Section 1 of Volume 1, A Popular History of France, from the earliest times. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by J. C. Iguan. Volume 1 of A Popular History of France, from the earliest times. By François Guizot. Translated by Robert Black. Chapter 1 Gaul. The French man of today inhabits a country, long ago civilized and Christianized, where, despite of much imperfection and much social misery, thirty-eight millions of men live in security and peace, under laws equal for all, and efficiently upheld. There is every reason to nourish great hopes of such a country, and to wish for it more and more of freedom, glory, and prosperity. But one must be just towards one's own times, and estimate at their true value advantages already acquired and progress already accomplished. If one were suddenly carried twenty or thirty centuries backward into the midst of that, which was then called Gaul, one would not recognize France. The same mountains reared their heads. The same plains stretched far and wide. The same rivers rolled on their cores. There is no alteration in the physical formation of the country. But its aspect was very different. Instead of the fields, all trim was cultivation, and all covered with various produce. One would see inaccessible morasses and vast forests, as yet unclear, given up to the chances of primitive vegetation, peopled with wolves and bears, and even the urns, or huge wild ox and with elks too, a kind of beast that one finds no longer nowadays, save in the colder regions of northeastern Europe, such as Lithuania and Corland. Then wandered over the champagne great herds of swine, as fierce almost as wolves, tamed only so far as to know the sound of their keeper's horn. The better sort of fruits and of vegetables were quite unknown. They were imported into Gaul, the greatest part from Asia, a portion from Africa, and the islands of the Mediterranean, and others at a later period from the New World. Cold and rough was the prevailing temperature. Nearly every winter, the river's froze sufficiently hard for the passage of cars, and three or four centuries before the Christian era, on that vast territory comprised between the ocean, the Pyrenees, the Mediterranean, the Alps, and the Rhine, lived six or seven millions of men, a bestial life, enclosed in dwellings dark and low, the best of them built of wood and clay, covered with branches or straw, made in a single round piece, open to daylight by the door alone, and confusedly heaped together behind the rampart, not inartistically composed of timber, earth, and stone, which surrounded and protected what they were placed to call a town. Of even such towns there were scarcely any as yet, save in the most populous and least uncultivated portion of Gaul, that is to say, in the southern and eastern regions, at the foot of the mountains of Overn, and the Seven, and along the coast of the Mediterranean. In the north and the west were paltry hamlets, as transferable almost as the people themselves, and on some islets amidst the morasses, or in some hidden recess of the forest, were huge entrenchments formed of the trees that were felled, where the population, at the first sound of war cry, ran to shelter themselves with their flocks and all their movables. And the war cry was often heard. Men living grossly and oddly are very prone to quarrel and fight. Gaul, moreover, was not occupied by one and the same nation, with the same traditions and the same chiefs. Tribes very different in origin, habit, and date of settlement were continually disputing the territory. In the south were Iberians, or Accutanians, Phoenicians, and Greeks, in the north and northwest, Kimrians, or Belgians, everywhere else, Gauls or Celts, the most numerous settlers, who had the honor of giving their name to the country. Who were the first to come, then, and what was the date of the first settlement? Nobody knows. Of the Greeks alone does history mark with any precision the arrival in southern Gaul. The Phoenicians preceded them by several centuries, but it is impossible to fix any exact time. The information is equally vague about the period when the Kimrians invaded the north of Gaul. As for the Gauls and the Iberians, there is not a word about their first entrance into the country, for they are discovered there already at the first appearance of the country itself in the domain of history. The Iberians, whom Roman writers call Aquitanians, dwelt at the foot of the Pyrenees in the territory comprised between the mountains, the Garonne, and the ocean. They belonged to the Rayswitch under the same appellation, had people in Spain, but by what route they came into Gaul is a problem which we cannot solve. It is much the same in tracing the origin of every nation, for in those barbarous times men lived and died without leaving any injuring memorial of their deeds and their destinies, no monuments, no writings. Just a few oral traditions, perhaps, which are speedily lost, were altered. It is in proportion as they become enlightened and civilized, that men feel the desire and discover the means of extending their memorial far beyond their own lifetime. That is the beginning of history. The offspring of noble and useful sentiments, which caused the mind to dwell upon the future and to yearn for long continuance. Sentiments which testified to the superiority of man over all other creatures living upon our earth, which foreshadowed the immortality of the soul, and which are warrant for the progress of the human race by preserving for the generations to come, what has been done and learned by the generations that disappear. By whatever route and at whatever epoch the Iberians came into the south-west of Gaul, they abide there still in the department of the lower Pyrenees, under the name of the Basque, a people distinct from all its neighbors in features, costume, and especially language which resembles none of the present languages of Europe, contains many words which are to be found in the names of rivers, mountains, and towns of Olden Spain, and which presents a considerable analogy to the idioms, ancient and modern, of certain peoples of northern Africa. Definitions did not leave, as the Iberians did, in the south of France, distinct and well authenticated descendants. They had begun about one thousand a hundred B.C. to trade there. They went thither, in search of furs, and gold, and silver, which were got either from the sand of certain rivers, as for instance the Alege, in Latin, Auriguera, or from certain mines of the Alps, the Sivan, and the Pyrenees. They bought in exchange stuffs dyed with purple, necklaces and rings of glass, and above all arms and wine, a trade like that which is nowadays carried on by the civilized peoples of Europe with the savage tribes of Africa and America. For the purpose of extending and securing their commercial expeditions, definitions founded colonies in several parts of Gaul, and to them is attributed the earliest origin of Nimoses, Nim, and of Elysia, Nersima. But at the end of three or four centuries, these colonies fell into decay. The trade of definitions was withdrawn from Gaul, and the only important sign it preserved of their residence was a road which, starting from the eastern Pyrenees, skirted the Gallic portion of the Mediterranean, crossed the Alps by the past of Tenda, and so united Spain, Gaul, and Italy. After the withdrawal of the Phoenicians, this road was kept up and repaired, at first by the Greeks of Marseille, and subsequently by the Romans. As merchants and colonists, the Greeks were in Gaul, the successors of the Phoenicians, and Marseille was one of their first and most considerable colonies. At the time of the Phoenicians' decay in Gaul, a Greek people, the Rhodians, had pushed their commercial enterprises to a great distance, and in the words of the ancient historians, held the empire of the sea. Their ancestors had, in former times, succeeded the Phoenicians in the island of Rhodes, and they likewise succeeded them in the south of Gaul, and founded, at the mouth of the Rhône, a colony called Rhodanusia, or Rhoda, with the same name as that which they had already founded on the northeast coast of Spain, and which is nowadays the town of Rosas, in Catalonia. But the importance of the Rhodians on the southern coast of Gaul was short-lived. It had already sunk very low in the year 600 B.C., when Euxenes, a Greek leader, coming from Fosia, an Ionian town of Asian minor, to seek his fortune, landed from a bay eastward of the Rhône. The Sigur-Brygians, a tribe of the Gallic race, were in occupation of the neighboring country. Nan, their chief, gave the strangers a kindly welcome, and took them home with him to a great feast which he was giving for his daughter's marriage, who was called Giptis, according to some, and Peta, according to other historians. A custom which exists still in several cantons of the Basque country, and even at the center of France, in Morven, a mountainous district of the department of Nieve, would that the maiden should appear only at the end of the banquet, and holding in her hand a filth wine cup, and that the guest to whom she should present it should become the husband of her choice. By accident, or quite another cause, say the ancient legends, Giptis stopped opposite Yuxinnes, and handed him the cup. Great was the surprise, and probably anger, amongst the Gauls, who were present. But Nan, believing he recognized a commandment from his gods, accepted the Fossian as his son-in-law, and gave him as dowry the bay where he had landed, with some cantons of the territory around. Yuxinnes, in gratitude, gave his wife the Greek name of Aristoxena, that is, the best of hostesses, sent away his ship to Fossia for colonists, and whilst waiting for them, late in the center of the bay, on a peninsula hollowed out harbour-wise, towards the south, the foundations of a town which he called Massilia, since Marseille. Scarcely a year had lapsed when Yuxinnes' ship arrived from Fossia, and with it several galleys, bringing colonists full of hope, and laden with provisions, utensils, arms, seeds, vine-cuttings, and olive-cuttings, and moreover, a statue of Diana, which the colonists had gone to fetch from the celebrated temple of that goddess at Ephesus, and which her priestess, Aristarch, accompanied to its new country. The activity and prosperity of Marseille, both within and without, were rapidly developed. She carried her commerce wherever the Phoenicians and the Rhodians had marked out a road. She repaired their forts, she took to herself their establishments, and she placed on her medals to signify dominion, the rose, the emblem of roads, beside the lion of Marseille. But Nan, the Gallic chieftain, who had protected her infancy, died, and his son, Conran, shared the jealousy felt by the Segebriggians, and the neighbouring peopleates, towards the new corners. He promised, and really resolved, to destroy the new city. It was the time of the flowering of the vine, a season of great festivity amongst the Ionian Greeks, and Marseille sought solely of the preparations for the feast. The houses and public places were being decorated with branches and flowers. No guard was set, no work was done. Conran sent into the town a number of his men, some openly, as if to take part in the festivities. Others, hidden at the bottom of the cars, which conveyed into Marseille the branches and foliage from the outskirts. He himself went and lay in ambush in a neighbouring glen, with several thousand men, they say, but the number is probably exaggerated, and waited for his emissaries to open the gates to him during the night. But once more, a woman, a near-relation of the Gallic chieftain, was the guardian angel of the Greeks, and revealed the plot to a young man of Marseille, with whom she was in love. The gates were immediately shut, and so many sygbrogians as happened to be in the town were massacred. Then the night came on. The inhabitants, armed, went forth to surprise Conran in the ambush, where he was awaiting the moment to surprise them. And there he fell, with all his men. Delivered as they were from this danger, the Missilians nevertheless remained in a difficult and disquieting situation. The people it's around, in coalition against them, attacked them often, and threatened them incessantly. But whilst they were struggling against these embarrassments, a grand disaster, happening in the very same spot, once they had emigrated half a century before, was procuring them a great accession of strength, and the serious means of defense. In the year 542 B.C., Fossia succumbed beneath the efforts of Cyrus, king of Persia, and her inhabitants, leaving to the conqueror empty streets, and deserted houses, took to their sheeps in a body, to transfer their homes elsewhere. A portion of this floating population made straight for Marseille. Others stopped at Corsica, in the harbor of Alalia, another Fossian colony. But at the end of five years, day two, tired of piratical life and of the incessant wars they had to sustain against the Carthaginians, quitted Corsica, and went to rejoin their compatriots in Gaul. Thence forward, Marseille found herself in a position to face her enemies. She extended her walls all round the bay, and her enterprises far away. She found it on the southern coast of Gaul, and on the eastern coast of Spain, permanent settlements, which are to this day towns, eastward of the Rhône, Hercules Harbor, Mons Seacus, Monaco, Nizia, Nice, Antipolis, Antib, westward, Heraclia Cacabaria, St. Giles, Agastai, Agdevol, Emporia, Emporias in Catalonia, Excelsior, etc. In the valley of the Rhône, several towns of the Gauls, Cavalier-Woe, Cavali-Lichon, Greek-Avenio, Avignon, Arrelate, Arle, for instance, colonies, so great there was the number of travellers, or established merchants who spoke Greek. With this commercial activity, Marseille united intellectual and scientific activity. Her grammarians were among the first to revise and annotate the poems of Homer, and bold travellers from Marseille, Yusimines and Petias by name, crossed one along the western coast of Africa, beyond the straits of Gibraltar, and the other the southern and western coast of Europe, from the mouth of the Tanaïs, Don, in the Black Sea, to the latitudes and perhaps into the interior of the Baltic. They lived, both of them, in the second half of the 4th century B.C., and they wrote each a periplus, or tells of their travels, which have, unfortunately, been almost entirely lost. But whatever may have been her intelligence and activity, a single town situated at the extremity of Gauls and people with foreigners could have but little influence over so vast a country and its inhabitants. At first, civilization is very hard and very slow. It requires many centuries, many great events, and many years of toil to overcome the early habits of a people, and cause them to exchange the pleasures, gross indeed, but accompanied with the idleness and freedom of barbarian life, for the toilful advantages of a regulated social condition. By dint of foresight, perseverance, and courage, the merchants of Marseille and her colonies crossed by two or three main lines, the forest, morasses, and heaths, through the savage tribes of Gaul, and there affected their exchanges. But to the right and left they penetrated but a short distance. Even on their main lines their traces soon disappeared, and at the commercial settlements which they established here and there they were often far more occupied in self-defense than in spreading their example. Beyond a strip of land of uneven breath, along the Mediterranean, and save the space peopled towards the south-west by the Iberians, the country which received its name from the former of the two was occupied by the Gauls and the Kimrians, by the Gauls in the center, south-east and east, in the highlands of modern France, between the Alps, the Vages, the mountains of the Auvernes, and the Sévennes, by the Kimrians, in the north, northwest, and west, in the lowlands, from the western boundary of the Gauls to the ocean. Whether the Gauls and the Kimrians were originally of the same race, or at least of races closely connected, whether they were both anciently comprised under the general name of Celts, and whether the Kimrians, if they were not of the same race as the Gauls, belonged to that of the Germans, the final conquerors of the Roman Empire, are questions which the learned have been a long, long while discussing, without deciding. The only facts which seem to be clear and certain are the following. The ancients, for a long while, applied without distinction the name of Celts to the peoples who lived in the west and north of Europe, regardless of precise limits, language, or origin. It was a geographical title applicable to a vast but ill-explored territory, rather than a real historical name of race or nation. And so on, in the earliest times, Gauls, Germans, Britons, and even Iberians appear frequently confounded under the name of Celts, peoples of Celtica. Little by little, this name is observed to become more restricted and more precise. The Iberians of Spain are the first to be detached, then the Germans. In the century preceding the Christian era, the Gauls, that is the peoples inhabiting Gaul, are alone called Celts. We begin even to recognize amongst them diversities of race and to distinguish the Iberians of Gaul, Alias, Aquitanians, and the Kimrians or Belgians from the Gauls to whom the name of Celts is confined. Sometimes even it is to a confederation of certain Gallic tribes that the name specially applies. However it be, the Gauls appear to have been the first inhabitants of western Europe. In the most ancient historical memorials, they are found there, and not only in Gaul, but in Great Britain, in Ireland, and in the neighboring islets. In Gaul, after a long predominance, they commingled with other races to form the French nation. But in this commingling, numerous traces of their language, monuments, manners, and names of persons and places survived and still exist, especially to the east and south, cast in local customs and vernacular dialects. In Ireland, in the highlands of Scotland, in the Hebrides, and the Isle of Man, Gauls, still live under their primitive name. There we still have the Gallic race and Tongue, free, if not from any change, at least from absorbent fusion. From the seventh to the fourth century BC, a new population spread over Gaul, not at once, but by a series of invasions, of which the two principal took place at the two extremes of that epoch. They called themselves Chymrians, or Chymrians, whence the Romans made Cymbrians, which we call Cymeri, or Cymerians, the name of a people whom the Greeks placed on the western bank of the Black Sea, and in the Cymerian peninsula, called to this day Crimea. During these irregular and successively repeated movements of wandering populations, it often happened that tribes of different races met, made terms, united, and finished by amalgamation under one name. All the peoples that successively invaded Europe, Gauls, Chymrians, Germans, belonged at first in Asia, whence they came, to a common stern. The diversity of their languages, traditions and manners, great as it already was at the time of their appearance in the west, was the work of time and of the diverse circumstances in the midst of which they had lived, but there are always remained amongst them traces of a primitive affinity which allowed of sudden and frequent comings, amidst their tumultuous dispersion. The Chymrians, who crossed the Rhine and flung themselves into northern Gaul towards the middle of the fourth century sea, called themselves Borg, or Belg, or Belgians, a name which indeed is given to them by Roman writers, and which has remained that of the country they first invaded. They descended southwards to the banks of the Seine and the Marne. There they encountered the Chymrians, a former invasions, who not only had spread over the country comprised between the Seine and the Loire, to the very heart of the peninsula bordered by the latter river, but had crossed the sea, and occupied a portion of the large island opposite Gaul, crowding back the Gauls who had preceded them upon Ireland and the highlands of Scotland. It was from one of these tribes and its chieftain, called Pride, or Pridein, Brit or Briton, that Great Britain and Brittany in France received the name which they have kept. Each of these races, far from forming a single people bound to the same destiny and under the same chieftains, split into peopleate, more or less independent, who foregathered or separated according to the shifts of circumstances, and who pursued each on their own account and at their own pleasure, their fortunes, or their fancies. The Ibero-Aquitanians numbered twenty tribes. The Gauls twenty-two nations, the original Chymrians, mingled with Gauls between the Loire and the Garonne, seventeen, and the Chymrove Belgians, twenty-three. These sixty-two nations were subdivided into several hundreds of tribes, and these petty agglomerations were distributed amongst rival confederations or leagues, which disputed one with another, the supremacy over such and such a portion of territory. These grand leagues existed amongst the Gauls, that of the Armenians, formed of peopleates established in the country, which received from them the name of Auvern, that of the Adrians, in Burgundy, whose center was Bébraque, Autin, and that of the Sequanians, in France-Contes, whose center was Vesantio, Besançon. Amongst the Chymrians of the West, the Armaric League bound together the tribes of Brittany and lower Normandy, from these alliances intended to group together scattered forces, sprang fresh passions or interests, which became so many fresh causes of discord and hostility. And in these diverse agglomerations, government was everywhere almost equally irregular and powerless to maintain order or found an enduring state. Chymrians, Gauls, or Iberians, were nearly equally ignorant in provident slaves to the shiftings of their ideas and the sway of their passions, fond of war and idleness, and rapine and feasting of gross and savage pleasures, all gloried in hanging from the breastgear of their horses or nailing to the doors of their houses, the heads of their enemies, all sacrificed human victims to their gods, all tied their prisoners to trees and burned or flogged them to death, all took pleasure in wearing upon their heads or round their arms and depicting upon their naked bodies fantastic ornaments, which gave them a wild appearance. An unbridled passion for wine and strong liquors was general amongst them. The traders of Italy, and especially of Marseille, brought supplies into every part of Gaul, from interval to interval. There were magazines established, whither the Gauls flocked to sell for a flask of wine their first, their grain, their cattle, their slaves. It was easy, says an ancient historian, to get the Ganymede for the liquor. Such are the essential characteristics of barbaric life as they have been and as they still are at several points of our globe, amongst people of the same grade in the scale of civilization. They existed in nearly an equal degree amongst the different races of ancient Gauls, whose resemblance was rendered much stronger thereby than their diversity in other respects by some of their customs, traditions, or ideas. In their case, too, there is no sign of those permanent demarcations, those rooted antipathies, and that impossibility of unity, which are observable amongst peoples whose original moral condition is really very different. In Asia, Africa, and America, the English, the Dutch, the Spanish, and the French have been and are still in frequent contact with the natives of the country. Hindus, Malays, Negroes, and Indians, and in spite of the contact, the races have remained wildly separated one from another. In ancient Gaul, not only did Gauls, Kimrians, and Iberians live frequently in alliance and almost intimacy, but they actually commingled and cohabited without scruple on the same territory. And so we find, in the midst of the Iberians, towards the mouth of the Argaron, a Gallic tribe, the Viviscan Bitter Regions, come from the neighborhood of Bourges, where the bulk of the nation was settled. They had been driven thither by one of the first invasions of the Kimrians, and peaceably taken root there. Bur de Gaia, afterwards Bordeaux, was the chief settlement of this tribe, and even then a trading place between the Mediterranean and the ocean. A little further on, towards the south, a Kimrian tribe, the Bolans, lived isolated from its race in the wastelands of the Iberians, extracting the resin from the pines which grow in that territory. To the southwest, in the country situated between the Gaerons, the eastern Pyrenees, the Siven and the Rhône, two great tribes of Kimro-Belgians, the Bolg, Volg, Volg or Vols, Arachomican, and Tectosasian, came to settle, towards the end of the fourth century BC, in the midst of the Iberian and Gallic Peoples, and there is nothing to show that the newcomers lived worse with their neighbors than the latter had previously lived together. It is evident that amongst all these Peoples, whatever may have been the diversity of origin, there was sufficient similitude of social condition and manners to make agreement a matter neither very difficult nor very long to accomplish. On the other hand, and as a natural's consequence, it was precarious and often of short duration. Iberian, Gallic, or Kimrians as they might be, those Peoples underwent frequent displacements, forced or voluntary, to escape from the attacks of a more powerful neighbor, to find new pastorage, in consequence of internal dissension, or perhaps for the mere pleasure of warfare and running risks, and to be delivered from the tediousness of a monotonous life. From the earliest times to the first century before the Christian era, Gallic appears a prey to this incessant and disorderly movement of the population. They change settlement and neighborhood, disappear from one point and reappear at another, cross one another, avoid one another, absorb and are absorbed, and the movement was not confined within Gall. The Galls of every race went, sometimes in very numerous hordes, to seek far away plunder and a settlement. Spain, Italy, Germany, Greece, Asia Minor, and Africa have been in turn the seerder of those Gallic expeditions which entailed long wars, grant displacements of people, and sometimes the formation of new nations. Let us make a slight acquaintance with this outer history of the Galls, for it is well worth while to follow them in space upon their distant wanderings. We will then return to the soil of France and concern ourselves only with what has passed within her boundaries. The Galls, out of Gall, Part I. Galls of Gall crossed the Alps and penetrated to the center of Etruria, which is nowadays Tuscany. The Etruscans, being then at war with Rome, proposed to take them, armed and equipped as they had come, into their own pay. If you want our hands, answer the Galls against your enemies, the Romans, here they are at your service, but on one condition, give us lands. A century afterwards, other Gallic hordes, descending in like manner upon Italy, had commenced building houses and tiling fields along the Yadriatic, on the territory where afterwards was Aqualia. The Roman Senate decreed that their settlements should be opposed, and that they should be summoned to give up their implements and even their arms. Without being in a position to resist, the Galls sent representatives to Rome. They, being introduced to the Senate, said, quote, the multitude of people in Gall, the want of lands, and necessity, forced us to cross the Alps to seek a home. We saw planes uncultivated and uninhabited. We settled there without doing any one harm. We asked nothing but lands. We will live peacefully on them, under the laws of the Republic, end quote. Again, a century later, or thereabouts, some Gallic chemrions mingled with two-tons or Germans, and said also to the Roman Senate, quote, give us a little land as pay, and do what you please, with our hands and weapons, end quote. Out of Rome, and means of subsistence have, in fact, been the principal causes which have at all times thrust barbarous people, and especially the Galls, out of their fatherland. An immense extent of country is required for indolent hordes who live chiefly upon the produce of Chase and of their flocks, and when there is no longer enough of forest or pastureage for the families that become too numerous, there is a swarm from the hive, and they search for livelihood elsewhere. The Galls emigrated in every direction to find, as they say, rivers and lands. They marched from north to south and from east to west. They crossed at one time the Rhine, at another the Alps, at another the Pyrenees. More than fifteen centuries BC, they had already thrown themselves into Spain. After many fights, no doubt, West the Iberians established between the Pyrenees and the Garon. They penetrated the north-westwards to the northern point of the peninsula, into the province which received from them, and still bears the name of Gallica. South-eastwards to the southern point, between the river Annas, nowadays Guadiana, and the ocean, where they founded a little Celtica, and centerwards and southwards, from Castile to Andalusia, where the amalgamation of two races brought about the creation of a new people, that on the place in history, as Celtic Iberians, and twelve centuries after those events, about two twenty BC, we find the Gallic peopleate, which had planted itself in the south of Portugal, energetically defending its independence against the neighboring Carthaginian colonies. In Dorces, their chief, conquered and taken prisoner, was beaten with rods, and hung upon the cross, in the sights of his army, after having had his eyes put out by command of Hamilcar Barca, the Carthaginian general. But the Gallic slave took care to avenge him, by assassinating, some years after, at a hunting-party, Hasdrubal, son-in-law of Hamilcar, who had succeeded to the command. The slave was put to the torture, but indimitable in his hatred, he died insulting the Africans. A little after the Gallic invasion of Spain, and by reason perhaps, of that very moment, in the first half of the fourteenth century BC, another vast horde of Gauls, who called themselves Anahra, Ambra, Ambrans, that is, Braves, crossed the Alps, occupied northern Italy, descended even to the brink of the Tiber, and conferred the name of Ambria, or Ambria, on the country where they founded their dominion. If ancient accounts might be trusted, this dominion was glorious and flourishing. From Ambria numbered, they say, three hundred and fifty-eight towns. But falsehood, according to the eastern proverb, lurks by the cradle of nations. At a much later epoch, in the second century BC, fifteen towns of Liguria containing altogether, as we learn from Livy, but twenty thousand souls, it is plain then, what must really have been, even admitting their existence, the three hundred and fifty-eight towns of Ambria. However, at the end of two or three centuries, this Gallic colony succumbed beneath the superior power of the Etruscans, another set of invaders from Eastern Europe, perhaps from the north of Greece, who founded in Italy a mighty empire. The Ambrans, or Ambrans, were driven out or subjugated. Nevertheless, some of their peoplets, preserving their name and manners, remained in the mountains of Upper Italy, where they were to be subsequently discovered by fresh and more celebrated Gallic invasions. Those just spoken of are of such antiquity and obscurity that we note their place in history without being able to say how they came to feel it. It is only with the sixth century before our era that we light upon the really historical expeditions of the Gauls away from Gaul, those in fact, of which we may follow the course and estimate the effects. Towards the year 587 B.C., almost at the very moment when the Vossians had just founded Marseille, two great Gallic hordes got in motion at the same time, and crossed, one the Rhine, the other the Alps, making one for Germany, the other for Italy. The former followed the course of the Danube and settled in Elyria, on the right spank of the river. It is too much perhaps to say that they settled. The greater part of them continued wandering and fighting, sometimes amalgamating with the peoplets they encountered, sometimes chasing them and exterminating them, whilst themselves were incessantly pushed forward by fresh bands coming also from Gaul, thus marching and spreading, leaving here and there on their route, along the rivers and in the valleys of the Alps, tribes that remained and founded peoples. The Gauls had arrived towards the year 34 B.C. at the confines of Macedonia, at the time when Alexander, the son of Philip, who was already famous, was advancing to the same point to restrain the ravages of the neighbouring tribes, perhaps of the Gauls themselves. From curiosity or a desire to make terms with Alexander, certain Gauls betook themselves to his camp. He treated them well, made them sit at his table, took pleasure in exhibiting his magnificence before them, and in the midst of his carousel made his interpreter ask them what they were most afraid of. We fear not, they answered, unless it be the fall of heavens, but we set above everything the friendship of a man like thee. The Celts are proud, said Alexander to his Macedonians, and he promised them his friendship. On the deaths of Alexander, the Gauls, as mercenaries, entered in Europe and Asia the service of the kings who had been his generals. Ever greedy, fierce, and passionate, they were almost equally dangerous as auxiliaries and as neighbours. Antigonus, king of Macedonia, was to pay the ban he had enrolled a gold-piece ahead. They brought their wives and children with them, and at the end of the campaign they claimed to pay for their following, as well as for themselves. We were promised, said they, a gold-piece ahead for each Gaul, and these are also Gauls. Before long they tired of fighting the battles of another. Their power accumulated. Fresh hordes, in great numbers, arrived amongst them about the year 281 B.C. They had before them threes, Macedonia, Thessaly, Greece, rich, but distracted and weakened by civil strife. They affected an entrance at several points, devastating, plundering, loading their cars with beauty, and dividing their prisoners into two parts. One offered in sacrifice to their Gauls, the other, strung up to trees, and abandoned to the Gaes and Matars, or javelins and pikes of the conquerors. Like all Barbarians, they, both for pleasure and on principle, added insolence to ferocity. Their Bren, or most famous chieftain, whom the Latins and Greeks called Brenus, dragged in his train Macedonian prisoners, short, mean, and with shaven heads, and exhibiting them beside Gallic warriors. Tall, robust, long-haired, adorned with chains of gold, said, This is what we are. That is what our enemies are. Ptolemy the Thunderbolt, king of Macedonia, received with hotness their first message, requiring of him a ransom for his dominions if he wished to preserve peace. Tell those who sent you, he replied to the Gallic deputation, to lay down their arms and give up to Ptolemy their chieftains. I will then see what peace I can grant them. On the return of the deputation, the Gauls were moved to Lafter. He shall soon see, said they, whether it was in his interest or our own, that we offered him peace. And indeed, in the first engagement, neither the famous Macedonian phalanx nor the elephant he rode could save King Ptolemy. The phalanx was broken, the elephant riddled with javelins, the king himself taken, killed, and his head marched about the field of battle on the top of a pike. Macedonia was in consternation. There was a general flight from the open country, and the gates of the towns were closed. The people, says an historian, cursed the folly of King Ptolemy, and invoked the names of Philip and Alexander, the guardian deities of their land. Three years later, another and a more formidable invasion came bursting upon Thessaly and Greece. It was, according to the unquestionably exaggerated account of the ancient historians, two hundred thousand strong, and commanded by that famous ferocious and insolent Brannis mentioned before. His idea was to strike a blow which should simultaneously enrich the Gauls and stun the Greeks. He meant to plunder the temple at Delphi, the most venerated place in all Greece, with a float from century to century all kinds of offerings, and where, no doubt, enormous treasure was deposited. Such was, in the opinion of the day, the sanctity of the place that, on the rumour of the projected profanation, several Greeks essayed to divert the Gallic brand himself by appealing to superstitious fears. But his answer was, the gods have no need of wealth. It is they who distributed to men. All Greece was moved. The nations of the Peloponnes closed the Isthmus of currents by a wall. Outside of the Isthmus, the Beotians, Facidians, Locrians, Megarians, and Italians formed a coalition under the leadership of the Athenians. And, as their ancestors had done scarcely two hundred years before against the Xerxes and the Persians, they advanced in all haste to the pass of Thermopylae to stop there the new Barbarians. And for several days they did stop them. And instead of three hundred heroes as of Yor in the case of Leonidas and his Spartans, only forty Greeks, they say, fell in the first engagement. Amongst them was a young Athenian, Sidius by name, whose shield was hung in the temple of Zeus the Saviour, at Essence, with this inscription. This shield, dedicated to Zeus, is that of a valiant man, Sidius. It still bewails its young master for the first time. He bear it on his left arm when terrible heirs crush the Gauls. But soon, just as in the case of the Persians, traitors guided Brennis and his Gauls across the mountain paths, the position of Thermopylae was turned. The Greek army owed its safety to the Athenian Gauls, and by evening of the same day the Barbarians appeared in sight of Delphi. Brennis would have led them at once to the assault. He showed them to excite them. The statues, vases, cars, monuments of every kind laden with gold, which adorned the approaches of the town and of the temple. His pure gold, massive gold, was the news he had spread in every direction. But the very cupidity he provoked was against his plan. For the Gauls fell out to plunder. He had to put off the assault until tomorrow. The night was passed in irregularities and orgies. The Greeks, on the contrary, prepared with ardour for the fight. Their enthusiasm was intense.  They committed murder and devastation like Dauls. They left their dead on the field without burial. They engaged in battle without consulting priests or augur. It was not only their goods, but their families, their life, the honour of their country and the sanctuary of their religion that the Greeks were defending, and they might rely on the protection of the gods. The oracle of Apollo had answered, I and the white virgins will provide for this matter. The people surrounded the temple, and the priests supported and encouraged the people. During the night, small bodies of Aetolians, Amphicians and Phocidians arrived one after another. Four thousand men had joined with Delphi. When the Gallic bands in the morning began to mount the narrow and rough incline which led up to the town, the Greeks rained down from above a deluge of stones and other missiles. The Gauls recoiled, but recovered themselves. The besieged fell back on the nearest streets of the town, leaving open the approach to the temple, upon which the barbarians threw themselves. The pillage of the shrines had just commenced when the sky looked threatening. A storm burst forth, the thunder echoed, the rain fell, the hail rattled. Readily taking advantage of this incident, the priests and the augurs salied from the temple closed in their sacred garments. With hair disheveled and sparkling eyes, proclaiming the advent of the god, as he we saw him shoot a thwart to the temple's vault, which opened under his feet, and with him were two virgins who issued from the temples of Artemis and Athena. We saw them with our eyes. We heard the twang of their bows and the clash of their armor. Hearing these cries and the roar of the tempest, the Greeks dashed on. The Gauls are panic-striking and rush headlong down the bill. The Greeks push on in pursuit. Rumors of fresh apparitions are spread. Three heroes, Hyporochus, Laudochus and Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, have issued from their tombs hard by the temple and are thrusting at the Gauls with their lances. The rout was speedy in general. The barbarians rushed to the cover of their camp, but the camp was attacked next morning by the Greeks from the town and by reinforcements from the country places. Brenes and the picked warriors about him made a gallant resistance, but defeat was a foregun conclusion. Brenes was wounded, and his comrades bore him off the field. The barbarian army passed the whole day in flight. During the ensuing night, a new axis of terror seized them. They again took flight. And four days after the passage of Thermopylae, some scattered bands, forming scarcely a third of those who had marched on Delphi, rejoined the division which had remained behind, some leaks from the town, in the plains watered by the Sufisius.  Then he called for wine, drank himself drunk, and stabbed himself. Such a did cut the throats of the wounded and traversed flying and fighting in the mountains of the city of Sassoli and Macedonia, and on returning whence they had set out the galls dispersed, some to settle at foot of a neighbouring mountain under the command of a chieftain named Bethanat, or Bethanat, i.e. son of the wild boar, others to march back towards their own country, the greatest part, to resume the same life of incursion and adventure. But they changed the scene of operations. Greece, Macedonia, and Thrace were exhausted by pillage, and made a leak to resist. About 278 B.C., the galls crossed the helispont and passed into Asia Minor, there, at one time in the pay of the kings of Vithinia, Pergamos, Cappadocia, and Syria, or of the free commercial cities which were struggling against the kings, at an order carrying on wars with their own account. They wandered for more than thirty years, divided into three great hordes, which parceled out to the territories among themselves, overran and plundered them during the fine weather, changed themselves during winter in their camp of cars, or in some fortified place, sold their services to the highest bidder, changed masters according to interest or inclination, and by their bravery became the terror of these effeminate populations and the arbiters of these petty states. At last both princes and people grew weary, and Chiochis, king of Syria, attacked one of the three bands, that of the Tectosagians, conquered it, and cantoned it in a district of Upper Frigia.  The victories of Talus over the Gauls excited veritable enthusiasm. He was celebrated as a special envoy from Zeus. He took the title of king, which his predecessors had not hitherto borne. He had his battles showily painted, and that he might triumph at the same time both in Europe and Asia. He sent one of the pictures to Athens, where it was still to be seen three centuries afterwards, hanging upon the wall of the citadel. Forced to remain stationary, the Gallic Hordes became a people, the Galatians, and the country they occupied was called Galatia. They lived there some fifty years, aloof from the indigenous population of Greeks and Frigians, whom they kept in an almost servile condition, preserving their warlike and barbarous habits, resuming sometimes their mercenary service, and becoming once more the bulwark or the terror of neighboring states. But at the beginning of the second century before our era, the Romans had entered Asia in pursuit of their great enemy Hannibal. They had just beaten near Magnesia and Chilchis, king of Syria. In his army they had encountered men of lofty stature, with hair light or dyed red, half naked, marching to the fight with loud cries, and terrible at the first onset. They recognized the galls, and resolved to destroy or subdue them. The consul, Gris Manlius, had the duty and the honor. Attacked in their strongholds on Mount Olympus and Mount Magaba, 189 B.C., the three Gallic bands, after a short but stout resistance, were conquered and subjugated, and then fought, losing all national importance, they amalgamated little by little with the Asiatic populations around them. From time to time they are still seen to reappear with their primitive manners and passions. Rome humored them. Mithridates had them for allies in his long struggle with the Romans. He kept them by a Galatian guard, and when he sought death, and poison filled him. It was the captain of the guard, a goal named Bituitus, whom he asked to run him through. That is the last historical event with which no Gallic name is found associated in Asia. Nevertheless, the amalgamation of the goals of Galatia with the natives always remained very imperfect, for towards the end of the fourth century of the Christian era, they did not speak Greek, as the latter did, but their national tongue. That of the Kimberal Belgians, and Saint Jerome testifies that it differed very little from that which was spoken in Belgica itself, in the region of Troves. And of Chapter 2, Part 1. Section 3 of Volume 1 of a popular history of France, from the earliest times. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by J. C. Guarn. Volume 1 of a popular history of France from the earliest times by François Guizot, translated by Robert Black. Chapter 2. The Goals Out of Gaul. Part 2. The Romans had good grounds for keeping a watchful eye, from the time they met them, upon the Gauls, and for dreading them particularly. At the time when they determined to pursue them into the mountains of Asia Minor, they were just at the close of a desperate struggle maintained against them for four hundred years, in Italy itself. A struggle, says Salist, in which it was a question, not of glory, but of existence, for Rome. It was but just now remarked that at the beginning of the sixth century before our era, whilst under their chiefs and sygovises, the Gaelic bands whose history has occupied the last few pages were crossing the Rhine and entering Germany, other bands under the command of Bolovisus, were traversing the Alps and swarming into Italy. From 587 to 521 BC, five Gaelic expeditions formed of Gaelic, Chimeric, and Ligurian tribes followed the same route, and invaded successively the two banks of the Poe, the bottomless river as they called it. The Etruscans, who had long before, it will be remembered, themselves rested that country from a people of Gaelic origin, the Umbrians or Umbrians, could not make head against the new conquerors, aided, may be, by the remains of the old population. The well-built towns, the cultivation of the country, the ports and canals that had been dug, nearly all these labours of Etruscan civilization disappeared beneath the footsteps of these barbarous hordes that knew only how to destroy, and one of which gave its chief in the name of Hurricane, Eliotus, Elidov. Scarcely five Etruscan towns, Mantua and Ravenna, amongst others, escaped the disaster. The Gauls also founded towns such as Mediolanum, Milan, Brixia, Brescia, Verona, Bononia, Bologna, Senegalica, Sinigatria, etc. But for a long while they were no more than entrenched camps, fortified places where the population shut themselves up in case of necessity. Quote, they, as a general rule, struggled about the country, says Polybius, the most correct and clear-sighted of the ancient historians, slipping on grass or straw, living on nothing but meat, busying themselves about nothing but war and ill-little husbandry, and counting as riches, nothing but flocks and gold, the only goods that can be carried away at pleasure and on every occasion, and quote. During nearly thirty years, the Gauls thus scoured not only upper Italy, which they had almost to themselves, but all the eastern coast, and up to the head of the peninsula, encountering along the Adriatic, and in the rich and effeminate cities of Magna Graecia, Sebaris, Tarentum, Crotona, and Locri, no enemy capable of resisting them. But in the year 391 B.C., finding themselves cooped up in their territory, a strong bond of Gauls crossed the Apennines and went to demand from the Etruscans of Clusium the session of a portion of their lands. The only answer Clusium made was to close her gates. The Gauls formed up around the walls. Clusium asked help from Rome, with whom notwithstanding the rivalry between the Etruscan and Roman nations, she had lately been on good terms. The Romans promised first their good offices, with the Gauls, afterwards material support, and thus were brought face to face those two peoples, fated to continue for four centuries a struggle which was to be ended only by the complete subjection of Gaul. The details of that struggle belong especially to Roman history. They have been transmitted to us only by Roman historians. And the Romans, it was who were left ultimately in possession of the battlefield, that is, of Italy. It well suffice here to make known the general march of events, and the most characteristic incidents. Poor distinct periods may be recognized in this history, and each marks a different phase in the course of events, and so to speak, an act of the drama. During the first period, which lasted forty-two years from 391 to 349 B.C., the Gauls carried on a war of aggression and conquest against Rome. Not that such had been the original design. On the contrary, they replied when the Romans offered intervention between them and Clusium. We asked only for lands, of which we are in need, and Clusium has more than she can cultivate. Of the Romans we know very little, but we believe then to be a brave people since the Etruscans put themselves under their protection. Remain spectators of our accrual. We will settle it before your eyes, that you may report at home how far above other men the Gauls are in valor. But when they saw their pretensions repudiated and themselves treated with outrageous disdain, the Gauls left the deceit of Clusium on the spot, and set out for Rome, not stopping for plunder, and proclaiming everywhere on their march, we are bound for Rome, we make war on none but Romans. And when they encountered the Roman army on the 16th of July, 390 B.C., at the confluence of the Alia and the Tiber, half a day's march from Rome, they abruptly struck up their war chant and threw themselves upon their enemies. It is well known how they gained the day, how they entered Rome, and found none but a few greybeards who, being unable or willing to leave their abode, had remained seated in the vestibule on their chairs of ivory, with truncheons of ivory in their hands, and decorated with the insignia of the public offices they had filled. All the people of Rome had fled, and were wandering over the country, or seeking a refuge amongst neighbouring peoples. Only the Senate and a thousand warriors had shut themselves up in the capital, a citadel which commanded the city. The Gauls kept them besieged there for seven months. The circumstances of this celebrated siege are well known, though they have been a little embellished by the Roman historians. Not that they have spoken too highly of the Romans themselves, who in the day of their country's disaster showed admirable courage, perseverance, and hopefulness. Pontius Cominius, who traversed the Gallic camp, swam the Tiber, and scaled by night the heights of the capital, to go and carry news to the Senate. Marcus Manlius, who was the first, and for some moments the only one to hold in check from the citadel's walls, the Gauls on the point of effecting an entrance, and Marcus Furius Camilius, who had been banished from Rome the preceding year, and had taken refuge in the town of Ardia, and who instantly took the field for his country, rallied the Roman fugitives, and incessantly harassed the Gauls, our true heroes, who have earned their weed of glory. Let no man seek to lower them in public esteem. Noble actions are so beautiful, and the actors often receive so little recompense, that we are at least bound to hold sacred the honour attached to their name. The Roman historians have done no more than justice in extolling the saviours of Rome. But their memory would have suffered no loss had the whole truth been made known, and the claims of national vanity are not of the same weight as the duty one owes to truth. Now it is certain that Camilius did not gain such decisive advantages over the Gauls as the Roman accounts would lead one to believe, and that the deliverance of Rome was much less complete. On the 13th of February 389 B.C., the Gauls it is true, allowed their retreat to be purchased by the Romans, and they experienced, as they retired, certain checks whereby they lost the part of their booty. But twenty-three years afterwards they are found in Latium scouring in every direction the outlying country of Rome, without the Romans daring to go out and fight them. It was only at the end of five years, in the year 361 B.C., that the very city being menaced anew, the legions marched out to meet the enemy. Surprised at this audacity says Polybius, the Gauls fell back but merely a few leagues from Rome to the environs of Tiber, and thence, for the space of twelve years, they attacked the Roman territory renewing the campaign every year, often reaching the very gates of the city, and being repulsed indeed, but never further than Tiber and its slopes. Rome, however, made great effort every war with the Gauls was previously pro-climely tumult, which involved a levy en masse of the citizens without any exemption, even for old men and priests. A treasure specially dedicated to Gallic wars was laid by in the capital, and religious denunciations of the most awful kind hung over the head of whoever should dare to touch it, no matter what the exegency might be. To this epoch belong those marvels of daring recorded in Roman tradition, those acts of heroism tinged with fable, which are met with, among so many peoples, either in their earliest age or in their days of great peril. In the year 361 B.C., Titus Manlius, son of him who had saved the capital from the night attack of the Gauls, and twelve years later, Marcus Valerius, a young military tribune, were, it will be remembered, the two Roman heroes who vanquished in single combat the two Gallic giants who insolently defied Rome. The gratitude towards them was general, and of long duration. For two centuries afterward, in the year 167 B.C., the head of the Gaul with his tongue out still appeared at Rome above the shop of a money-changer on a circular signboard called the Kimrian Shield, Scrutum Kimberiam. After seventeen years' stay in Latium, the Gauls at last withdrew, and returned to their adopted country in those lovely valleys of the Poe, which already bore the name of Cisalpan Gaul. They began to get disgusted with a wandering life. Their population multiplied, their towns spread, their fields were better cultivated, their manners became less barbarous. For fifty years there was scarcely any trace of hostility or even contact between them and the Romans. But at the beginning of the third century of a four-hour era, the coalition of the Sumnites and Etruscans against Rome was near its climax. They eagerly pressed the Gauls to join, and the latter assented easily. Then commenced the second period of struggles between the two peoples. Rome had taken breath, and had grown much more rapidly than her rivals. Instead of shutting herself up as their two foe was in her walls, she forthwith raised three armies, took the offensive against the coalitionists, and carried the war into their territory. The Etruscans rushed to the defense of their hearts. The two consuls, Fabius and Dysius, immediately attacked the Sumnites and Gauls at the foot of the Apennines, close to Santinum, now Santina. The battle was just beginning, when a hind pursued by a wolf from the mountains passed in flight between the two armies, and threw herself upon the side of the Gauls, who slew her. The wolf turned towards the Romans, who let him go. Comrades, cried the soldier, flight and death are round the side where you see stretched on the ground the hind of Diana. The wolf belongs to Mars, he is unwounded, and reminds us of our father and founder. We shall conquer even as he. Nevertheless, the battle went badly for the Romans. Several legions were in flight, and Dysius strove vainly to rally them. The memory of his father came across his mind. There was a belief amongst the Romans that if in the midst of an unsuccessful engagement the general devoted himself to the infernal gods, panic and flight passed forthwith to the enemy's ranks. Why daily? said Dysius to the Grand Pontiff, whom he had ordered to follow him, and keep at his side in the flight. It is given to our race to die to avert public disasters. He halted, placed a javelin beneath his feet, and covering his head with a fold of his robe, and supporting his chin on his right hand, repeated after the Pontiff the sacred form of words. Janus, Jupiter, our father Mars, Quenrius, Volona, Laris, ye gods, in whose power are we? We and our enemies. God's means, ye I adore, ye I pray, ye I adjure to give strength and victory to the Roman people, the children of couriness, and to send confusion, panic and death amongst the enemies of the Roman people, the children of couriness, and in these words for the republic of the children of couriness, for the army, for the legions, and for the allies of the Roman people. I devote to the gods' means, and to the grave the legions and the allies of the enemy and myself. Then remounting, Dysius charged into the middle of the Gauls, where he soon fell pierced with wounds, but the Romans recovered courage and gained the day, for heroism and piety have power over the hearts of men, so that at the moment of admiration they become capable of imitation. During this second period, Rome was more than once in danger. In the year 283 BC, the Gauls destroyed one of her armies near Eretzium, Eretza, and advanced to the Roman frontier, saying, We are bound for Rome, the Gauls know how to take it. Seventy-two years afterwards the Cisalpine Gauls swore they would not put off their barterics till they had mounted the capital, and they arrived within three days' march of Rome. At every appearance of this formidable enemy, the alarm at Rome was great. The senate raised all its forces and summoned its allies. The people demanded a consultation of the Sibyline books, sacred volumes sold, it was said, to Tarquinius Pristius by the Sibyl Amalsia, and containing the secret of the destinies of the Republic. They were actually opened in the year 228 BC, and it was with horror found that the Gauls would twice take possession of the soil of Rome. On the advice of the priests, there was dug within the city in the middle of the cattle market a huge pit, in which two Gauls, a man and a woman, were entombed alive, for thus they took possession of the soil of Rome. The oracle was fulfilled, and the mishap averted. Thirteen years afterwards, on occasion of the disaster at Caen, the same atrocity was again committed, at the same place, and for the same cause. And by a strange contrast, there was at the committing of this barbarous act, quote, which was against Roman usage, end quote, says Livy, a secret feeling of horror, for to appease the mains of the victims, a sacrifice was instituted, which was celebrated every year at the pit, in the month of November, in spite of sometimes urgent peril, in spite of popular alarms. Rome, during the course of this period, from 299 to 258 BC, maintained an increasing ascendancy over the Gauls. She always cleared them of her territory, several times ravaged theirs, on the two banks of the Po, called respectively Transpedan and Cispedan Gaul. And gained the majority of the great battles she had to fight. Finally, in the year 283 BC, the proprietor juices, after having ravaged the country of the synonic Gauls, carried off the very ingots and jewels, it was said, which had been given to their ancestors as the price of their retreat. Solemn proclamation was made that the ransom of the capital had returned within its walls, and sixty years afterwards, the consul Marcus Claudius Marcellus, having defeated at Clastridium a numerous army of Gauls, and with his own hands lain their general, Verdumar, had the honor of dedicating to the temple of Jupiter the third grand spoils taken since the foundation of Rome, and of ascending the capital, himself conveying the armor of Verdumar, for he had got hewn an oaken trunk, round which he had arranged the helmet, tunic, and breast piece of the barbarian king. Nor was war Rome's only weapon against her enemies. Besides the ability of her generals and the discipline of her legions, she had the sagacity of her senate. The Gauls were not wanting in intelligence or dexterity, but being too free to go quietly under a master's hand, and too barbarious for self-government. Carried away as they were, by the interest or passion of the moment, they could not long act either in concert or with sameness of purpose. Far sightedness, and the spirit of persistence were, on the contrary, the familiar virtues of the Roman senate. So soon as they had penetrated Cisalpine Gaul, they labored to gain there a permanent footing, either by sowing dissension amongst the Gallic peopleates that lived there, or by founding Roman colonies. In the year 283 B.C. several Roman families arrived, with colors flying, and under the guidance of three triumbres, or commissioners, on a territory to the northeast, on the borders of the Adriatic. The triumbres had a round-hole dug, and there deposited some fruits and a handful of earth brought from Roman soil.  The rest followed, flinging within the line the ridges thrown up by the plow. When the line was finished, the ball and the hyfer were sacrificed with dew-pump. It was a Roman colony come to settle at Sena, on the very site of the chief town of those synonic Gauls who had been conquered and driven out. Fifteen years afterwards, another Roman colony was founded at Ariminium, Rimini, on the frontier of the Golden Gauls. Fifty years later still, two others, on the two banks of the Poe, Cremona and Placentia, Plaisance. Rome had then, in the midst of her enemies, garrisons, magazines of arms and provisions, and means of supervision and communication. Then proceeded at one time troops and another intrigues, to carry this may or disunion amongst the Gauls. Towards the close of the third century before our era, the triumphs of Rome and Cisalban Gaul seemed nigh to accomplishment, when news arrived that the Roman's most formidable enemy, Hannibal, meditating a passage from Africa into Italy by Spain and Gaul, was already at work by his emissaries, to ensure for his enterprise the concurrence of the Transalpine and Cisalban Gauls. The Senate ordered the envoys they had just then at Carthage to traverse Gaul on returning, and seek out allies there against Hannibal. The envoys halted amongst the Galo-Iberian peopleates who lived at the foot of the eastern Pyrenees. There, in the midst of the warriors assembled in arms, they charged them in the name of the great and powerful Roman people, not to suffer the Carthaginians, to pass through their territory. Tumult's laughter arose at a request that appeared so strange. You wish us, was the answer, to draw down war upon ourselves, to avert it from Italy, and to give our own fields over to devastation to save yours. We have no cause to complain of the Carthaginians, or to be placed with the Romans, or to take up arms for Romans and against the Carthaginians. We, on the contrary, hear that the Roman people drive out from their lands in Italy, men of our nation, in post-tribute upon them, and make them undergo other indignities. So the envoys of Rome quit at Gaul without allies. Hannibal, on the other hand, did not meet with all the favor and all the enthusiasm he had anticipated. Between the Pyrenees and the Alps several peopleates united with him, and several showed coldness or even hostility, and his passage of the Alps the mountain tribes harassed him incessantly. Indeed, in Cisalpine Gaul itself there was great division and hesitation, for Rome had succeeded in inspiring her partisans with confidence and her enemies with fear. Hannibal was often obliged to resort to force even against the Gauls whose alliance he courted, and to ravage their lands in order to drive them to take up arms. Nay, at the conclusion of an alliance, and in the very camp of the Carthaginians, the Gauls sometimes hesitated still, and sometimes rose against Hannibal, accused him of ravaging their country, and refused to obey his orders. However, the delights of victory and of pillage at last brought into full play the Cisalpine Gauls' natural hatred for Rome. After Tessinius and Trebia, Hannibal had no more zealous and devoted troops. At the battle of Lake Tracemine he lost fifteen hundred men, nearly all Gauls, and that of Canine. He had thirty thousand of them, forming two-thirds of his army, and at the moment of action they cast away their tunics and checkered cloaks, similar to the plays of the Gauls or Scottish Highlanders, and fought naked from the belt upwards, according to their custom when they meant to conquer or die. Of five thousand and five hundred men that the victory of Canine cost Hannibal, four thousand were Gauls. All Cisalpine Gauls was moved. Enthusiasm was at its height, new bands hurried off to recruit the army of the Carthaginian who, by dint of patience and genius, brought Rome with an acre of destruction, with the assistance almost entirely of the barbarians he had come to seek at her gates, and whom he had at first found so cowed and so vacillating. When the day of reverses came, and Rome had recovered her ascendancy, the Gauls were faithful to Hannibal, and when at length he was forced to return to Africa, the Gaulic bands, whether from despair or attachment, followed him thither. In the year two hundred BC, at the famous battle of Zama, which decided matters between Rome and Carthage, they again formed a third of the Carthaginian army, and showed that they were, in the words of Livy, quote, inflamed by that innate hatred towards the Romans, which is peculiar to their race. Ends quote. This was the third period of the struggle between the Gauls and the Romans in Italy. Rome, well advised by this terrible war of the danger with which she was ever menaced by the Cisalpine Gauls, formed the resolution of no longer restraining them, but of subduing them and conquering their territory. She spent thirty years, from two hundred to one seventy BC, in the execution of this design, proceeding by means of war, of founding Roman colonies, and of sowing dissension amongst the Gaulic peoplets. In vain did the two principal, the Boyans and the Insubrians, and they were to rouse and rally all the rest. Some hesitated, some absolutely refused, and remained neutral. The resistance was obstinate. The Gauls, driven from their fields and their towns, established themselves as their ancestors had done, in the forests, once they emerged only to fall furiously upon the Romans. And then, if the engagement were indecisive, if any legions weavered, the Roman centurions hurled their colors into the midst of the enemy, and the legendaries dashed on at all risks to recover them. At Parma and Bologna, in the towns taken from the Gauls, Roman colonies came at once and planted themselves. Day by day did Rome advance. At Lunt, in the year 190 BC, the wrecks of the 112 tribes which had formed the nation of the Boyans, unable any longer to resist, and unwilling to submit, rose as one man, and departed from Italy. The Senate, with its usual wisdom, multiplied the number of Roman colonies in the conquered territory, treated with moderation the tribes that submitted, and gave to Cisalpine Gaul, the name of Cisalpine, or Hither Gallic Province, which was afterwards changed for that of Gaulia Togata, or Roman Gaul. Then, declaring that nature herself had placed the Alps between Gaul and Italy as an insurmountable barrier, the Senate pronounced a curse on whosoever should attempt to cross it. End of Chapter 2


Goodie, my mind is blown. That song was simply incredible. Now tell me, what's going through your mind when you write a song like that? Thank you so much. I guess it's a feeling that I just get from the situation that we are all in now. And this has been really challenging. It's been now a long time where you are basically just staying at home and not able to do the things that you want to do. So it's obviously hard for everybody. So I think that was the feeling that I got into this song and the lyrics and just wanted to try and spread out some positive things now in these days that it's hard for everybody. Well, I think it's safe to say that you put a lot of positive points in that song. It really was mind-blowingly good to me. When did you realise that you had such a musical talent? Because that song surprised me and I think it surprised a lot of our supporters. I think I realised that when I was quite young, music has always been around me. My brother is a musician. My father plays the guitar and my mother sings or she thinks that she can sing at least. No, no, I'm joking. She sings and this has been around me from early age and I used to play in bands when I was younger. When I lived back home in Iceland, then I became a pro soccer player and then I kind of just took a break from music because I really wanted to focus on my career as an athlete. And now I'm here in New York playing for a great team and the last two years I've kind of been opening up the door again to sing more and try to write music because that's what I love to do and you obviously have a lot of free times as a soccer player as you know. So and that's what I like to use my free time to do. That's to create and write music and yeah, I've even released an album in Iceland so I've known this for quite an early age that I could sing and play music and I really enjoy it. You're in the greatest city for it. I mean the media attention. We love entertainers in New York City. That is for sure. What was it that draw your attention to come to New York City and play for NYCFC? Everything. It's obviously a young club but still what I've seen and I spoke to Anton before I came. What he had to say was just everything was so positive with the club and how they take care of everything and the quality of the players. And I've been, yeah, it hasn't been the dream start for me. I obviously got injured the first training back with New York, back when we were in New York and then as soon as I'm ready this virus comes up so life is definitely asking me a question if I mean business or not. But I mean business so I really want to focus on the football as well or soccer and I want to show my best on the soccer pitch and then all the extras that comes with it living in New York being able to experience Manhattan. That's just a bonus and amazing bonus obviously and then I really want to do something with the music as well but I'm really focused on not letting the music take over as being a professional athlete. But I know that music gives me a lot of good energy so if I can use that to become an even better soccer player that's the perfect mix in a sense.  The song was brilliant, the writing and words were incredible. But what can the fans expect from you on the field as a player, as a soccer player? We're all dying to see you. What I can promise is that I will give 100%. I think that's just in the Icelandic DNA to work hard and to be a team player. That I can promise 100% because that is just something except how you get onto the pitch and you're willing to work hard and you're willing to give everything for the team. Then if everything works out I know that I'm technically gifted with the ball and I have a good left foot and a good understanding of the game. And what I've seen with the players that we have here, so many good players so I think that I will fit in perfectly with the rest of the team. And I'm just really looking forward to get out there and win games. And I think that's probably the most challenging part in the daily life right now that you're trying to live because we only have right now what we have. It's all about now. Now I'm just focusing on having a great discussion with you and this is what we have. But there are definitely times when you've been alone in your apartment for I don't know how long that your mind starts to wonder and think about this other stuff. And as an athlete you're obviously used to these endorphin kicks and adrenaline kicks from playing a game, from being on practice, from being competitive. That's definitely the most challenging part. But I'm just so excited to get on the pitch again and just show what I can do instead of talking about it because I always feel like it's better to show what you can do instead of saying it. Well I think it's safe to say that I speak for all NYC FC fans that we're super excited to see you at Yankee Stadium and maybe now some fans are also excited to see you perform at Madison Square Gardens in front of a packed out fan for a concert. Thank you Goody for your time. Thank you so much. Take care.