Piumbino the Lucezi the Pizans the Sienes everybody made advances to him to become his friend then could the Venetians realize that they might secure two towns in Lombardy had made the king master of two thirds of Italy let anyone now consider with what little difficulty the king could have maintained his position in Italy had he observed the walls above laid down and kept all his friends secure and protected for although they were numerous they were both weak and timid some afraid of the church some of the Venetians and thus they would always have been forced to stand in with him and by their means he could easily have made himself secure of those who remained powerful but he was no sooner in Milan than he did the contrary by assisting Pope Alexander to occupy the Romagna it never occurred to him that by this action he was weakening himself depriving himself of friends and of those who had thrown themselves into his lap whilst he had grandied the church by adding much temporal power to the spiritual thus giving it greater authority and having committed this prime error he was obliged to follow it up so much so that to put an end to the ambition of Alexander and to prevent his becoming the master of Tuscany he was himself forced to come into Italy and as if it were not enough to have a grand eyes to the church and deprived himself of friends he, wishing to have the kingdom of Naples divides it with the king of Spain and where he was the prime arbiter in Italy he takes an associate so that the ambitious of that country and the malcontents of his own should have somewhere to shelter left in the kingdom his own pensioner as king he drove him out to put one there who is able to drive him Louis out in turn the wish to acquire is in truth very natural and common and men always do so when they can and for this they will be praised not blamed but when they cannot do so yet wish to do so by any means then there is folly and blame therefore if France could have attacked Naples with her own forces she ought to have done so and divided it and if the partition which she made with the Venetians in Lombardy was justified by the excuse that by it she got a foothold in Italy this other partition merited blame for it had not the excuse of that necessity therefore Louis made these five errors he destroyed the minor powers he increased the strength of one of the greater powers in Italy he brought in a foreign power he did not settle in the country he did not send coloners were not enough to injure him had he not made a sixth by taking away their dominions from the Venetians because had he not aggrandized the church nor brought Spain into Italy it would have been very reasonable and necessary to humble them but having first taken these steps he ought never to have consented to their ruin for they, being powerful would always have kept off others from designs on Lombardy to which the Venetians would never have consented except to become masters themselves there also because the others would not wish to take Lombardy from France in order to give it to the Venetians and to run counter to both they would not have had the courage and if anyone should say King Louis yielded the Romagna to Alexander and the kingdom to Spain to avoid war I answer for the reasons given above that a blunder ought never to be perpetrated to avoid war because it is not to be avoided but is only deferred to your disadvantage and if another should allege the pledge which the king had given to the Pope that he would assist him in the enterprise and exchange the dissolution of his marriage and for the cap to Rouen to that I reply what I shall write later on concerning the faith of princes and how it ought to be kept Footnote, Louis XII divorced his wife Jean, daughter of Louis XI and married in 1499 and of Brittany widow of Charles VIII in order to retain the Duchy of Brittany for the crown Footnote, the Archbishop of Rouen was created a cardinal by Alexander VI born 1460 died 1510 Thus King Louis lost Lombardy by not having followed any of the conditions observed by those who have taken possession of countries and wished to retain them nor is there any miracle in this but much that is reasonable and quite natural and on these matters I spoke at Nantes with Rouen when Valentino as Césaire Borgia the son of Pope Alexander was usually called occupied the Romagna and on cardinal Rouen observing to me that the Italians did not understand war I replied to him that the French did not understand statecraft meaning that otherwise they would not have allowed the church to reach such greatness and in fact as has been seen that greatness of the church and of Spain in Italy has been caused by France and her Rouen may be attributed to them from this a general rule is drawn which never or rarely fails that he who is the cause of another becoming powerful is ruined because that predominancy has been brought about either by astuteness or else by force and both are distrusted by him who has been raised to power End of Chapter 3 Recording by Paul Adams www.jaungei.com Chapters 4 to 6 of The Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli This Librivox recording is in the public domain Recording by Paul Adams Chapter 4 The Kingdom of Darius, conquered by Alexander did not rebel against the successors of Alexander at his death Considering the difficulties which men have had to hold to a newly acquired state some might wonder how seeing that Alexander the Great became the master of Asia in a few years and died whilst it was scarcely settled whence it might appear reasonable that the whole empire would have rebelled nevertheless his successors maintained themselves and had to meet no other difficulty than that which arose among themselves from their own ambitions I answer that the principalities of which one has record are found to be governed in two different ways either by a prince with a body of servants who assist him to govern the kingdom as ministers by his favour and permission or by a prince and barons who hold that dignity by antiquity of blood and not by the grace of the prince such barons have states and their own subjects who recognise them as lords and hold them in natural affection those states that are governed by a prince and his servants hold their prince in more consideration because in all the country there is no one who is recognised as superior to him and if they yield obedience to another they do it as to a minister and official and they do not bear him any particular affection the examples of these two governments in our time are the Turk and the king of France the entire monarchy of the Turk is governed by one lord the others are his servants and dividing his kingdom into sandjacks he sends their different administrators and shifts and changes them as he chooses but the king of France is placed in the midst of an ancient body of lords acknowledged by their own subjects and beloved by them they have their own prerogatives nor can the king take these away except at his peril therefore he who considers both of these states will recognise great difficulties in seating the state of the Turk but once it is conquered they are inholding it the causes of the difficulties in seating the kingdom of the Turk are that the usurper cannot be called in by the princes of the kingdom nor can he hope to be assisted in his designs by the revolt of those whom the lord has around him this arises from the reasons given above for his ministers being all slaves and bond men can only be corrupted with great difficulty and one can expect little advantage from them when they have been corrupted by the reasons assigned hence he who attacks the Turk must bear in mind that he will find him united and he will have to rely more on his own strength than on the revolt of others but if once the Turk has been conquered and routed in the field in such a way that he cannot replace his armies there is nothing to fear but the family of this prince and this being exterminated there remains no one to fear the others having no credit with the people and as the conqueror did not rely on them so he ought not to fear them after it the contrary happens in kingdoms governed like that of France because one can easily enter there by gaining over some baron of the kingdom for one always finds mal-contents and such as desire a change such men for the reasons given can open the way into the state and render the victory easy but if you wish to hold it afterwards you meet with infinite difficulties both from those who have assisted you and from those you have crushed both for you to have exterminated the family of the prince because the lords that remain make themselves the heads of fresh movements against you and as you are unable either to satisfy or exterminate them that state is lost whenever time brings the opportunity now if you will consider what was the nature of the government of Darius you will find it similar to the kingdom of the Turk and therefore it was only necessary for Alexander first to overthrow him in the field and then to take the country from him after which victory Darius being killed the state remained secure to Alexander for the above reasons and if his successors had been united they would have enjoyed it securely and at their ease for there were no tumults raised in the kingdom except those they provoked themselves but it is impossible to hold with such tranquility states constitute it like that of France hence arose those frequent rebellions against the Romans in Spain France and Greece owing to the many principalities there were in these states of which as long as the memory of them endured the Romans always held an insecure possession but with the power and long continuance of the empire the memory of them passed away and the Romans then became secure possessors and when fighting afterwards amongst themselves each one was able to attach to himself his own parts of the country according to the authority he had assumed there and the family of the former lord being exterminated none other than the Romans were acknowledged when these things are remembered no one will marvel at the ease with which Alexander held the empire of Asia or at the difficulties which others have had to keep in acquisition such as Pyrrhus and many more this is not occasioned by the little or abundance of ability in the conqueror but by the want of uniformity in the subject state Chapter 5 concerning the way to govern cities or principalities which lived under their own laws before they were annexed whenever those states which have been acquired are stated have been accustomed to live under their own laws and in freedom there are three courses for those who wish to hold them the first is to ruin them the next is to reside there in person the third is to permit them to live under their own laws drawing a tribute and establishing within it an oligarchy which will keep it friendly to you because such a government being created by the prince knows that it cannot stand without his friendship and interest and does its utmost to support him and therefore he who would keep a city accustomed to freedom will hold it more easily by the means of its own citizens than in any other way there are for example the Spartans and the Romans the Spartans held Athens and Thebes establishing there an oligarchy nevertheless they lost them the Romans in order to hold Capua, Carthage and New Mancha dismantled them and did not lose them they wished to hold Greece as the Spartans held it making it free and permitting its laws and did not succeed so to hold it they were compelled to dismantle many cities in the country for in truth there is no safe way to retain them otherwise than by ruining them and he who becomes master of a city accustomed to freedom and does not destroy it may expect to be destroyed by it for in rebellion it has always the watchword of liberty and its ancient privileges as a rallying point which neither time nor benefits will ever cause it to forget and whatever you may do or provide against they never forget that name or their privileges unless they are disunited or dispersed and at every chance they immediately rally to them as Pisa after the hundred years she had been held in bondage by the Florentines but when cities or countries are accustomed to live under a prince and his family is exterminated by being on the one hand accustomed to obey and on the other hand and not having the old prince cannot agree in making one from amongst themselves and they do not know how to govern themselves for this reason they are very slow to take up arms and a prince can gain them to himself and secure them much more easily but in republics there is more vitality greater hatred and more desire for vengeance which will never permit them to allow the memory of their former liberty to rest so that the safest way is to destroy them or to reside there chapter 6 concerning new principalities which are required by one's own arms and ability let no one be surprised if in speaking of entirely new principalities as I shall do I deduce the highest examples both of prince and of state because men walking almost always in paths beaten by others and following by imitation their deeds are yet unable to keep entirely the ways of others or attain to the power of those they imitate a wise man ought always to follow the paths beaten by great men and to imitate those who have been supreme so that if his ability does not equal theirs at least it will savor of it let him act like a clever archers who, designing to hit the mark which yet appears too far distant and knowing the limits to which the strength of their bow attains take aim much higher than the mark not to reach by their strength or arrows at so great a height but to be able with the aid of so high an aim to hit the mark they wish to reach I say therefore that in entirely new principalities where there is a new prince more or less difficulty is found in keeping them according as there is more or less ability in him who has acquired the state now as the fact of becoming a prince from a private station presupposes either ability or fortune it is clear that one or other of these things will mitigate in some degree many difficulties nevertheless he who has relied least on fortune is established the strongest further it facilitates matters when the prince having no other state is compelled to reside there in person but to come to those who by their own ability and not through fortune have risen to be princes I say that Moses, Cyrus Romulus, Theseus and such like are the most excellent examples and although one may not discuss Moses he having been a mere executor of the will of God yet he ought to be admired if only for that favor which made him worthy to speak with God but in considering Cyrus and others who have acquired or founded kingdoms all will be found admirable and if their particular deeds and conduct will be considered they will not be found inferior to those of Moses although he had so great a preceptor and in examining their actions and lives one cannot see that they owed anything to fortune beyond opportunity they brought them the material to mold into the form which seemed best to them without that opportunity their powers of mind would have been extinguished and without those powers the opportunity would have come in vain it was necessary therefore to Moses that he should find the people of Israel in Egypt enslaved and oppressed by the Egyptians in order that they should be disposed to follow him so as to be delivered out of bondage it was necessary that Romulus should not remain in Alba and that he should be abandoned at his birth in order that he should become king of Rome and founder of the fatherland it was necessary that Cyrus should find the Persians discontented with the government of the Medes and the Medes soft and effeminate through their long peace Theseus could not have shown his ability had he not found the Athenians dispersed these opportunities therefore made these men fortunate and their high ability enabled them to recognize the opportunity whereby their country was ennobled and made famous Those who by valorous ways become princes like these men acquire a principality with difficulty but they keep it with ease the difficulties they have in acquiring it rise in part from the new rules and methods which they are forced to introduce to establish their government and its security and it ought to be remembered that there is nothing more difficult to take in hand more perilous to conduct or more uncertain in its success than to take the lead in the introduction of a new order of things because the innovator has for enemies all those who have done well under the old conditions and lukewarm defenders in those who may do well under the new this coolness arises partly from fear of the opponents who have the laws on their side and partly from the incredulity of men who do not readily believe in new things until they have had a long experience of them thus it happens that whenever those who are hostile have the opportunity to attack they do it like partisans while the others defend lukewarmly in such ways that the prince is endangered along with them it is necessary therefore if we desire to discuss this matter thoroughly to inquire whether these innovators can rely on themselves or have to depend on others that is to say whether to consummate their enterprise have they to use prayers or can they use force in the first instance they always succeed badly and never compass anything they rely on themselves and use force then they are rarely endangered hence it is that all armed prophets have conquered and the unarmed ones have been destroyed besides the reasons mentioned the nature of the people is variable and whilst it is easy to persuade them it is difficult to fix them in that persuasion and thus it is necessary to take such measures that when they believe no longer it may be possible to make them believe by force if Moses Cyrus Theseus and Romulus had been unarmed they could not have enforced their constitutions for long as happened in our time to Fragerolamo Savonarola who was ruined with his new order of things immediately the multitude believed in him no longer and he had no means of keeping steadfast those who believed or of making the unbelievers to believe therefore such as these have great difficulties in consummating their enterprise for all their dangers are in the ascent yet with ability they will overcome them but when these are overcome and those who envied them their success are exterminated they will begin to be respected and they will continue afterwards powerful, secure, honored and happy to these great examples I wish to add a lesser one still it bears some resemblance to them and I wish it to suffice me for all of the like kind it is Hiro the Syracusan Footnote born about 307 BC died 216 BC it is Hiro the Syracusan this man rose from a private station to be prince of Syracuse nor did he either owe anything to fortune but opportunity for the Syracusans being oppressed chose him for their captain afterwards he was rewarded by being made their prince he was of so great ability even as a private citizen that one who writes of him says he wanted nothing but a kingdom to be a king this man abolished the old soldiery organized the new gave up old alliances made new ones and as he had his own soldiers and allies on such foundations he was able to build any edifice thus whilst he had endured much trouble in acquiring he had but little in keeping End of Chapter 6 Recording by Paul Adams www.yonguy.com Chapter 7 to 8 of The Prince translated by William K. Marriott this Librivox recording is in the public domain recording by Paul Adams Chapter 7 concerning new principalities which are required either by the arms of others or by good fortune those who solely by good fortune become princes from being private citizens have little trouble in rising but much in keeping atop they have not any difficulties on the way up because they fly but they have many when they reach the summit all those to whom some state is given either for money or by the favor of him who bestows it as happened to many in Greece in the cities of Ionia and of the Hellespont where princes were made by Darius in order that they might hold the cities both for his security and his glory as also were those emperors who by the corruption of the soldiers from being citizens came to empire such stands simply elevated upon the good will and the fortune of him who has elevated them and placed in constant and unstable things neither have they the knowledge requisite for the position because unless they are men of great worth and ability it is not reasonable to expect that they should know how to command having always lived in a private condition besides they cannot hold it because they have not forces which they can keep friendly and faithful states that rise unexpectedly then like all other things in nature which are born and grow rapidly the foundations and correspondences footnote the radici e correspondenzi their roots i.e. foundations and correspondences or relations with other states a common meaning of correspondence and correspondency in the 16th and 17th centuries cannot leave their foundations and correspondences fixed in such a way that the first storm will not overthrow them unless as is said those who unexpectedly become princes are men of so much ability that they know they have to be prepared at once to hold that which fortune has thrown into their laps and that those foundations which others have laid before they became princes they must delay afterwards concerning these two methods of rising to be a prince by ability or fortune i wish to adduce two examples within our own recollection and these are francesco sforza footnote francesco sforza born 1401 1466 he married Bianca Maria Visconti a natural daughter of Filippo Visconti the Duke of Milan on whose death he procured his own elevation to the duchy Machiavelli was the accredited agent of the Florentine Republic to Cesare Borgia 1478-1507 during the transactions which led up to the assassinations of the Orsini and Vitelli at Cinegalia and along with his letters to his chiefs in Florence he has left an account within ten years before the prince of the proceedings of the Duke in his descrittioni del modo tenuto del Ducca Valentino Nello a mazzare vitellozzo vitelli etc. a translation of which is appended to the present work i wish to adduce two examples within our own recollection and these are francesco sforza and Cesare Borgia francesco by proper means and with great ability from being a private person rose to be Duke of Milan and that which he had acquired with a thousand anxieties he kept with little trouble on the other hand Cesare Borgia, called by the people Ducca Valentino, acquired his state during the ascendancy of his father and on its decline he lost it notwithstanding that he had taken every measure and done all that ought to be done by a wise and able man to fix firmly his roots in the states which the arms and fortunes of others had bestowed on him because as is stated above he who has not first laid his foundations may be able with great ability to lay them afterwards but they will be laid with trouble to the architect and danger to the building if, therefore, all the steps taken by the Duke be considered it will be seen that he laid solid foundations for his future power and I do not consider it superfluous to discuss them because I do not know what better precepts to give a new prince than the example of his actions and if his dispositions were of no avail that was not his fault but the extraordinary and extreme malignity of fortune Alexander the 6th in wishing to aggrandise the Duke his son had many immediate and prospective difficulties firstly he did not see his way to make him master of any state that was not a state of the church and if he was willing to rob the church he knew that the Duke of Milan and the Venetians would not consent because Faenza and Rimini were already under the protection of the Venetians besides this he saw the arms of Italy especially those by which he might have been assisted in hands that would fear the aggrandisement of the Pope namely the Orsini and the Colonisi and their following it behoved him, therefore, to upset this state of affairs and embroiled the powers so as to make himself securely master of part of their states this was easy for him to do because he found the Venetians moved by other reasons inclined to bring back the French into Italy he would not only not oppose this but he would render it more easy by dissolving the former marriage of King Louis therefore the King came into Italy with the assistance of the Venetians and the consent of Alexander he was no sooner in Milan than the Pope had soldiers from him for the attempt on the Romagna which yielded to him on the reputation of the King the Duke, therefore, having acquired the Romagna and beaten the Colonisi while wishing to hold that further was hindered by two things the one, his forces did not appear loyal to him the other, the goodwill of France that is to say, he feared that the forces of the Orsini which he was using would not stand to him that not only might they hinder him from winning more but might themselves seize what he had won and that the King might also do the same of the Orsini he had a warning when, after taking Firenze and attacking Bologna he saw them go very unwillingly to that attack and as to the King he learned his mind when he himself after taking the Duchy of Urbino attacked Tuscany and the King made him desist from that undertaking hence the Duke decided to depend no more upon the arms and the luck of others for the first thing he weakened the Orsini and Colonisi parties in Rome by gaining to himself all their adherents who were gentlemen making them his gentlemen giving them good pay according to their rank honouring them with office and command in such a way that in a few months all attachment to the factions was destroyed and turned entirely to the Duke after this he awaited an opportunity to crush the Orsini having scattered the adherents of the Kelowna House this came to him soon and he used it well for the Orsini perceiving at length that the aggrandisement of the Duke and the Church was ruined to them called a meeting of the Magione in Perugia this sprung the rebellion at Urbino and the tumults in the Romagna with endless dangers to the Duke all of which he overcame with the help of the French having restored his authority not to leave it at risk by trusting either to the French or other outside forces he had recourse to his wiles and he knew so well how to conceal his mind that by the mediation of Senior Pagolo whom the Duke did not fail to secure with all kinds of attention the Orsini, apparel and horses the Orsini were reconciled so that their simplicity brought them into his power at Senegalia footnote Senegalia 31st December 1502 having exterminated the leaders and turned their partisans into his friends the Duke laid sufficiently good foundations to his power having all the Romagna and the Duchy of Urbino and the people now beginning to appreciate the prosperity over to himself and as this point is worthy of notice and to be imitated by others I'm not willing to leave it out when the Duke occupied the Romagna he found it under the rule of weak masters who rather plundered their subjects than ruled them and gave them more cause to disunion than for union so that the country was full of robbery, quarrels and every kind of violence and so wishing to bring back peace and obedience to authority it was necessary to give it a good governor thereupon he promoted Mesa Romero Dorco footnote Romero Dorco Romero de Lorca therefore he promoted Mesa Romero Dorco a swift and cruel man to whom he gave the fullest power this man in a short time restored peace and unity with the greatest success afterwards the Duke considered that it was not advisable to confer such excessive authority for he had no doubt that he would become odious so he set up a court of judgment in the country under a most excellent president where in all cities had their advocates and because he knew that the past severity had caused some hatred against himself so to clear himself in the minds of the people and gain them entirely to himself he desired to show that if any cruelty had been practiced it had not originated with him but in the natural sternness of the minister under this pretense he took Romero and one morning caused him to be executed and left on the piazza at Cessena with a block and a bloody knife at his side the barbarity of this spectacle caused the people to be at once satisfied and dismayed but let us return once we started I say that the Duke finding himself now sufficiently powerful and partly secured from immediate dangers by having armed himself in his own way and having in a great measure crushed those forces in his vicinity that could injure him if he wished to proceed with his conquest had next to consider France for he knew that the king who too late was aware of his mistake would not support him and from this time he began to seek new alliances and to temporise with France in the expedition which he was making towards the kingdom of Naples against the Spaniots who would be sieging Gaeta it was his intention to secure himself against them and this he would have quickly accomplished had Alexander lived such was his line of action as to present affairs but as to the future he had to fear in the first place that a new successor to the church might not be friendly to him and might seek to take from him that which Alexander had given him so he decided to act in four ways firstly by exterminating the families of those lords whom he had dispoiled so as to take away that pretext from the Pope by winning to himself all the gentlemen of Rome so as to be able to curb the Pope with their aid as has been observed thirdly by converting the college more to himself fourthly by acquiring so much power before the Pope should die that he could by his own measures resist the first shock of these four things at the death of Alexander he had accomplished three for he had killed as many of the dispossessed lords as he could lay hands on and escaped he had won over the Roman gentlemen and he had the most numerous party in the college and as to any fresh acquisition he intended to become master of Tuscany for he already possessed Perugia and Pionbino and Pisa was under his protection and as he had no longer to study France for the French were already driven out of the kingdom of Naples by the Spaniards and in this way both were compelled to buy his good will he pounced down upon Pisa and Luca and Siena yielded at once partly through hatred and partly through fear of the Florentines and the Florentines would have had no remedy had he continued to prosper as he was prospering the year that Alexander died for he had acquired so much power and reputation that he would have stood by himself and no longer had depended on the luck and the forces of others but solely on his own power and ability but Alexander died five years after he had first drawn the sword he left the Duke with the state of Romagna alone consolidated with the rest in the air between two most powerful hostile armies and sick unto death yet there were in the Duke such boldness and ability and he knew so well how men are to be won or lost and so firm were the foundations which in so short a time he had laid that if he had not had those armies on his back or if he had been in good health he would have overcome all difficulties and it is seen that his foundations were good for the Romagna awaited him for more than a month in Rome although but half alive he remained secure and whilst the Baglioni the Vitelli and the Orsini might come to Rome they could not effect anything against him if he could not have made Pope him whom he wished at least the one whom he did not wish would not have been elected but if he had been in sound health at the death of Alexander footnote on the 6th died of fever 18th August 1503 but if he had been in sound health at the death of Alexander everything would have been different to him on the day that Julius II footnote Julius II was Giuliano della Rivera cardinal of San Pietro adventula born 1443 died 1513 on the day that Julius II was elected he told me that he had thought of everything to occur at the death of his father and to provide a remedy for all except that he had never anticipated that when the death did happen he himself would be on the point to die when all the actions of the Duke are recalled I do not know how to blame him but rather it appears to be as I have said that I ought to offer him the imitation to all those who by the fortune or the arms of others are raised to government because he having a lofty spirit and far reaching aims would not have regulated his conduct otherwise and only the shortness of the life of Alexander and his own sickness frustrated his designs therefore he who considers it necessary to secure himself in his new principality to win friends to overcome either by force or fraud to make himself beloved and feared by the people to be followed and revered by the soldiers to exterminate those who have power or reason to hurt him to change the old order of things to be severe and gracious magnanimous and liberal to destroy a disloyal soldiery and to create new to maintain friendship with kings and princes in such a way that they must help him with zeal and offend with caution cannot find a more lively example than the actions of this man only can he be blamed for the election of Julius II in whom he made a bad choice because as is said not being able to elect a pope to his own mind he could have hindered any other from being elected pope and he ought never to have consented the election of any cardinal whom he had injured or who had caused to fear him if they became pontiffs for men injured either from fear or hatred those whom he had injured amongst others was San Pietro Adventula, Colonna, San Giorgio and Ascarnio footnote San Giorgio is Raffaello Riario Ascarnio is Ascarnio's forza. The rest in becoming pope had to fear him, Rouen and the Spaniards accepted the latter from their relationship and obligations the former from his influence the kingdom of France having relations with him therefore above everything the Duke ought to have created a Spaniard pope and failing him he ought to have consented to Rouen and not San Pietro Adventula he who believes that new benefits will cause great personages to forget injuries is deceived therefore the Duke in his choice and it was the cause of his ultimate Rouen Chapter 8 concerning those who have obtained a principality by wickedness although a prince may rise from a private station in two ways neither of which can be entirely attributed to fortune or genius yet it is manifest to me that I must not be silent on them although one could be more copiously treated when I discuss republics methods of when either by some wicked or nefarious ways one ascends to the principality or when by the favour of his fellow citizens a private person becomes the prince of his country and speaking of the first method it will be illustrated by two examples one ancient the other modern and without entering further into the subject I consider these two examples will suffice those who may be compelled to follow them Agatha Cleese the Sicilian footnote Agatha Cleese the Sicilian born 361 BC died 289 BC Agatha Cleese the Sicilian became king of Syracuse not only from a private but from a low and abject position this man, the son of a potter through all the changes in his fortunes always led an infamous life nevertheless he accompanied his infamous with so much ability of mind and body that having devoted himself to the military profession he rose through its ranks to be praetor of Syracuse being established in that position and having deliberately resolved to make himself prince and to seize by violence without obligation to others that which had been conceded to him by ascent he came to an understanding for this purpose with Amalcar the Carthaginian who with his army was fighting in Sicily one morning he assembled the people and the senate of Syracuse as if he had to discuss with them things relating to the republic and at a given signal the soldiers killed or the senators and the richest of the people. These dead he seized and held the princedom of that city without any civil commotion and although he was twice routed by the Carthaginians and ultimately besieged yet not only was he able to defend his city but leaving part of his men for its defense with the others he attacked Africa and in a short time raised the siege of Syracuse. The Carthaginians reduced to extreme necessity were compelled to come to terms with Agatha Cleese and leaving Sicily to him had to be content with the possession of Africa. Therefore he who considers the actions and the genius of this man will see nothing or little which can be attributed to fortune in as much as he attained preeminence as is shown above not by the favor of anyone but step by step in the military profession which steps were gained with a thousand perils and were afterwards boldly held by him with many hazardous dangers yet it cannot be called talent to slay fellow citizens to deceive friends to be without faith without mercy without religion such methods may gain empire but not glory. Still if the courage of Agatha Cleese in entering into and extricating himself from dangers be considered together with his greatness of mind in enduring and overcoming hardships it cannot be seen why he should be esteemed less than the most notable captain. Nevertheless his barbarous cruelty and inhumanity with infinite wickedness do not permit him to be celebrated among the most excellent men what he achieved cannot be attributed either to fortune or genius. In our times during the rule of Alexander the sixth Oliverotto de Thermo having been left an orphan many years before was brought up by his maternal uncle Giovanni Fogliani and in the early days of his youth sent to fight under Pagolo Vitelli that being trained under his discipline he might attain some high position in the military profession. After Pagolo died he fought under his brother Vitellozzo and in a very short time being endowed with wit and a vigorous body and mind he became the first man in his profession but it appearing a thing to serve under others he resolved with the aid of some citizens of Thermo to whom the slavery of their country was dearer than its liberty and with the help of the Vitelleschi to seize Thermo. So he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that having been away from home for many years he wished to visit him and his city and in some measure to look upon his patrimony. And although he had not laboured to acquire anything except honour yet in order that the citizen should see his time in vain he desired to come honourably so would be accompanied by one hundred horsemen his friends and retainers and he entreated Giovanni to a rate that he should be received honourably by the fermions all of which would be not only to his honour but also to that of Giovanni himself who had brought him up. Giovanni therefore did not fail in any attention due to his nephew and he caused him to be honourably received by the fermions and he lodged him after having passed some days and having arranged what was necessary for his wicked designs. Oliverotto gave a solemn banquet to which he invited Giovanni Fogliani and the chiefs of Thermo. When the Viennes and all the other entertainments that are usual in such banquets were finished, Oliverotto artfully began certain grave discourses speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare and of their enterprises to which discourse Giovanni and others but he rose at once saying that such matters ought to be discussed in a more private place and he betook himself to a chamber where the Giovanni and the rest of the citizens went in after him. No sooner were they seated than soldiers issued from secret places and slaughtered Giovanni and the rest. After these murders Oliverotto mounted on horseback rode up and down the town and besieged the chief magistrate in the palace so that in fear the people were forced to obey him and to form a government of which he made himself the prince. He killed all the malcontents who were able to injure him and strengthened himself with new civil and military ordinances in such a way that in the year during which he held the principality not only was he secure in the city of Thermo but he had become formidable to all his neighbours and his destruction would have been as difficult as that of a Gathocles if he had not allowed himself to be over-reached by Cesare Borgia who took him with the Orsini and Vitelli at Synagalia as was stated above thus one year after he had committed this parasite he was strangled together with Vitello so whom he had made his leader in valour and a wickedness. Some may wonder how it can happen that a Gathocles and his like after infinite treacheries and crawlties should live for long secure in his country and defend himself from external enemies and never be conspired against by his own citizens saying that many others by means of crawlties have never been able even in peaceful times to hold the state still less in the doubtful times of war I believe that this follows from Severitis Mr Bird suggests that this word probably comes near the modern equivalent of Machiavelli's thought when he speaks of Crudelta than the more obvious crawlties I believe that this follows from Severitis being badly or properly used it's of evil it is possible to speak well that are applied at one blow and are necessary to one's security and that are not persisted in afterwards unless they can be turned to the advantage of the subjects the badly employed are those which notwithstanding they may be few in the commencement multiply with time rather than decrease those who practice the first system are able by aid of God or man to mitigate in some degree their roar as a Gathocles did it is impossible for those who follow the other to maintain themselves hence it is to be remarked that in seizing a state the usurper ought to examine closely into all those injuries which is necessary for him to inflict and to do them all at one stroke so as not to have to repeat them daily and thus by not unsettling men he will be able to reassure them and win them to himself by benefits he who does otherwise either from timidity or evil advice is always compelled to keep the knife in his hand neither can he rely on his subjects nor can they attach themselves to him owing to their continued and repeated wrongs for injuries ought to be done all at one time so that being tasted less they offend less benefits ought to be given little by little so that the flavor of them may last longer and above all things a prince ought to live amongst his people in such a way that no unexpected circumstances whether of good or evil shall make him change because if the necessity for this comes in troubled times you are too late for harsh measures and mild ones will not help you for they will be considered as forced from you and no one will be under any obligation to you for them End of Chapter 8 Recording by Paul Adams www.yornguy.com Chapters 9 to 11 of The Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli translated by William K. Marriott this Librivox recording is in the public domain recording by Paul Adams Chapter 9 concerning a civil principality but coming to the other point where a leading citizen becomes the prince of his country not by wickedness or any intolerable violence but by the favor of his fellow citizens this may be called a civil principality nor is genius or fortune altogether necessary to attain to it but rather a happy shrewdness I say then that such a principality is obtained either by the favor of the people or by the favor of the nobles because in all cities these two distinct parties are found and from this it arises that the people do not wish to be ruled nor oppressed by the nobles and the nobles wish to rule and oppress the people and from these two opposite desires there arises in cities one of three results either a principality self-government or anarchy a principality is created either by the people or by the nobles accordingly as one or other of them has the opportunity for the nobles seeing they cannot withstand the people begin to cry up the reputation of one of themselves and they make him a prince so that under his shadow they can give vent to their ambitions the people fighting they cannot resist the nobles also cry up the reputation of one of themselves and make him a prince so as to be defended by his authority he who obtained sovereignty by the assistance of the nobles maintains himself with more difficulty than he who comes to it by the aid of the people because the former finds himself with many around him who consider themselves his equals and because of this he can neither rule nor manage them to his liking but he who reaches sovereignty by popular favor finds himself alone and has none around him or few who are not prepared to obey him beside this one cannot by fair dealing and without injury to others satisfy the nobles but you can satisfy the people for their object is more righteous than that of the nobles the latter wishing to oppress while the former only desire not to be oppressed it is to be added also that a prince can never secure himself against a hostile people because of their being too many whilst from the nobles he can secure himself the worst that a prince may expect from a hostile people is to be abandoned by them but from hostile nobles he has not only to fear abandonment but also that they will rise against him for they being in these affairs more far seeing and astute always come forward in time to save themselves and to obtain favors from him whom they expect to prevail further the prince is compelled to live always with the same people but he can do well without the same nobles being able to make and unmake them daily and to give or take away authority when it pleases him therefore to make this point clearer I say that the nobles ought to be looked at mainly in two ways that is to say they either shape their course in such a way as bind them entirely to your fortune or they do not those who so bind themselves and are not rapacious ought to be honored and loved those who do not bind themselves may be dealt within two ways they may fail to do this through and a natural want of courage in which case you ought to make use of them especially of those who are of good counsel and thus while in prosperity you honor them in adversity you do not have to fear them but when for their own ambitious ends they shun binding themselves it is a token that they are giving more thought to themselves than to you and a prince ought to guard against such and to fear them as if they were open enemies because in adversity they always help to ruin him therefore one who becomes a prince through the favor of the people ought to keep them friendly and thus he can easily do seeing they only ask not to be oppressed by him but one who in opposition to the people becomes a prince by the favor of the nobles ought above everything to seek to win the people over to himself and this he may easily do if he takes them under his protection because men when they receive good from him expecting evil are bound more closely to their benefactor thus the people quickly become more devoted to him than if he had been raised to the principality by their favors and the prince can win their affections in many ways but as these vary according to the circumstances one cannot give fixed rules so I admit them but I repeat it is necessary for a prince to have the people friendly otherwise he has no security in adversity Nabis footnote Nabis tyrant of Sparta conquered by the Romans under Flaminius in 195 BC killed 192 BC Nabis prince of the Spartans sustained the attack of all Greece and of the victorious Roman army and against them he defended his country and his government and for the overcoming of this peril it was only necessary for him to make himself secure against a few but this would not have been sufficient had it been hostile and do not let anyone impugn the statement with the trite proverb that he who builds on the people builds on the mud for this is true when a private citizen makes a foundation there and persuades himself that the people will free him when he is oppressed by his enemies or by the magistrates wherein he would find himself very often deceived as happened to the Graci in Rome and to Messa Giorgio Scali in Florence footnote Messa Giorgio Scali this event is to be found in Machiavelli's Florentine history book 3 but granted a prince who has established himself as above who can command and is a man of courage undismayed in adversity who does not fail in other qualifications and who by his resolution and energy keeps the whole people encouraged such a one will never find himself deceived in them and it will be shown that he has latest foundations well these principalities are liable to danger when they are passing from the civil to the absolute order of government for such princes either rule personally or through magistrates in the latter case their government is weaker and more insecure because it rests entirely on the good will of those citizens who are raised to the magistracy and who especially in troubled times can destroy the government with great ease either by intrigue or open defiance and the prince has not the chance amid tumults absolute authority because the citizens and subjects are accustomed to receive orders from magistrates and not of a mind to obey him amid these confusions and there will always be in doubtful times a scarcity of men whom he can trust for such a prince cannot rely upon what he observes in quiet times when citizens have need of the state because then everyone agrees with him they all promise and when death is far distant they all wish to die for him but in troubled times if the state has need of its citizens then he finds but few and so much the more is this experiment dangerous in as much as it can only be tried once therefore a wise prince ought to adopt such a course that his citizens will always in every sort and kind of circumstance have need of the state and of him and then he will always find them faithful Chapter 10 concerning the way in which the strength of all principalities ought to be measured it is necessary to consider another point in examining the character of these principalities that is whether a prince has such power that in case of need he can support himself with his own resources or whether he has always need of the assistance of others and to make this quite clear I say that I consider those who are able to support themselves by their own resources who can either by abundance of men or money raise a sufficient army to join battle against anyone who comes to attack them and I consider those always to have need of others who cannot show themselves against the enemy in the field but are forced to defend themselves by sheltering behind walls the first case has been discussed but we will speak of it again should it recur in the second case one could say nothing except to encourage such princes to provision and fortify their towns and not on any account to defend the country and whoever shall fortify his town well and shall have managed the other concerns of his subjects in the way stated above and to be often repeated will never be attacked without great caution for men are always adverse to enterprises where difficulties can be seen and it will be seen not to be an easy thing to attack one who has his town well fortified and is not hated by his people the cities of Germany are absolutely free they own but little country around them and they yield obedience to the emperor when it suits them nor do they fear this other power they may have near them because they are fortified in such a way that everyone thinks the taking of them by assault would be tedious and difficult seeing they have proper ditches and walls they have sufficient artillery and they always keep in public depots enough for one years eating drinking and firing and beyond this to keep the people quiet and without loss to the state they always have the means of giving work to the community in those labours that are the life and strength of the city and on the pursuit of which the people are supported they also hold military exercises in repute and moreover have many ordinances to uphold them therefore a prince who has a strong city and has not made himself odious will not be attacked or if anyone should attack he will only be driven off with disgrace again because of the affairs of this world are so changeable it is almost impossible to keep an army a whole year in the field without being left behind and whoever should reply if the people have property outside the city and see it burnt they will not remain patient and the long siege and self-interest will make them forget their prince to this I answer that a powerful and courageous prince will overcome all such difficulties by giving at one time hope to his subjects that the evil will not be for long at another time fear of the cruelty of the enemy then preserving himself adroitly from those subjects who seem cold further the enemy would naturally on his arrival at once burn and ruin the country at the time when the spirits of the people are still hot and ready for the defense and therefore so much the less ought the prince to hesitate because after a time when spirits have called the damages already done the ills are incurred and there is no longer any remedy and therefore they are so much the more ready to unite with their prince he appearing to be under positions to them now that their houses have been burnt and their possessions ruined in his defense for it is the nature of men to be bound by the benefits they confer as much as by those they receive therefore if everything is well considered it will not be difficult for a wise prince to keep the minds of his citizens steadfast from first to last when he does not fail to support and defend them chapter 11 concerning ecclesiastical principalities it only remains now to speak of ecclesiastical principalities touching which all difficulties are prior to getting possession because they are acquired either by capacity or good fortune and they can be held without either for they are sustained by the ancient ordinances of religion which are so all powerful and of such a character that the principalities may be held no matter how their princes behave and live these princes alone have states and do not defend them they have subjects and do not rule them and the states although unguarded are not taken from them and the subjects although not ruled do not care and they have neither the desire nor the ability to alienate themselves such principalities only are secure and happy but being upheld by powers to which the human mind cannot reach I shall speak no more of them because being exalted and maintained by God it would be the act of a presumptuous and rash man to discuss them nevertheless if anyone should ask of me how comes it that the church has attained such greatness in temporal power seeing that from Alexander backwards the Italian potentates not only those who have been called potentates but every baron and lord though the smallest have valued the temporal power very slightly yet now a king of France trembles before it and it has been able to drive him from Italy and to ruin the Venetians it will be very manifest it does not appear to me superfluous to recall it in some measure to memory before Charles king of France passed into Italy footnote Charles VIII invaded Italy in 1494 before Charles king of France passed into Italy this country was under the dominion of the pope the Venetians the king of Naples the Duke of Milan and the Florentines these potentates had two principal anxieties the one that no foreigner should enter Italy under arms the other that none of themselves should seize more territory those about whom there was the most anxiety were the pope and the Venetians to restrain the Venetians the union of all the others was necessary as it was for the defense of Ferrara and to keep down the pope they made use of the barons of Rome who, being divided into two factions Orsini and Colonisi had always a pretext for disorder and, standing with arms in their hands under the eyes of the pontiff kept the pontificate weak and powerless and although there might arise sometimes a courageous pope such as Sixtus yet neither fortune nor wisdom could rid him of these annoyances and the short life of a pope is also a cause of weakness for in the ten years which is the average life of a pope he can with difficulty lower one of the factions and if so to speak almost destroy the Colonisi another would arise hostile to the Orsini who would support their opponents and yet would not have time to ruin the Orsini this was the reason why the temporal powers of the pope were a little esteemed in Italy Alexander VI rose afterwards who, of all the pontiffs that have ever been showed how a pope with both money and arms was able to prevail and through the instrumentality of the Duke Valentino and by reason of the entry of the French he brought about all those things which I have discussed above in the actions of the Duke and although his intention was not to aggrandise the church but the Duke nevertheless what he did contributed to the greatness of the church which after his death and the ruin of the Duke became the heir to all his labours Pope Julius came afterwards and found the church strong possessing all the Romagna the barons of Rome reduced to impotence and at Alexander the factions wiped out he also found the way open to accumulate money in a manner such had never been practised before Alexander's time such things Julius not only followed but improved upon and he intended to gain Bologna to ruin the Venetians and to drive the French out of Italy all of these enterprises prospered with him and so much the more to his credit in as much as he did everything to strengthen the church and not any private person he kept also the Orsini and Colonisi factions within the bounds in which he found them and although there was among them some mind to make disturbance nevertheless he held two things firm the one the greatness of the church with which he terrified them and the other not allowing them to have their own cardinals who caught the disorders among them for whenever these factions have their cardinals they do not remain quiet for long because cardinals foster the factions in Rome and out of it the barons are compelled to support them and thus from the ambitions of prelates arise disorders and tumulks among the barons for these reasons his holiness Pope Leo footnote Pope Leo X was the cardinal de Medici for these reasons his holiness Pope Leo found the pontificate most powerful and it is to be hoped that if others made it great in arms he will make it still greater and more venerated by his goodness and infinite other virtues end of chapter 11 recording by Paul Adams www.jaungei.com chapters 12 to 13 of the Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli translated by William K. Marriott this Librivox recordings in the public domain recording by Paul Adams chapter 12 how many kinds of soldiery there are and concerning mercenaries having discourse particularly on the characteristics of such principalities as in the beginning I proposed to discuss and having considered in some degree the causes of there being good or bad and having shown the methods by which many have sought to acquire them and to hold them it now remains for me to discuss generally the means of offence and defense which belong to each of them we have seen above how necessary it is for a prince to have his foundations well laid otherwise it follows of necessity he'll go to ruin the chief foundations of all states new as well as old or composite are good laws and good arms and as there cannot be good laws where the state is not well armed it follows that where they are well armed they have good laws I shall leave the laws out of the discussion and shall speak of the arms I say therefore that the arms with which a prince defends his state are either his own or they are mercenaries auxiliaries or mixed mercenaries and auxiliaries are useless and dangerous and if one holds his state based on these arms he will stand neither firm nor safe for they are disunited ambitious and without discipline unfaithful, valiant before friends cowardly before enemies they have neither the fear of God nor fidelity to men and destruction is deferred only so long as the attack is for in peace one is robbed by them and in war by the enemy the fact is they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you they are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe which I should have little trouble to prove for the ruin of Italy has been caused by nothing else than by resting all her hopes for many years on mercenaries and although they formally made some display they appeared valiant amongst themselves yet when the foreigners came they showed what they were thus it was that Charles king of France was allowed to seize Italy with chalk in hand footnote with chalk in hand called Gesso this is one of the born moe of Alexander the sixth and refers to the ease with which Charles the eighth seized Italy implying that it was only necessary for him to send his quarter masters to chalk up the billets for his soldiers to conquer the country compare the history of Henry the seventh by Lord Bacon King Charles had conquered the realm of Naples and lost it again in a kind of a felicity of a dream he passed the whole length of Italy without resistance so that it was true what Pope Alexander was want to say that the Frenchman came into Italy with chalk in their hands to mark up their lodgings rather than with swords to fight thus it was that Charles king of France was allowed to seize Italy with chalk in hand and he who told us that our sins were the cause of it told the truth but they were not the sins he imagined but those which I have related and as they were the sins of princes it is the princes who have also suffered the penalty I wish to demonstrate further the infelicity of these arms the mercenary captains are either capable men or they are not if they are you cannot trust them because they always aspire to their own greatness they are pressing you who are their master or others contrary to your intentions but if the captain is not skillful you are ruined in the usual way and if it be urged that whoever is armed will act in the same way whether mercenary or not I reply that when arms have to be resorted to either by a prince or a republic then the prince ought to go in person and perform the duty of a captain the republic has to send its citizens and when one is sent who does not turn out satisfactorily it ought to recall him and when one is worthy to hold him by the laws so that he does not leave the command an experience has shown princes and republics single handed making the greatest progress and mercenary is doing nothing except damage and it is more difficult to bring a republic armed with its own arms under the sway of one of its citizens than it is to bring one armed with foreign arms Rome and Sparta stood for many ages armed and free the switzes are completely armed and quite free of ancient mercenaries for example there are the carthaginians who were oppressed by their mercenary soldiers after the first war with the romans although the carthaginians had their own citizens for captains after the death of Epaminondas Philip of Macedon was made captain of their soldiers by the Thebans and after victory he took away their liberty Duke Filippo being dead Milanese enlisted Francesco Sforza against the Venetians and he having overcome the enemy at Caravaggio allied himself with them to crush the Milanese his masters footnote Battle of Caravaggio 15th September 1448 his father Sforza having been engaged by Queen Joanna of Naples footnote Joanna II of Naples the widow of Ladislao his father Sforza having been engaged by Queen Joanna of Naples left her unprotected so that she was forced to throw herself into the arms of the king of Aragon in order to save her kingdom and if the Venetians and Florentines formally extended their dominions by these arms and yet their captains did not make themselves princes but have defended them I reply that the Florentines in this case have been favoured by Charm for of the able captains that have stood in fear some have not conquered some have been opposed and others have turned their ambitions elsewhere one who did not conquer was Giovanni Accuto footnote Giovanni Accuto an English knight whose name was Sir John Hawkewood he fought in the English wars in France and was knighted by Edward III afterwards he collected a body of troops and went into Italy these became the famous White Company and died in Florence in 1394 he was born about 1320 at Sibyl Headingham a village in Essex he married Domnia a daughter of Bernabó Visconti one who did not conquer was Giovanni Accuto and since he did not conquer his fidelity cannot be proved but everyone will acknowledge that had he conquered the Florentines would have stood at his discretion Sforza had the Bracheschi always against him he watched each other Francesco turned his ambition to Lombardy Braccio against the church and the kingdom of Naples but let us come to that which happened a short while ago the Florentines are pointed as their captain Pagolo Vitelli a most prudent man who from a private position had risen to the greatest renown if this man had taken Pisa nobody can deny that it would have been proper for the Florentines to keep in with him furtively became the soldier of their enemies they had no means of resisting and if they held to him they must obey him the Venetians, if their achievements are considered will be seen to have acted safely and gloriously so long as they sent to war their own men when with armed gentlemen and plebeians they did valiantly this was before they turned to enterprises on land but when they began to fight on land they forsook this virtue and followed the custom of Italy and in the beginning of their expansion on land they were not having much territory and because of their great reputation they had not much to fear from their captains but when they expanded as under Carminiola footnote, Carminiola Francesco Bessone born at Carminiola about 1390 executed at Venice 5th May 1432 but when they expanded as under Carminiola they had a taste for this mistake for having found him a most valiant man they beat the Duke of Milan under his leadership and on the other hand knowing how lukewarm he was in the war they feared they would no longer conquer under him and for this reason they were not willing nor were they able to let him go and so not to lose again that which they had acquired they were compelled in order to secure themselves to murder him they had afterwards for their captains Bartolomeo da Bergamo Roberto da San Severino the Count of Petiliano footnote, Bartolomeo Collione of Bergamo died 1457 Roberto da San Severino died fighting for Venice against Sigismund Duke of Austria in 1487 Primo Capitano in Italia Machiavelli Count of Petiliano Nicolo Orsini born 1442 died 1510 the Count of Petiliano and the like under whom they had to dread loss and not gain as happened afterwards at Vila footnote battle of Vila in 1509 where in one battle they lost that which in 800 years they had acquired with so much trouble because from such arms conquests come but slowly long delayed and inconsiderable but the losses sudden and portentous and as with these examples I have reached Italy which has been ruled for many years by mercenaries I wish to discuss them more seriously in order that having seen their rise and progress one may be better prepared to counteract them you must understand that the empire has recently come to be repudiated in Italy that the Pope has acquired more temporal power and that Italy has been divided up into more states for the reason that many of the great cities took up arms against their nobles who formerly favoured by the emperor were oppressing them whilst the church was favouring them so as to gain authority in temporal power in many others their citizens became princes from this it came to pass that Italy fell partly into the hands of the church and of republics and the church consisting of priests and the republic of citizens unaccustomed to arms both commenced to enlist foreigners the first who gave renown to the soldiery was Alburigo da Cognio the romanian footnote Alburigo da Cognio Alburigo da Barbiano Count of Cunio in Romania he was the leader of the famous company of Saint George composed entirely of Italian soldiers he died in 1409 from the school of this man sprang among others Abraccio and Sforza who in their time were the arbiters of Italy after these came all the other captains who till now have directed the arms of Italy and the end of all their valor has been that she has been overrun by Charles robbed by Louis ravaged by Ferdinand and insulted by the Swissers the principal that has guided them has been first to lower the credit of infantry so that they might increase their own they did this because subsisting on their pay and without territory they were unable to support many soldiers and a few infantry did not give them any authority so they were led to employ cavalry with a moderate force of which they were maintained and honoured and affairs were brought to such a pass that in an army of 20,000 soldiers there were not to be found 2,000 foot soldiers they had beside this used every art to lessen fatigue and danger to themselves and their soldiers not killing in the fray but taking prisoners and liberating without ransom they did not attack towns at night nor did the garrisons of the towns attacking campments at night they did not surround the camp either with stockade or ditch nor did they campaign in the winter all these things were permitted by the military rules and devised by them to avoid as I have said both fatigue and dangers thus they have brought Italy to slavery and contempt Chapter 13 concerning auxiliaries mixed soldiery and one's own auxiliaries which are the other useless arm are employed when a prince is called in with his forces to aid and defend as was done by Pope Julius in the most recent times for he having in the enterprise against Ferrara had poor proof of his mercenaries turned to auxiliaries and stipulated with Ferdinand King of Spain for his assistance with men and arms footnote Ferdinand the fifth Ferdinand the second of Aragon and Sicily Ferdinand the third of Naples surnamed the Catholic born 1516 died 1542 these arms may be useful and good in themselves but for him who calls them in they are always disadvantageous for losing one is undone and winning one is their captive and although ancient histories may be full of examples I do not wish to leave this recent one of Pope Julius the second the peril of which cannot fail to be perceived for he wishing to get Ferrara through himself entirely into the hands of the foreigner the fortune brought about a third event so that he did not reap the fruit of his rash choice because having his auxiliaries routed at Ravenna and the Swissers having risen and driven out the conquerors against all expectation both his and others it so came to pass that he did not become prisoner to his enemies they having fled not his auxiliaries he having conquered by other arms than theirs the Florentines being entirely without arms sent 10,000 Frenchmen to take Pisa whereby they ran more danger than at any other time of their troubles the Emperor of Constantinople footnote Johannes Cantacusinus born 1300 died 1383 the Emperor of Constantinople to oppose his neighbors sent 10,000 Turks into Greece who on the war being finished were not willing to quit this was the beginning of the servitude to the infidels therefore let him who has no desire to conquer make use of these arms for they are much more hazardous than mercenaries because with them the ruin is ready made they are all united all yield obedience to others but with mercenaries when they have conquered more time and better opportunities and needed to injure you they are not all of one community they are found and paid by you and a third party which you have made their head is not able all at once there is no authority to injure you in conclusion in mercenaries Dastadi is most dangerous in auxiliaries Valar the wise prince therefore has always avoided these arms and turned to his own and has been willing rather to lose with them than to conquer with the others not deeming that a real victory which is gained with the arms of others I shall never hesitate to cite Cesare Borgia and his actions this Duke entered the Romania auxiliaries taking their only French soldiers and with them he captured Imola and Forley but afterwards such forces not appearing to him reliable he turned to mercenaries discerning less danger in them and enlisted the Orsini and Vitelli whom presently on handling and finding them doubtful, unfaithful and dangerous he destroyed and turned to his own men and the difference between one and the other of these forces can easily be seen when one considers the difference there was in the reputation of the Duke when he had the French when he had the Orsini and Vitelli and when he relied on his own soldiers on whose fidelity he could always count and found it ever increasing he was never esteemed more highly than when everyone saw that he was complete master of his own forces I was not intending to go beyond Italian and recent examples but I am unwilling to leave out Syracusan he being one of those I have named above this man as I have said made head of the army by the Syracusans soon found out that a mercenary soldiery constituted like our Italian condottieri was of no use and it appearing to him that he could neither keep them nor let them go he had them all cut to pieces and afterwards made war with his own forces and not with aliens I wish also to recall to memory from the Old Testament applicable to this subject David offered himself to Saul to fight with Goliath the Philistine champion and to give him courage Saul armed him with his own weapons which David rejected as soon as he had them on his back saying he could make no use of them and that he wished to meet the enemy with his sling and his knife in conclusion the arms of others either fall from your back or they weigh you down or they bind you fast Charles VII the father of King Louis XI footnotes Charles VII of France surnamed the Victorious born 1403 died 1461 Louis XI son of the above born 1423 died 1483 Charles VII the father of King Louis XI having by good fortune and valor liberated France from the English recognized the necessity of being armed with forces of his own and he established in his kingdom ordinances concerning men at arms and infantry afterwards his son King Louis abolished the infantry and began to enlist the Switzers which mistake followed by others is as is now seen a source of peril to that kingdom because having raised the reputation of the Switzers he has entirely diminished the value of his own arms for he has destroyed the infantry altogether and his men at arms he has subordinated to others for being as they are so accustomed to fight along with Switzers it does not appear that they can now conquer without them hence it arises that the French cannot stand against the Switzers and without the Switzers they do not come off well against others the armies of the French have thus become mixed partly mercenary and partly national both of which arms together are much better than mercenaries alone or auxiliaries alone they are inferior to one's own forces and this example proves it for the kingdom of France would be unconquerable if the ordinance of Charles had been enlarged or maintained but the scanty wisdom of man on entering into an affair which looks well at first cannot discern the poison that is hidden in it as I have said above of hectic fevers therefore if he who rules a principality cannot recognize evils until they are upon him it is not truly wise and this insight is given to few and if the first disaster to the Roman Empire footnote many speakers to the house the other night in the debate on the reduction of armament seem to show a most lamentable ignorance of the conditions under which the British Empire maintains its existence when Mr Balfour replied to the allegations that the Roman Empire sank under the weight of its military obligations he said that this was wholly unhistorical he might well have added that the Roman power was at its zenith when every citizen acknowledged his liability to fight for the state but that it began to decline as soon as this obligation was no longer recognized Pal mal Gazette 15th May 1906 and if the first disaster to the Roman Empire should be examined it will be found to have commenced only with the enlisting of the Goths because from that time the vigor of the Roman Empire began to decline and all that valor which had raised it passed away to others I conclude therefore that no principality is secure without having its own forces on the contrary it is entirely dependent on good fortune not having the valor which in adversity would defend it and it has always been the opinion a judgment of wise men that nothing can be so uncertain or unstable as fame or power or strength and one's own forces are those which are composed either of subjects, citizens or dependents all others are mercenaries or auxiliaries and the way to make ready one's own forces will be easily found if the rules suggested by me shall be reflected upon and if one will consider how Philip the father of Alexander the Great and many republics and princes have armed and organized themselves to which rules I entirely commit myself End of Chapter 13 Recording by Paul Adams www.yonguy.com Chapters 14 to 16 of The Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli translated by William K. Marriott this Librivox recording is in the public domain recording by Paul Adams Chapter 14 that which concerns a prince on the subject of the art of war a prince ought to have no other aim or thought nor select anything else for his study than war and its rules and discipline for this is the sole art that belongs to him who rules and it is of such force that it not only upholds those who are born princes but it often enables men to rise from a private station to that rank and on the contrary it is seen that when princes have thought more of ease than of arms they have lost their states and the first cause of your losing it is to collect this art and what enables you to acquire a state is to be master of the art Francesco Sforza through being marshal from a private person became Duke of Milan and the sons through avoiding the hardships and troubles of arms from Dukes became private persons for among other evils which being unarmed brings you it causes you to be despised and this is one of those ignominance against which a prince ought to guard himself because there is nothing proportionate between the armed and the unarmed and it is not reasonable that he who is armed should yield obedience willingly to him who is unarmed or that the unarmed man should be secure among armed servants because they are being in the one disdain and in the other's suspicion it is not possible for them to work well together and therefore a prince who does not understand the art of war over and above the other misfortunes already mentioned cannot be respected by his soldiers nor can he rely on them he ought never therefore to have out of his thoughts this subject of war and in peace he should addict himself more to his exercise than in war this he can do in two ways the one by action the other by study as regards action he ought above all things to keep his men well organized and drilled to follow incessantly the chase by which he accustomed his body to hardships and learned something of the nature of localities and gets to find out how the mountains rise how the valleys open out how the plains lie and to understand the nature of rivers and marshes and in all this to take the greatest care which knowledge is useful in two ways firstly he learns to know his country and is better able to undertake its defense afterwards by means of the knowledge and observation of that locality he understands with ease any other which it may be necessary for him to study hereafter because the hills valleys and plains and rivers and marshes that are for instance in Tuscany have a certain resemblance to those of other countries so that with the knowledge of the aspect of one country one can easily arrive at a knowledge of others and the prince that lacks this skill lacks the essential which it is desirable that a captain should possess for it teaches him to surprise his enemy to select quarters to lead armies to array the battle to besiege towns to advantage Philip Poaman footnote Philip Poaman the last of the Greeks born 252 BC died 183 BC Philip Poaman prince of the Achaeans among other praises which writers have bestowed on him is commended because in time of peace he never had anything in his mind but the rules of war and when he was in the country with friends with them if the enemy should be upon that hill and we should find ourselves here with our army with whom would be the advantage how should one best advance to meet him keeping the ranks if we should wish to retreat how ought we to pursue and he would set forth to them as he went all the chances that could be fallen army he would listen to their opinion and state his confirming it with reasons so that by these continual discussions they could never arise in time of war any unexpected circumstances that he could not deal with but to exercise the intellect the prince should read histories and study there the actions of illustrious men to see how they have born themselves in war to examine the courses of their victories and defeat so as to avoid the latter and imitate the former and above all do as an illustrious man did who took as an exemplar one who had been praised and famous before him and whose achievements and deeds he always kept in his mind as it is said Alexander the great imitated Achilles sees Alexander Scipio Cyrus and whoever reads the life of Cyrus written by Xenophon will recognize afterwards in the life of Scipio how that imitation was his glory and how chastity, affability, humanity and liberality Scipio conformed to those things which have been written of Cyrus by Xenophon a wise prince ought to observe some such rules and never in peaceful times stand idle but increases resources with industry in such a way that may be available to him in adversity so that if fortune chances may find him prepared to resist her blows Chapter 15 concerning things for which men and especially princes are praised or blamed it remains now to see what ought to be the rules of conduct for a prince towards subjects and friends and as I know that many have written on this point I expect I shall be considered presumptuous in mentioning it again especially as in discussing it I shall depart from the methods of other people but it being my intention to write a thing which shall be useful to him who apprehends it it appears to me more appropriate to follow up the real truth of the matter than the imagination of it for many have pictured republics and principalities which in fact have never been known or seen because how one lives is so far distant from how one ought to live that he who neglects what is done for what ought to be done sooner affects his ruin than his preservation for a man who wishes to act entirely up to his professions of virtue soon meets with what destroys him among so much that is evil hence it is necessary for a prince wishing to hold his own to know how to do wrong and to make use of it or not according to necessity therefore putting on one side imaginary things concerning a prince and discussing those which are real I say that all men when they are spoken of and chiefly princes for being more highly placed are remarkable for some of those qualities which bring them either blame or praise and thus it is that one is reputed liberal another miserly using a Tuscan term because an avaricious person in our language is still he who desires to possess by robbery whilst we call one miserly who deprives himself much of the use of his own one is reputed generous one rapacious one cruel one compassionate one faithless another faithful one effeminate and cowardly another bold and brave one affable another haughty one lascivious another chaste one sincere another cunning one hard another easy one grave another frivolous one religious another unbelieving and the like and I know that everyone will confess that it would be most praiseworthy inner prince to exhibit all the above qualities that are considered good but because they can neither be entirely possessed nor observed for human conditions do not permit it it is necessary for him to be sufficiently prudent that he may know how to avoid the reproach of those vices which would lose him his state and also to keep himself if it be possible from those which would not lose him it but not being possible he may with less hesitation abandon himself to them and again he need not make himself uneasy at incurring a reproach for those vices without which the state can only be saved with difficulty for if everything is considered carefully it will be found that something which looks like virtue if followed would be his ruin while something else which looks like vice yet followed brings him security and prosperity Chapter 16 concerning liberality and meanness commencing them with the first of the above named characteristics I say that it would be well to be reputed liberal nevertheless liberality exercise in a way that does not bring you the reputation for it injures you for if one exercises it honestly and as it should be exercised it may not become known and you will not avoid the reproach of its opposite therefore anyone wishing to maintain among men the name of liberal is obliged to avoid no attribute of magnificence so the prince thus inclined will consume in such acts all his property and will be compelled in the end if he wishes to maintain the name of liberal to unduly weigh down his people and tax them and do everything he can to get money this will soon make him odious to his subjects and becoming poor he will be little valued by anyone just with his liberality having offended many and rewarded few he is affected by the very first trouble and imperiled by whatever may be the first danger recognizing this himself and wishing to draw back from it he runs at once into the reproach of being miserly therefore a prince not being able to exercise this virtue of liberality in such a way that it is recognized except to his cost if he is wise he ought not to fear the reputation of being mean for in time he will come to be more considered than if liberal seeing that with his economy his revenues are enough that he can defend himself against all attacks and is able to engage in enterprises without burdening his people thus it comes to pass that he exercises liberality towards all from whom he does not take who are numberless and meanness towards those to whom he does not give who are few we have not seen great things done in our time except by those who have been considered mean the rest have failed Pope Julius II was assisted in reaching the papacy by a reputation for liberality yet he did not strive afterwards to keep it up when he made war on the King of France and he made many wars without imposing any extraordinary attacks on his subjects for he supplied his additional expenses out of his long thriftiness the present King of Spain would not have undertaken or conquered in so many enterprises if he had been reputed liberal a prince for provided that he has not to rob his subjects that he can defend himself that he does not become poor and abject that he is not forced to become rapacious ought to hold of little account a reputation for being mean for it is one of those vices which will en