Ang tutulan ko'y pag-apuha. I'll assure you that this is not a precipice. That I have ways for all the topics. Isang mampagpalay ang araw sila hat. Ako si Luigi Lers Aluano mula sa Departamento na agampan lipunan ng Universidad ng Pilipinas Mindanao. At ako ang magihinguro ng pala puntunan natin ngayong araw. Naglaan ang UP System ng Isang Linggong Pagunita sa Anibarasadyo ng Deklarasyon ng Batas Militar. Ang tema ng UP Days of Remembrance 2021 ay Dambana ng Gunita, Mga Batayang Katutuhanan at Aral ng Batas Militar. Minubuo ito ng mga seri ng webinar na tumatalakay sa mga realidad ng pumumuhay natin sa ilalim ng Batas Militar. Nitoong nakaraang lunes, tinalakay natin ang iba't ibang halimbawa ng panilin lang at manipulasyon na gawa ni Marcos at nang kanyang mga kapanalig upang isulong ang kanilang mga interest. Kahapun naman, pinagusapan natin ang tunay nakalagayan ng kapayapaan at kaayusan sa panahon ng Batas Militar. Maligay ang pagdating sa ating lahat, sikatlong araw ng UP Days of Remembrance 2021. Ngayong araw, minibigyang diin natin ang malawakan at sistematikong paglabag sa mga karapatang pantao sa panahon ng Diktadorang Marcos. Nag-impatatayong ngayong umaga na mga akademiko, periodista, alagad ng sining at barerano ng Batas Militar upang maghain ang kanilang pagsusure, karanasan, at paginilay sa napakalagang paksang ito. Monit bago po tayo magsimula ngayong umaga, haiaan nyo po mo na akong dikay sa inyo ang overview ng ating magihing programa. Ang unang bahagi ay binubo ng isang keynote speech na susunda na mga presentasyon ukulos ay bat-ibang halimbawa ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao. Ang ikalawang bahagi naman po ay talakayan sa pag-iitan ang ating mga tarpagsalita o ang ating panel discussion. At ang ikatong bahagi ay malayang talakayan, sa puntong ito titipunin po natin ang mga tanong mula sa ating Zoom Q&A Function ito sa ating Zoom at makingyong ating pung mga komento sa ating YouTube at Facebook Livestream. Aking pung karangalan na ipakilala sa inyo ang ating keynote speaker sa omagang ito. Si Prof. Roland Simbulan ay nakimpolitical prisoner sa edad na labing titong taong gulang noong unang taon ng kanyang pag-aarel sa UP Dileman noong 1974. Pinahirapan at inaresto sa pangalong pagkakataon ng SHI Associate Editor ng bagong muling Navuhay na Pilipin Collegian noong 1976. Ipinagpaturan niya ang kanyang mga advokasia upang salipunan matapos ang kanyang pakakakulong sa CUM Crammy at Fort Bonifacio. Si Prof. Simbulan ay nag-retiro bilang miembro ng full-time faculty noong April 2019 na may pinakamataas na rango ang Prof. 12 sa Development Studies at Public Management ng Universidad ng Pilipinas. Matapos ang 360 na taon ng pagtituro. Nag-siddi siyang tagapangulo ng Departamento ng Agampan Lipunan at tagapag-ugnay ng Manila Studies Research Program. Nagsilbirin siyang Vice Chancellor for Planning and Development ng UP Manila at noong 2006 siya ay inahalal ng 3,000 alin na rang guru ng UP System na kumakatawan sa kanilad bilang Faculty Region sa pinakamataas na policy making body ng Universidad, ang lupon ng mga rehente. Mula 1987 hanggang 1995, nagsilbir siyang Senior Political Consultant sa Senado sa Pilipinas tungkol sa Pagtatanggol at mga usapintan labas. Siya ang nag-iisang mayakdaan ng walong libro tungkol sa Lerasong Pilipino, U.S. at patakarang panlabas ng Pilipinas. Kasama na rito ang The Basis of Insecurity, the History of the Military Basis in the Philippines, a guide to nuclear Philippines, the continuing struggle for an independent Philippine foreign policy, the world is a classroom, reflections of a fellow traveler, at ang huling libro ang ito ay sinaling sa Japanese at may publish at may payong hagi sa Japan noong 2012. Mag-upang mag-bigay ng kanyang keynote, speech na pinamagatang Violated Lives, Violated Nation. Muli, narito po si Prof. Roland Simbula. Magandang umaga po sa inyong lahat. I feel honored and deeply touched to be part of this five-day remarkable event. Dambana ng Gunita from September 20 to 24, which is a virtual commemoration and I would say a cyberspace monument by the UP system to remember, reflect on the struggle against the Marcos dictatorship. In 2008, during the UP's 100th anniversary, under the presidency of Dr. Emerlinda Roman, a centennial tribute to 98 UP martyrs and heroes dubbed Agunita at Parangal sa mga scholar ng bayan sa Bantayog ng mga bayani was held on November 29, 2008, in front of the Bantayog Wall of Remembrance in Quezon City. Ten years after, on September 17, 2018, UP President Danilo Concepcion signed Proclamation No. 1 declaring September 21 of every year as UP Day of Remembrance throughout the UP system in honor of martyrs and heroes who resisted the martial law Marcos dictatorship. I am therefore proud to keynote today's five presentations on the theme nilabag ang mga karapatang pantaw. If I may add nilapastangan ang mga buhay, nilapastangan ang bansa, violated lives, violated nation. We are virtually gathered to pay homage, to preserve the memories of our martyrs and heroes, to keep alive the flame of truth and compassion which burnt in their hearts, in their minds, in their souls. History called upon our best sons and daughters at a time when the political pulse of our people initially had been rendered faint by imprisonment, murder, torture, the closure of Congress, the musling of the press and suppression of the freedom of speech and people's constitutional rights. The Marcos dictatorship that grabbed power in the September 21, 1972 political coup d'etat took advantage of our weak and dysfunctional institutions and our patriarchal culture that is generally tolerant of dictatorial tendencies, co-opting and bribing the military and Philippine constabular. The dictator Marcos deployed the instruments of power and coercion to enforce willful decisions that broke no challenge or opposition. It was all for a selfish ambition to extend himself perpetually in power that demolished the institutions of accountability, particularly the legislative and judicial legal system. It was here with a cries and screams, cries of pain of those tortured, salvaged or involuntarily disappeared that the template for today's culture of violence and impunity was planted and continues. Repression had swept the country targeting all legal organizations and institutions of accountability, both public and private. But at each turn of the dictatorship, repression was bound to spawn resistance. It was destined to bring to life the forces that would eventually guarantee its downfall. My friends, colleagues, mga kababayan, healing the wounds and rectifying a historical wrong is a difficult process. It is a struggle akin to the struggle of the victims of the Marcos dictatorship, a corrupt tyranny whose descendants now seek to erase the memory of our nation's consciousness for the atrocities committed against violated persons and against the Filipino nation. Historical revisionism is the enemy of truth. Today, we seek to be truth seekers and to be truth tellers. A knowledge of history of remembering requires a history that liberates because it vividly exposes the origins of contemporary wrongs and inequalities. Remembering will provide the moorings for a more rigorous appreciation of the social condition. The present has its roots in the past and the future can only build on the present. Truth cannot be deconstructed. Statues like the one at tibantayog ng mga bayani are monuments of memory and of truth. They are a powerful remembrance of those who were victims as well as those in the resistance who unselfishly offered and gave their lives so that we will be free. Part of the healing is remembrance so that we will not forget the terrible things that happened to us and so that they will not be repeated. General Dwight Eisenhower, Commander of All Allied Forces of Europe in World War II, in 1945, after seeing piles of dead Jewish holocaust victims in the concentration camps in Germany and Poland, at this to say, and I quote, get it all on record now.  End of quote. Two landmark cases have fully documented and concluded the human rights violations under the Marshal Law Dictatorship. First, the Hawaiian District Court Class Suit. On September 22, 1992, Hawaii District Judge Real presided over the Hawaii District Court which decided on a class suit awarding to 10,059 Filipino victims of illegal detention, torture, summary executions and enforced disappearances against Marcos with Imelda and Bongbong Marcos as his estate representatives. The jury in Hawaii, after a four-year trial found Marcos liable for gross human rights violations, awarding the victims 1.2 billion US dollars in exemplary damages to be taken from the Marcos estate confiscated in the United States. Second, the Philippine legislation on compensating human rights victims of Marshal Law. It took all of 27 years since the 1986 fall of the Marcos dictatorship before the Human Rights Victims and Recognition Act of 2012 was finally signed into law on February 25, 2013. The occasion was the 27th year of the EDSA People Power Revolution that ousted the 14-year Marcos dictatorship. The law seeks to close a dark chapter of the country of the nation's history. The Republic Act 10368 is an act providing for reparation and recognition of victims of human rights violations during the Marcos regime, documentation of said violations, appropriating funds thereof and for other purposes. The Reparation and Recognition Act obligated the state, morally and legally, to recognize and indemnify all victims or their surviving families quote, for the deaths, injuries, suffering, deprivations and damages they suffered end of quote during Marshal Law by agents of the state acting under the Marcos regime. The act recognized the heroism and sacrifices of all the victims of summary execution, torture, forced disappearances, sexual abuse and other forms of human rights violations for which the government will also establish a memorial commission. The commission will work with the education department to educate the young people about the victim's heroism and the atrocities committed against them by the Marcos dictatorship. The narrative will document the experiences of the victims. Thus, the narrative will be based on the lens of the victims. Now, apart from the reparations and recognition that the law bestows on Marshal Law's martyrs and victims, more important is the mandate that it vests on the educational institutions to immortalize the victims' gallant resistance and efforts in opposing the Marcos dictatorship and the fall of tyranny born out of such heroism. This provision will bring into the classroom the principles that are sorely undervalued in education's values formation, namely patriotism, self-sacrifice, and respect for human rights. This is not an easy task, of course. It entails the deconstruction of the historical distortions in the public school curricula, especially in basic education, still rationalizing Marshal Law. This is important so that the lessons from the dark days of the Marcos dictatorship are taught, so that the atrocities and state crimes will not be repeated. The teaching pedagogy should include exposing the lies of presidential decree 1081, blaming the communists and oligarchs for subversion, so as to justify the declaration of Marshal Law that was, in fact, a power grab dictatorship. Next is to popularize the Marshal Law victims and martyrs' narratives of struggle against not only the dictatorship, but also the structural roots of poverty, socially justice, national oppression, and exploitation. Education should expound as well on the role played by the United States in propping up and supporting the Marcos dictatorship, thereby encouraging atrocities to be committed against the Filipino people. Historical revisionism is the enemy of truth, but the truth is revealed in the act itself. The drama of the Edsa people power revolution was the final act of the people emboldened by the sacrifices of tens of thousands of activists from all walks of life who were part of the resistance against tyranny. They dared to struggle long before opportunism and revisionism sequestered the Edsa people power gains. When we were released as political prisoners from Camp Crame, political prisoners from Camp Aguinaldo, Fort Bonifacio, Camp Bagum Diva in Bikutan, or other detention camps around the country, we realized that we were just transferred to a larger prison of Philippine society under the repressive Marcos dictatorship. We will not forget that the rights of the entire Filipino nation that were guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, freedom of speech, freedom to organize associations and labor unions, the right to due process and freedom of the press with 464 media outlets closed nationwide under martial law were snatched from them. Congress was padlocked. The courts were intimidated. This is why the conjugal dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos looted, plundered, up to an estimated 10 billion dollars from the nation, amassing their ill-gotten wealth from kickbacks and commissions from government projects. Today, 49 years after the martial law declaration, we also reflect on the lives of others, our freedom fighters who resisted tyranny, who were arrested, tortured or were killed. I will not repeat the cliche to refer to them as having, quote unquote, lived a full life. This does not give justice to their sacrifice. The Marcos dictatorship brought out the worst in the Filipino that inflicted great suffering on others as well as cowardice and fear as we would never forget. But it also brought out the best in us Filipinos. When resisting tyranny was the right thing to do, others, like during the Japanese occupation, perhaps out of opportunism, ambition or greed became cheerleaders of the dictatorship. But others chose the road less taken with their courage and with their brilliance, resisting the plundering dictatorship during our nation's darkest hours. Their torches lit the darkness and gave hope to others. They have passed the torch to us, those who survived the living and the young generation of today. Rest assured that we will not allow the flame of our martyrs and heroes to be extinguished. We will hold it high to our last breath. In honor of those who brave the storms and contrary winds and those lives have made a difference, their spirit will never die. Even more so in contemporary conditions which show ominous signs of resurgent fascism. Their memory hold aesthetic course of inspiration in all seasons and we now know that there are many millions of kindred souls who will be the keepers of the flame. Thank you, salamat at magandang umaga sa inyong lahat. Mabuhay. Maraming salamat po, Professor Simbulan. Sa paglatag ng pangalatang perspektiva sa paksa natin yung araw. Tuna yang napakahalaga napatulay natin bigyang diin ang lagim ng batas militar lalot higit sa usapin ng lantarang pangabuso sa mga karapatang pantao. Hulik, maraming salamat po, Professor Simbulan. Ngayon po idadakon na tayo sa mga presentasyong tumatalakay sa ibat-ibang halimbawa ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao. Aikalawa natin tagapagsalita ay isang profesor ng socialohia at kasi sayang sa uniberosidad ng Pilipinas Sibu. Siya ay kasalokuyang isang visiting professor sa Center for Interdisciplinary Research sa Universite Katholique de Louving, sa Belgium. Lagsilbi siya bilang isang miembro ng Board of Directors ng Philippine Sociological Society para sa dalawang termino mula 2016 hagang 2018 at 2018 hagang 2020. Ang pinakahuling publication niya ay may pamagat na engaging in public to sociology The Philippines Case, na bahagi ng aklat na international handbook ng public sociology. At isa pa, Sibu Subnational Politics, a survey of Philippine political structure and culture na nailathala na sa Journal of Law and Social Sciences of the Global Science Technology Forum. Bilang isang profesor ng public sociology ay binibigang diin ni Professor Sanchez sa kanya mga gawain ang mga issue tungkol sa Human Rights Policy Analysis sa Pilipinas, Housing at Urban Development, Governance and Civil Society Institutionalization. Upang talakayin ang paksang Marcos Iramas Murders and Autogenic Mass Killings Today, na rito po si Dr. Phoebe Zoe Maria Sanchez. Good morning sa ating mga kasama. Senator lied to his teeth when he said that there were no massacres during the time of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos. Truth to the matter is. Next slide, please. And next, June 13, 1966, is a kula tingan masaka where seven farmers were killed by the Philippine Constabulary at Talak. And the next slide. The justification of perpetrators. The farmers were members of the Hukbalahap who engaged in fighting. But the vice mayor of Talak testified that victims were peaceful farmers who never had any record of felony in the community or whatsoever. Yeah, next slide, please. May 21, 1967 was the Lapean Malaya Massacre also dubbed the Bloody Sunday Massacre. The civilian members of the Lapean Malaya armed with the only bolos and amulets marched towards Malacanian Palace calling for Marcos' resignation. 33 were instantly killed by the Philippine Constabulary while 39 others were wounded and casualties were extremely one-sided. This Bloody Sunday Massacre, May 21, 1967 started as a peasant religious sect of pricing its name translated as Independence Party. It used to be led by a charismatic Bicolano named Valentin de Los Santos who was actually 86 years old at the time of that pricing. And in the 1966 Summit Conference in Vietnam, some 1,000 Bolo-equipped members of the Lapean Malaya gathered at the Taft Avenue for the expressed purpose of interrupting deliberations. In various sources, de Los Santos was reported to have been a perennial candidate who took on charismatic leadership to this qualities as articulate champion for the peasants of southern Luzon. With messianic traits, he denounced social ills and called for the creation of a new social order. The Lapean Malaya as a peasant party had some estimated membership of 40,000. We used to marshal resolve day activities in Metro Manila. Lapean Malaya members performed rituals and patriotic drills and spiritual exercises. They were advised to accumulate prescribed maraphernalia, guaranteeing vulnerability, sacred Bolo's bullet-defying uniforms, unting-unting and protective orathiones. So a shared sense of developing omnipotence. In the occasion of the massacre, de Los Santos and some 500 men called for the resignation of Marcos and the formation of the Lapean Malaya government. After the mass killing, the constabulary released a series of confused intelligence reports on the sects as they attempted to connect the movement with communist imaginations. Rizalists bitter on the fate of Valentin de Los Santos wrote to David Sturtivant. Valentin was taken to the mental hospital and pronounced insane. He was put in a cell with a hopelessly violent case. Soon he was mauled and beaten while sleeping. He lost consciousness and was taken to an isolation ward. After more than a week, he died without regaining consciousness. The verdict of the attending physician was that de Los Santos died of pneumonia. March 18, 1968, the Jabidah massacre. Some 135 to 180 new recruits of the armed forces of the Philippines, mostly from Mindanao, were killed by fellow soldiers. The recruitment was intended to serve Philippine interest to annex Sava as a territory on whose orders. We do not know. New recruits of the AFP were said to be to implement a destabilization plan for Sava known as Operation Mardeka. So about 200 Tausug and Sama Muslims at 18 to 30 years old were recruited from Sulu and Tawitawi and commenced a training at Simunol in Tawitawi. The name of their commando unit was Jabidah. The recruits felt giddy on the promise of not only a monthly allowance but also the prospect of becoming a member of an elite unit in the Philippine armed forces which means, among other, the benefits are owning guns which our Muslim brothers are regarded as precious possessions. From August to December of 1967, the training sustained until in December 30, 1968, some 135 to 180 recruits boarded a Philippine Navy vessel for the island of Corijidor in Luzon for a specialized training. It was said that a mutiny broke out when the recruits discovered the true mission. For them, it meant fighting their brother Muslims in Sava and possibly killing their own Tausug and Sama relatives. The recruits must be returned home. So you could ask there was no proper information on what they are going to do when they were recruited. So what kind of government was that? Well, the Jabidah organizers had no other choice in batches of 12. The moral recruits were taken and murdered at a nearby airstrip. Now down with gunfire, the trainees fell according to the account of one Jaban Arula who escaped from Corijidor Island and it was fished out from the waters by fisher folks at Cavite the day following March 18, 1968. Court martial proceedings were brought against 23 military personnel involved and the government was under wraps in the Philippine press with its culpability to foment killings and cover it with the murder. So June 19, 1971 followed the massacre at Manili Carmen. Manili Carmen North got the battle. It was perpetrated by the Ilaga paramilitary group who conspired with the Philippine Constabulary in the mass murder of 79 Muslim Filipino women and children. The massacre was committed by the Philippine Constabulary and the Ilaga paramilitary group. Next to September 24, 1974 the Palimbang massacre. So the Takbil Mosque Massacre estimated 1,776 male Muslim civilians murdered in a village of Malismong in Palimbang Sultan Kudarat. Lictims were practically all males between the age of 11 to 17 who were first detained at the Takbil Mosque and then gradually murdered by the Philippine Army. Survivors thought at first that their kin were brought elsewhere and could not be taken back to Palimbang. However, they only found out later hundreds of sacks of cadavers and skeletons were stacked to their fishpins who could probably be their murdered relatives, community folks and friends at Malismong. So look at the Mosque Takbil in Palimbang where you will find stains of blood and bullets, piercing of bullets on the walls. November 12, 1977 followed the Binko Village Massacre. In Zambuanga City the Philippine Army raided 12 Muslim Filipino households, burned and killed 42 Muslim civilians. Next is the Giyangan Massacre in Quezon City, in Quezon province. Some 6,000 farmers called for government's attention to land reform, fair prices and rampant militarization in the Quezon province. But they were met with gunfire from the armed forces of the Philippines. What was peaceful protest for peasants rights turned bloody because soldiers, according to eye witnesses, open fire that the group instantly killing two farmers and injured 17 others. December, 19, 1981 the Bakong Bridge Massacre. The Bakong Bridge Massacre is the massacre of farmers of Colasi and Tike. The Philippine Constabulary fired at about 400 farmers, protesting high taxes and agricultural products and rampant abuse of state forces. Five farmers were instantly killed and many others were injured. September, 20, 1985 Escalante Massacre was a massacre of some 5,000 sugar workers, farmers, fishermen, urban poor settlers in Escalante. Combined elements, this is the first time you have a composite. When you say composite team, it's a combined of Philippine Army, the paramilitary and the Philippine Constabulary at that time was already PINP or the Philippine Integrated National Police. The protesting community were fired at by soldiers or armed state forces when they held their line during dispersal. According to eyewitness account, several were instantly killed while those who ran to hide were pursued by armed state forces. The fact-finding commission in the Escalante Massacre was chaired by Raul Gonzalez who never held the landlords and enforcers accountable to the killing. Only low-ranking policemen were jailed and were eventually released on parole in 2003. So now we analyze the patterns of regularities. Who are the perpetrators? What are the motives? Who are the victims? And what is the Philippine political structure and culture of the time? Perpetrators, all but armed state actors, the Philippine Constabulary, the armed forces of the Philippines AFP, interchangeably reported as Philippine Army and the Philippine paramilitary groups at that time, we already know of the Alsa Masa. Activists like me often call them Alsa Masa because we find them in corners of the streets drinking while we are protesting, while we are having rallies. And we find them at corners drinking. So we refer to them as not really Alsa Masa but Alsa Maso. There was one identified as the Ilaga. Another one was the Civilian Home Defense Unit and you have the Citizens Armed Geographical Unit or Kapuigokun. Motives, the commando and pseudo commando type of individuals and institutions with a warrior mentality were often preoccupied with weaponry and firearms and in most cases have a deliberate plan, have funding and technology for mass murders. These individuals and or institutions are frequently motivated by social components lashing out at society, teaching the world a lesson or drawing attention to themselves and their cause. At times it resonates the rhetoric of the powerful official in public office. Victims, all the victims are but powerless non-state actors, specifically often times poor farmers or peasant men and women, Fishermen and urban poor residents or our Muslim Filipinos treated like a racialized other. The poor that deprived or oppressed the powerless and defenseless trade-off society that once always clamor for genuine assets reforms and genuine assets redistribution. Patterns of regularities. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission defines massacres as a deliberate extrajudicial execution of three or more defenseless people involving violence and cruel degrading treatment that is intended to terrorize the population in two, refraining from organizing itself. Massacres figure out in major studies like that of Brenda Wickards, Rivers of Blood, a comparative study of government massacres. To be a subset of state terrorism, all such massacres are genocidal as per United Nations definition. They were targeted at people based on their political or their communal identifications. These are patterns of acts intended to destroy a large part if not all of a particular group. The obvious reason appears to be the intent of controlling a target population in support to the ruling class and in order to effect or ensure political power in the acting government. The state forces, AFP, PCPINP, paramilitary forces, as perpetrators appear to believe that there is a divided government that produces a kind of crisis of authority and thus the need to kill those who oppose. Likewise, the massacres appear as acts of state terror that assume that the emergence of armed insurgencies due to social poverty and distress may be severely weakened by the massive use of terror at the level of genocide or policy and that opposition, unity and foreign assistance play a key role in the failure to eliminate armed insurgencies. If we trace the history of Philippine state forces, we must take note that the armed state forces of the country was established under Commonwealth Act No. 1 known as the National Defense Act of December 21, 1935. That was passed a year after the inauguration of the tidings Makbafilo and just in time with the colonial 1935 constitution. Commonwealth Act No. 1 established the armed forces of the Philippines under the auspices of General Douglas MacArthur who was appointed Field General to the Philippine Archipelago by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt upon the request of President Manuel L. Quezon. The act is practically an imprint of the U.S. Congress's colonial policy and it is still sustained. Apparently as a colonial legacy nowhere in the provisions of the Defense Act as a nation's army and civilian law enforcement is a noble principle of state armed forces with basic compassion for the poor, the deprived and oppressed compatriots. Even the basic moral standard is avoiding invectives against the poor which is basic in recruitment in the polythea here in the communes in the European Commission. After which were the passage of the USRP Mutual Defense Treaty and the USRP Mutual Security Act which were not necessarily mutual at all. Between 1965 to 1986, the Marcos Regime Combined Repression and Technocratic Governance desperately to convince the public nationally and internationally that it was best equipped to rule the fragmented Filipino nation. Hambong kase, nusoy palabas sila siya ang matalino. Shortly after taking power in 1965 the military murdered peasants believed to be associated to the Hukbalahap but wiping out the hooks was a program that started way back the inauguration of the Third Republic with the Rojas Administration until the hook-killing machine Ramon Magsaisais Administration but again on whose orders. That most regimes even after Marcos and the police in the military constantly repress their enemies who they often label as communists and subversives or linked to dramatized chaos like the plasm around the bombing to justify the need of a martial law. If we trace we ask since when did police militarization has become important public policy in the Philippines but since Marcos martial law as a precursor of all display public violence and did this end no it continued after even Marcos was ousted since when did it start that police personally used military style equipment to confront protesters martial law is a stark visual reminder that many amount of used to acquire surplus military equipment including weapons armored vehicles and body armors We see this and we always have to question sa bagaling itong mga uri na mga technology ang ito hindi naman ito made in the Philippines There has been a growing legal blurring of police and the military functions for decades and that started in the Marcos regime from the PC to PINP all through all the national scale but this has resulted in an even landscape of police militarization what we call militarized civilian law enforcement at a nationwide scale technologies for killing proliferated the presence of special weapons and tactic style paramilitary teams commenced where did it come from are these technologies invested or invented in the Philippines since when did it start that poor states are employed to flaunt the military hardware a hegemonic state even opposing armed groups against government reveal that the number one source of weapons but the state armed force who sell the armory backdoor at low prices in order to marginalize political opponents and centralize rule Marcos regime aggressively repressed and organized communities and sectors of the population detain beat and often kill the opposition the regime manipulated newspaper coverage and portrayed a social order despite not matching the lived reality of Filipinos contrasted with the chaos that the martial law had created Marcos legitimation legitimation is his proclamation 1081 that invokes a revolution from the center and two in his works the democratic revolution in the Philippines notes on this new society of the Philippines notes on the new society of the Philippines part two the rebellion of the poor towards a Filipino ideology and ideology for Filipinos but it would appear that Marcos prescriptions for the ills of Philippines society were all borrowed from Samuel Huntington's political order in changing societies it must be noted that Marcos revolution from the center uses his office and the military bureaucracy as the central institution responsible for the implementation of his so called revolutionary programs Marcos revolution from the center invokes a rhetorical claim to transform the economic hasm between rich and poor Filipinos provide qualitative upliftment for the life of every Filipino facilitate a norm or discipline provide direct and easy access to social welfare and amenities to have addressed all matters concerning equity and social justice Marcos formulated his five years of the new society based on an aspiration for social justice and equality and one of the seven moral postulates make equality is the ideological cornerstone of the new society Marcos said that his major mechanism was attaining social justice being the theme of his revolution from the center in which the state was to become the instrument of radicalization in the Philippines so take note of the instrument of radicalization but he justified his revolution from the center claiming that the intrinsic norm prior to his declaration of martial laws built in constraints to always favor the privileged and the wealthy and that because of government a central political authority being elected representatives of the Filipino citizens is therefore the only institution to possess enabling mechanisms to equalize opportunities and elevate the condition of the poor and downtrodden so Marcos methodology student four pillars institutionalizing the armed bureaucracy the control of the mass media tampering on the autonomy of the LGU and the rationalization of the barangay government and myth making the question is did martial law enable the state to achieve genuine assets reforms and genuine assets redistribution that is going to be answered in the topic tomorrow so we reflect on the state is a state a product of the but we look into the state isn't it that the state is a product of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms or isn't it that the state is an organ of domination by a definite class which cannot be reconciled with the class opposed to it so our question how do we work to liberate the oppressed without the destruction or avoiding the destruction of the oppressive state power thank you and good morning maraming salamat Dr. Sanchez sa iyong mapanuring pagtalakay hindi sa mass murder na ang panahon ng batas militar at auto-genic mass killing sa nangyari sa kasaluku yan ang ikatlunating tagapag salita ng libu rong marcos marshalon never again isang maikling ka sa isaya na papahirap at torture sa ilali ng bagong lipunan nagwagi sa 2017 national book award para sa mga non-fiction ang kanyang blog risearobles.com inside philippine politics and bayan ay nagwagi sa 2015 blog is award para sa pinakamahusay na blog sa kategori ng lipunan at politika para sa south china morning post sa hongkong upang talakayin ang paksang marcos and duterte comparing arrest and detentions narito po si binibining risea robles good morning i'm deeply honored to be invited to talk on the topic comparing arrest and detentions in the time of marcos and duterte i'm so glad my alma mater is taking an active part in documenting that era for future generations because whether UP likes it or not, it will always be ground zero for defending liberties and freedoms in the darkest days of any repression. What you're seeing now on the screen is the art installation of toym imao. I know my topic is hard to understand at the level for those born after 1986 who now comprise more than two-thirds of the Philippine population today. Let me illustrate with some anecdotes what arrests and detentions were like during the marcos era and please listen to the other speakers particularly religious brother Carl Gaspar's narrative of how he was arrested and detained. In April 1977 when First Lady Melda Marcos was the commencement speaker in the UP Dileman Graduation two UP students were arrested because they happened to be holding in their hands anti-marcos fliers that had been secretly placed on the seats of the graduates. They were not activists but they just happened to be reading the fliers and one of them told me you know under Marcos mere possession of anything criticizing the regime was a subversive act. They were dragged off by security no warrant was served their relatives weren't informed and only found out about it through witnesses. One of the parents knew the personal photographer of Emelda Marcos and when he told her about it she ordered them released at that time one of the students had been beaten by the guards because they found him arrogant maybe because peyups talaga. Next slide. Yes, there was no justice system. It was based on couples. You could live or die on somebody's wings. Like Mapua student Archimedes Trajano did after asking First Daughter an important question during a student forum. Next slide please. How many were arrested in all? You know we don't know Marcos himself told Amnesty International in 1975 that he ordered 50,000 men and women arrested in the first three years of martial rule including 30,000 in the first few weeks. Next slide. Political arrest became routine and followed the three-day rule. We know this because this was bravely documented in 1979 by five UP law students in volume 54 of the student edited Philippine Law Journal. The students pointed out that for those arrested of serious offenses with a jail term of more than six months arresting officers had 72 hours or three days to bring them in for inquest. During those three days between the arrest and inquest torture became routine according to Amnesty International's 33-page report released in 1976. Next slide please. Marcos was aware of the torture. US Ambassador Stephen Bosworth testified before the US District Court of Hawaii in 1992 on the martial law victims' lawsuit against the Marcos' that Marcos told him. I'm aware that there is torture and everything happens but this is part of the interrogation process and these people are communists. But Marcos took pains to show the world a benevolent strongman who stood for the rule of law and was against torture. In 1975, his government even cosponsored before the UN General Assembly the landmark Resolution 3452 or the Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from being subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. He and his officials repeatedly stressed that his regime was legal and grounded in the rule of law. Next slide please. In the year 2012, his former Solicitor General Estelito Mendoza gave a talk in the UP College of Law explaining this rule of law. Using the language and logic so typical of the Marcos government, Mendoza told the young audience if the question is whether there was rule of law during his tenure, there is no question at all that there was rule of law if the rule of law means acting in accordance with law. Did you understand that? Mendoza then explained Marcos made sure there was a law which was to the defense of every action of his even if he had to make the law himself. The audience erupted in laughter at something that had such hideous consequences. Mendoza was talking about how Marcos uses decree or lawmaking powers to legalize all arrests and detentions. He even had a set of secret decrees and when you got arrested, you were told you could not know because the law was top secret. Amnesty International identified 88 military torturers but only by their initials from the rank of surgeon to Brigadier General. None of them was ever brought to court. At least one was able to flee to the United States and is today spending his time playing golf there. Next slide please. He also tortured Joma System. In 2015, when I was still chasing interviews for my book Marcos Martial Law Never Again, A Brief History of Torture and Atrocity Under the New Society, I tried very hard to persuade one torture victim from UP to let me use his real name instead of the alias Michael. But Michael refused because he claimed the military had not changed and the machinery of terror and repression had not been completely dismantled since his arrest in 1976. As proof, he pointed to the fact that when he had applied for a police clearance in 2014, ah, March 2014 with the National Bureau of Investigation, he was shocked to find he had a pending criminal case stated back to his arrest in 1976 for possessing subversive materials. Happily, the NBI officer saw the absurdity when he argued that the anti-subversion act on which his crime was based had been repealed in 1992. I still thought he was being paranoid. I told him his torturer Colonel Rudy Aguinaldo was long dead. The Martial Law Victims Compensation Act was in effect. The son of a torture and EJK victim was sitting right inside malakan niyang palas. But he wouldn't budge. So I had to agree to keep his name secret. And it turns out he was so right. With President Rodrigo Duterte coming to power in 2016, part of the structure of repression has been rebuilt. And I believe based on my research and documents, Duterte's anti-insurgency campaign and relentless red tagging is a subtle way to revise the dark history of martial law and justify its human rights abuses. Central to this effort is the newly passed Anti-Terror Act sponsored by Senator Manfilo Laxon who once served as the head of the Philippine Constabulary Intelligence Branch of the Military Intelligence and Security Group also known as the Metrofoam. Senator Laxon took pains to state in the Anti-Terror Act that torture of detainees would be punished severely. But who will investigate and pursue torture cases against law enforcers? The new law reduced the role of the Commission on Human Rights. What is the use of Laxon's guarantee when even right now Duterte's police and military at least some members of them are conducting raids at times using spurious warrants mounting arrests that in some cases are literally executions? Remember the three-day rule between arrest and inquest during Marcos' martial law? The Anti-Terror Law is as bad if not worse. In Marcos' time, officers were armed with warrants called ASSO or Arrest, Search and Seizure Order and PCO or Presidential Commitment Order. Laxon's Anti-Terror Act empowers the Anti-Terror Council to order any police or soldier to arrest anyone without a judge issued warrant and keep that person detained for 14 days extendable by another 10 days. The law makers have justified the lengthy detention as necessary to avert imminent terrorist acts such as bombings. Next slide please. The similarities between the Anti-Terror Council and Marcos' security and spy network and other general Fabian Behr are quite striking. Behr? It was Behr, not the heads of the Army, Navy, Philippine Constabulary and Air Force who had the functional direction and control of all the intelligence units of the armed forces as well as the entire government bureaucracy. There was a spy in every nook and cranny of the government. This pattern of unitary control is repeated to a remarkable degree in the Anti-Terror Council created by the Anti-Terror Act. The executive secretary, Salvador Medialdea, chairs the council but it is the National Security Advisor, retired general Hermohenas Esperon who sits as vice chairman and seems to call most of the shots. Esperon was president Gloria Arroyos, former military chief who urged the terrorist to run for president in 2016. The Anti-Terror Act converts nearly all the departments of the executive branch, education including higher education, labor and social welfare departments to serve as support agencies for the Anti-Terror Council along with all the intelligence agencies of the police and military. Next slide. Wait, did I put a slide? Yes, next slide please. General Esperon knows how their spy and terror network worked because in 2007 he told me during a one-on-one interview which he also recorded on video that he was once an aid camp of general there. Esperon's narrative which he has been promoting through the National Task Force to end local communist armed conflict or NPFLCAC chaired by Duterte is that communist insurgency has stunted the country's growth and progress for the last 52 years. On November 3, 2020 Esperon urged Philippine senators to pass the Anti-Terror Act in order to end insurgency once and for all because he told them, clear and present danger din yan. Matagal na 52 years na nga tayong pinapataog. If you deduct 52 years from 2020 to arrive at the year 1968. This means for Esperon that communist have been clear and present danger enemies since 1968 and therefore all that Marcos did was justified for the preservation of the state. If everything that Marcos did was justified, next slide please, then everyone who had opposed and fought him were not justified and were committing a crime against the state. And that is how Esperon is revising Philippine history. You can see that Esperon, a former UP student, thinks that way because his people recently red-tag UP students who had fought in the Marcos dictatorship even though some of them had long stopped being activists. At the time, many of them had fought against the state and stopped being activists. Newly retired general Antonio Parlade now shares Esperon's view and has recently joined Esperon as his deputy in the Anti-Terror Council. Next slide please. This is actually a dramatic turnaround for the controversial Parlade which I wanted him to explain but he snubbed all my requests for interviews. At 2006, Parlade as you can see on the screen had studied in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas and submitted this thesis entitled An Analysis of the Communist Insurgency in the Philippines. In his analysis, Parlade actually blamed the Communist surge during Marcos Marshalo on the human rights abuses of the military. He wrote, drove the student radicals and labor leaders to the hills to join the NPA for fear of incarceration. Marshalo rule also elevated the military sense of authority and power which eventually were abused. Human rights abuses by the military reached staggering heights which sent more peasants and students to the hills. Contributing to the surge in the strength of the CPP NPA. And you know what Parlade advocated as one of the ways to resolve the insurgency? He advocated parliamentary struggle. He said the national government needs to exploit the parliamentary struggle that the United Front is advocating. This will bring more of the CPP NPA's key leadership to the open and make the insurgents fight a truly political battle for the hearts and minds. The more the people's voice is represented in the halls of Congress, the less the need for underground movement and possibly the less significance the armed component will have. So you see why I wanted to talk to Tim. I wanted to ask him why he and Esperon were specifically targeting leftist congressmen today. Maybe he will say because the communist movement has been growing by lips and bounds but the end is near. In fact, President Duterte in his recent State of the Nation address said more than 17,000 former communist rebels have surrendered to the government. In March this year, General Esperon said next slide please, sorry 14,300 communist rebels had surrendered from 2016 to 2020 and yet last November, do you know what Esperon told senators that the new people's army had? He told them that the NPA had open quotes about 5,000 active fighters close quotes. I wanted to ask Esperon to clarify the number of surrenderings who were given money and livelihood to rejoin society far exceeded the number of rebel fighters but he has nabbed on my phone calls and messages through the three messaging apps Viber, Telegram and Signal. So I'm putting it out here. The fact is since the communist movement fractured in the mid 1990s the military estimate of NPA rebels never exceeded 6,000 men. In fact, the estimate of former armed forces chief of staff Hernando Ileben as of end 2014 was 4,443 armed fighters further reduced to 3,926 in 2015. In January 2018 Duterte's new armed forces chief General Ray Guerrero estimated that NPA fighter fighters number 3,700 So if NPA rebels numbered 3,926 in 2015 and 3,718 by the military's own estimates where did Duterte and Esperon get their figures of 14,000 to 17,000 surrenderies? Is this a repeat of 1972 when Mark was inflated a danger posed by the Reds when he wanted to extend his term of office? And if they're a clear and present danger does that mean they're about to take over the country like the Taliban did in Afghanistan? Do they really already filled hundreds of thousands of troops? Do they control provinces? Cities? Entire regions? They only seem to control U.P. Dileman to hear this government. So what is the truth? This is also how it happened under Marcus. Of course under martial law the communists actually grew in strength because of Marcus Next slide please. For next year the government has requested 28.1 billion pesos for counter insurgency higher than the 19.1 billion this year. Where will all these funds really go? Why won't the government freely allow journalists to visit the villages that are alleged recipients of the money? The communist threat under Duterte seems to be a very convenient excuse. An excuse to bother democracy to murder people, to violate human rights and trash them outright to grab unaudited funds to perpetuate a class in power to threaten journalists who want to know and write the truth with arrest and detention to intimidate and shut down the press. So how different is that from Marcus' martial rule? Please tell me because I never in my life was a student activist. I never joined the Reds. I'm only a Filipino journalist looking for answers. Thank you. Maraming salamat po binimining Raya Sa Robles sa isang matalas ng pag-cipad sa mga pag-arresto at detention sa ilalin ng ang ikaapat nating takapagsalita ay isa sa pinaka-activeong historiador sa television ng Pilipinas at isa sa mga madulasang nagbabahagi tungkol sa kasaysayan sa social media at cyberspace ito ang panoho ng COVID-19 pandemic. Siya ay isang assistant professoria lecturer sa Dulasal University Manila Department of History at senior lecturer sa University of the Philippines Dileman Department of Broadcast Communication. Napos ng BA at MA kasaysayan at siya ay kasalokuyang THD Candidate sa Anthropolehia sa UP Dileman. Ang kanyang MA thesis ay tungkol sa Pamamahalan, ML DaMarcos sa Metro Manila siya rin ang may akda ng popular na panalik seekt na may pamagat na torture, Human Rights Violation during the Marcos regime. Siya ang kapo may akda ng Libro Bonifacio ang Unang Tangulo at Bayani Biographies and Res Bonifacio. Siya ay ang consultant ng History with Lord at mga teleseriyang ilustrado at catipunat. Siya rin ang lumikahan ng showtime segment sa television na ginagamit ng mga guru at mag-aaral sa YouTube upang matulungan silang malaman ang kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Nagsusulat siya ng Sunday column na showtime para sa Abante at isang Saturday column na may pamagat na walking history of Human Rights Violation during the Marcos regime. Narito po siya Prof. Michael Charlston Shao Chuwa. Makasaysayang umagapo sa ating lahat at makabulohan paggunita ng ikaapataput siya na Anbef Savio ng Bisperax ng Bocalamation of Marshal. Ako po ay narakangan paanya yan ng aking alma mater na magsalita kukul sa isang tapik na malapit sa aking puso bagamat nagtatakasiguro ang marami sa ating makabataan ikao Chuwa ikao Inchika nakanasan mo ba yung marshalo ikao baitin orch. Iyan po, kayao may discipline na tayo ng kasaysayan kayao pinaniniwala natin ang ating maguro pagsinakwento ang tayo ni Rizal kahit nga niya best friends yun si Rizal Siyubah o kaya kapagkinakwento ang tayo kung sa batalop maktan wala naman, hindi naman unakita ng mga guro natin sila po. Mahalaga po ang pag-respecto at pagkilala sa kasaysayang. Kaya po, napito ako kataong gawin ng aking tungkulin para sa aking pamantasan at para sa mga victimah ng batasbilita. Ang presentasyon ay bibigay ko po sa inyo, hindi hos siya masasabi na groundbreaking paper ito po yung isang school project na jinawa ko nung ako ater dear high school. Naipinagpatuloy kong ipinasan naman at aking 2010 at ganyong din nung 2012 sa paggunitan ng ika 40 anibersario ng batasmilitar ay inatasan na kung gumawa ng exhibit at ito po ay aking inimprove. So ang aking pangpaksang ayong araw na ito ay ukul sa torture para paglabag sa kapapatang sa panahon ng rehimeng Marks. Marami salamat muli sa comité ng UP Day of Remembrance sa makabuluhang gawain na ito. Kung kayo po yung may katano nga pa, please subscribe to my YouTube channel follow me on my social media accounts at ang aking website po ay nabibigay ng ilang mga papel ukul sa Marksalo Memon lang ako 2 minuto upang magsalita kaya kung naispunin yung malaman ang ilang mga detail yan nang aking sasabihin pa kigugelaman po ang salita ng Torture Human Rights Violations during the Marks regime. Ang goal ng aking papel na ito bago po na isulat ang Akdani Mam Raisa Robles napakitalakay ukul sa marxalo at atrosities at Human Rights Violations. Ito po ay maging madaling makuhang informasyon ng maraming pagaaral ukul sa mga Human Rights Violations ang panahon ng Marks. So binabangit lagi po sa atin si Pangulong Marks kaya ipinapakalaman to save the Republic and reform our society dahil na yan ng ayong komunismo at ito daway threat na hindi nagtataka lang ako bakit mas dumami pahuyong komunista o yung mga rebelde no matapos ang kanyang administration. Kung baka hindi na ging successful kung baka ang main goal napatigilin. Bakit sa pagkatang minawak ng mga polisiya ay lalo pang nag-drive sa marami na lumaban at sa marami ang pinaka sokdu lang paglaban sa isang tyrant o sa isang namumuno ng walang katwiran ay ang paghawak na sandata maaming hindi kayo sumangayon dito sobalit ito ang nexton ng kanilang panang dahil sabi nipangolong makos sa ikawon lang ng bayan disiplina ang kailang disiplina at ang konsepto natin ang disiplina sa totoo lang sa Pilipinas ay pausa ipinakita na mga makakos na sila ang daluyan ng ginhawa. Kung sasang ayon ka sa kanilang kailangan, mapayapa ang yung buhay. Sobalit kung ikaw ay hindi mo ahayahan ang kanilang pangpapalawing sa kanilang kapangyarihan ay apunilang pighilin ang pagdalo yung ginhawa. Marahas ang kanilang sagot sa mga strikes, baawal po ang humingin ang mas malakas na kapapatan o mas magandang kapapatan para sa ating mga mangagawa naman ay isang human rights violation. Walang freedom of expression. Yan po ay nakalagay sa United Nations declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Nagkaroon din ang massive militarization kaya ako ang nangyari ay nagkaroon ang sobrang kapangyarihan ang marami sa militar binigyan sila ng kapangyarihan ang kapangyarihan makawala sa mga pangapamabuso. Ang isang human rights po ay ang sabihin sa iyo kung ikinakaso sa iyo kung ikaw ay makukulong kapag ikaw ay ina-arresto. So balit, ang tulad na nabangit na kanina nimampid ba? Ibi ang arrest, search and seizure order o yung aso ay isa lamang listahan na hindi makatwit na walang pahintulot ng korte at hindi manlamang sinasabi sa iyo kung ano ang ikinakaso sa iyo kung minsan wala pang alistahan hindi lang na gustoan yung mukaw mo ina-arresto ka na. Unang gabi palamang ng marshalo nalabag na ang karapatang pantaho. Sa pagkat inarresto ng walang warantopales listahan lamang ang pinuno ng oposisyon tulad na ni Noyakino at ni Senador Roseddo W. Diok at tiba pang mga periodista bahagi ng Constitutional Convention ang pinaka ma-awing gawin sa iyo kapag ikaway na huli ng militar ay makulong at tulad ni Katherine Beltran nakapicture dito ikaway makukulong walang warant ma-awing mag-stay ka ng ilang haraw sobalit tulad na na sinabi Ben Cervantes isang director sa tiyatro apag kakikaway na huli sa Metro Manila, alimbawa ay ganito lang ang mangayari sa iyo ABC Back to B or Poseed to D mga kampo yan, Aginaldo Bikutan Karame Back to Bonifacio or Poseed to D there at sinabi ni Mapos sa maraming pagkakataon na arbitrary lamang or aberrations lamang or isolated cases ng tinatawag natin ng human rights violations may hulong mahapos ng 1970 no one but no one has been tortured sobalit nakita rin natin yung mga na-kulong sa panawangang mahapos ng unang mga taon ay nung Lumaya ay pinaglaban din kaapatan, ay mga legal ang mga anangakatulad ni Kappep Ed Yoc at ni Kalo Renso Tanyada tinitig na ni nini-investegahan ang mga human rights Tulad na makikita natin dito na ikinekwento kay Senator Diok ang torture na ginawa sa isang detenido. Ang awikining ko po sa mga cases na ito ay nangyari maliban sa documentari ang batas milita kung ako'y nangpalalim ay mula sa aklat na testament mo na prison cell, mula sa kulungan na kapagsulat pa sininoy akino ng listahan ng mga human rights violations. Ang conjugal dictatorship ng ako'y nasa kuleyo, mahiraphanapin po ang aklat na ito na on sa mga library lang yan mahahanap at nandiyan din na nilista ni Pirmity Bumihares ang mga human rights violations. Sa mga nagnanais makakita kung ano bang mga primary sources at mga iba pang mga sources, makikita ho natin yan sa task force detainees. May mga file po ang mga human rights cases doon, sampun libo po ang naritala. At ganyong din, may mga report ang Amnesty International na ating mahahanap sa internet. Ganyong din, ang bagtayog na mga bayani po ay isang museo at memorial na tinayo upang parangalan ng mga victims na naging bayani din ng batas milita. At meron po ang aklat na nagpapakita ng lahat ng kanilang mga pinangalan ang mula sa National Historical Commission of the Philippines. Ang aklat po na ito, kasama natin ang mga laging victim ng Marshalo din si Pony Ilagan at si Pete Lacaba, itong aklat na hawak-hawak po namin, ito po Marshalo, Marcos Marshalo-Never again isa sa pinakamadaling basahin at comprehensiveong aklat tungkol sa batas militaong nipangulong Marcos na isinulat po ang karangalan ko ang sumunod kay Mam Risa Robles. Ganyong din, mga aming ating makausap ang mga naging victim ng Marshalo. Sa aking papel na torture, ako in-interview ko, ako i-instructor na ho ng UP noon, Department of History, ay ayong 2006 nakakausap ko po mismo ng kanyang mga experiences sa kating keynote speaker na si Sir Roland Simbulan, karangalan makasama kayong lahat. So, ming mga uay ng torture, of course, ikaw ay mina Manacel, manacel, tiyatawag ay ikaw ay ilinagapos. At sinabingan nila na yung electrification ng Mabansa ay isinagawa ng pangulong Marcos sa mga malib-lib na lugar. Nagpadalo'y din ng Korriente sa mga victim ng Tamahasakan. Nilalagay huyan sa Genitalia tulad na nangyari kay sa Turocampo at binubuusan sila ng tubig para maslalong sumakit. Ganyong din sa ulo, inilalagay ang electric shock na ito. Gito po yung sinakunang paraan ng Pagkukorriente noon. At yun po, asensan na po kayo sa mga imahe kung pwede o kung hindi nyo humakayanan magtakip muna kayo ng tenga. Nagpatayon ng mga edipicio, nagpatayon ng mga kalsada at nagpatayon ng San Juanico Bridge, ang pinakamahabang bridge sa Southeast Asia. Pero yan din ang itinawag sa isang torture kung saan ng victim po ay inilalagay sa dalawang mataas na lugar tulad ng kama at kung siya po ay bumagsak, siya po ay bubububuhing. San Juanico Bridge. Ganyong din, pinapainom ng trotserum ay I think may mga kasopo na nakalagay doon sa aking papel. Ito po ay inaadminister sa bilu na hospital kung saan ang tinotorture po pag trotserum na magiging madal-dalaw ko kayo. Ang goal ng pagtorture, of course lahat ng torture na yan, ay sabihin mo kung ay anong yung nalalaman at maisip mo na yung kaginawaan mo, yung buhay mo ay nakasalalay po sa kamay ng torture mo. At bakit, today, humanize you para hindi mo na maramdaman ay ikaw ay tao, ang mga paniniwala mo ay sikilin para sa mamahala at sa mabuting lipunan. At umasakan na lang ang at matakot na kapag ikaw ay umulit na lumaban, ikaw ay maharing dakpinulit. Yan po, dehumanization po ang gusto ng torture. At sinasabi mo, mga masasamang tao yan, ok lang na torturein, mga komunista yan. Tandaan po natin sa ating batas at sa international law, kaya po ang criminal ay bawal, bigyan ng makahayok na pausa. Kaya po, sa lahat ng administration kailangan labaanan at sa lahat ng level ang ganitong classing treatment. Ang rasyan rolet, bigyan ka ng isang balak, payikotin at itututok sa yung, hindi mo alam kung puputok o hindi, so psychological torture yan. Of course, yung pambubugbog. At isa sa pambubugbog ay yung tinatawag na telephone o yung symbol sa tinatawag natin kung saan iipitin sa kamay mo ng malakas ang yungudo, sa kamay ng sundalo ang yungulo. Gayong din ang kulata o yung pistol weeping at tinatawag natin, yung pinapalo ka ng rifle bat, binubugbog ka ng rifle bat. At sinasabi na yung electrificas, yung patubig ng ating bayan ay pinagawa nila yung mga dams at tinatawag. Nagkaroon din ng patubig nagginawa para sa mga victimang human rights violations tulad ng water cure. Ang water cure po mga kaibigan ay hindi po ito parang tulad yan, ginagawa parang tichel, maliyong ano eh. Ito ay binubusu yan ng balde-balde sa isang tao. Either ganito minilulonod ka o tulad nunangyari kay Peter Villasenor, si Peter Villasenor nakakawao yung paso niya. Isinabitu sya ng ubutubad, pulblasang aircon, tinaupusa blokin ng yellow, tapos ito ginawad, water cure. Nung puno na huyong can niya, binubug na po ng mga bota ng sundalo. At lumabas na po yung tubig at dugo sa kanyang katawan. Ganunuhok at hindi. Tapos ang ginawao sa kanya, of course isa po, strangulation ay isa din yung pagsasakal. Pag-gamit ng plancha, paglalagay ng pepper, torco, pepper sa yung arie. At yung makahaayop na treatment, ginawa kay Peter Villasenor yan. Ang ginawao sa kanya, nilagyan ho ng pasensyan na po kayo sa description na ito. Yung kanyang arie ng barbecue ng hibla ng walistambo. Hibla ng walistambo yung kanyang arie. Sa iba po yung kwento, meron yung barbecue stick pa na nai kwento sa akin. Ganyong din meron di animal treatment. Ginawarin kay kasamang Monique Watienza, sumalangit naman kanyang kalulu, na talagang yung effecto sa kanyang mental health ay talagang matindi ng panahon ng bakas milita isa pag gatu siya yung hinubadu siya, talagang halos si palapa po sa aso yung kanyang katawan. Syempre dahil ang paki-kibaka at pagnamahal sa kalaya ay walang pinipiling kasariyan, maramiho ang mga babaing detenido, maramiho ang nagkaroon ng sexual injustice na tinatawag natin at marami po ang narip. Si Sister Mariana di Marana na inakulong at yung ilan sa mga madre din ay narip. Kahit na ho ngyari, hindi mo siya tumigil. Nung siya po ay lumabas, si Sister Mariana di Marana na inipon ang mga kwento ng human rights victims at nagkaroon po siya ng advocacy na i-dokumento ang lahat bang ito. Hangga ngayon may utang tayo sa kanyo dahil nagpapatuloy po ang work ng task force detainees of the Philippines, hindi lang dahil sa mapos na regime kundi sa mga paglabag sa kapapatang pantaho ng sumunod ng mga administration. Patapos namin po ako, pero nais ko lang yung ihabon itong kwento ng aking kaibigan na si Susan Kimpo. Sumalangit na wang kanyang kaluluhan na matay po siya noong isang taon. Susan Kimpo po ay sumulat ng isang aklat subversive lives at family memoir of the mapos years. Family memoir, bakit? Kasi siya po ay isa sa mga sampong Kimpos siblings na lima sa kanila ay nagkaroon ng human rights abuse na nangyari sa kanila noong panahon ng batas milita. Siya po ang bunso. Susan, para sa ito mam. Si Ronald John Kimpo ay labipitong taon gulang UP Geography students ay na huli kasama nililiyo sa hilao sa isang bahay nilili. Inahanap si Marie Hillau, Marie Liz, so balit sila po yung nakita. So hindi po sila inhasalistahan, pero sila po yung hinule. At si Ronald John ay hinule sa pagkat-sadao ay makasalamin ka mo akamatalino na. UP student ka ano. Dinignan yung ID, UP. Sinkit pa na ito. Taga red china ito. Mungang Chinese na red china. Hulihin yan. So ang kasulang ng kapating ni Susan ay, mukhang Chinese, nakasalamin, nag-UP, makamatalino. Hinule. At sabi po sa kanila, sabi sa pangasundalo, pwede ubang magsiam mo na kami. At anangyari po ay, sige, pero hindi daw pinaflash sa kanila. Yung pala ay luloblob po yung kanilang mga ulo sa inodoro. Mga estudiant ito. At sila po hindi na lang sa mga campomilitar na opisina sa umaga. Pero nagiging torture chamber sa gabing. At iba ibang mga plase ng torture ang ginawa sa kanila. Ngunit si Lily po ay natangpo ang patay sa CR. At ang sabi po ay uminom siya ng moriatic acid. Ayaw po maniwala ng pamilya na ito ay suicide. Ano man po ang dahilan ng kanyang pagkamatay? Siya po ay na matay sa ilalim ng custodia. Ang pinakaunang na matay sa loob ng campomilitar. Suicide man yun o hindi. Kung ano man ang tulak sa kanya o pinatayman siya, ito ay dahil sa kanyang situasyon. Bilang isang political detainee.  At ang nangyari po ay siya po ay, may ninsan na siya po ay pinakitaan. Pinapunta sa pinto. We have a surprise for you. Lilian we have a surprise for you. Tapos pinakita daw po sa kabila ang isang muka ng isang duguang lalaki. At tapos sinakadong pinto. Yung pala, asawa, punyay yun. Pag atapos po ng kanilang torture, nakalaya sila, pero hindi na o sila nagsama, nagewala yung susila sabi. Tapos nakikinta kung muka mo sabi niya kay Lilian, parang nalala ko lahat nangyari sa ating. Hindi lang po physical ang effecto ng torture, kundi sinisira din ito ang mga relasyon ng pamilya. Nangyari din yan halos sa magasawang payat roger mga has na parayong tinoorchure, sobalit talagang namayan nilaman ang pangibi sa kanilang dalawa. Unfortunately, sir Ronald Janpo yun nagpalang kay Susan sabi susan. Saka na muna, mamaya ako po ay uwe, handaan mo ako ng pangkain. Pero sir Ronald Janpo hanggang ngayon ay hindi na kumuwe. Of course, na torture din, si Sir Nathan Gilbert Kimpo na kapatidin nila, eventually siya po ay sumali sa Armado Kilosan. Si Noel Kimpo po, nakanila torture din. Sobalit eventually siya po ay namundok at siya po ay namatay sa kabundukan. Sa Abra, meron silang ginagawang parang ganyong kulungan. At ito po ay para sa mga detainist nila sa province. Sa bagamat may torture na nangyari sa Metro Manila, mas makahayok po yung nangyari sa province sa pagkakalaho nag-monitor sa mga ito. At pagkatapos na nila ngaraw na torture, ikayo ay ikukulong sa isang celda. At yung celda na iyon, doon na kayo mananatili, hanggang kayo ay palayaan. At sa celda, kahit na ganon, kahit na may mga detainido kayo, nakapang express pa rin sa art. Ang spiriton ng paglayaan ng kalayaan ay patuloy nilang isinabuhay. Wala na ho ako masyadong oras. Monit alam naman hunating ang sinapit di Premity Bumihares. Siya po ay malapit kay Pangulong Marcos, bilang President ng National Press Club. Siya po ang nag-justify ng Marcos Marshalo sa Jarrion ng Sunday Express noong September 24, 1972. So balit siya po yung kumalas sa rehimen at sinula tangi sa ngaklat na da conjugal dictatorship. Alam niyo po ba kung anong nangyari sa kanya? Hindi. Ako rin. Hindi ko rin po alam, ang tawag po sa kanila-aides sa Parisido. Mga nawala. At ilandaan din yan sa pano ng Pangulong Marcos. Ang anak niyang si Boyet, eventually, ay nawala. At pagkatapos ay may naghulog po ng isang bagay mula sa helicopter. At eventually nakita ho, ito po rin ka, tawan na duguan ni Boyet. Seventeen years old, binunot lat ng kanya mapuko, 33 ice peak woods around the body. Pag-down ng pulis, kumatagbuyat ang President ngayon yung investigation, ay sabi ito daw ay pat-related. Of course, wala hong naniniwala doon. Alam mo natin ang sinapit ni Kebony Ilagan ng susunod natin speaker, Chepu Aitinorcho, sa ilalim ng batas militam, dahil sa kanyang pakikibaka. So balit, ang kanyang kapatin na si Visalina ay isa rin de sa Parisido at nawawala na rin po. Hindi pa minatatagpuan. Ang aming yukilipu ng Pankasaysayan, ay magbibigay pugay din sa aming orgmate na Sibili Begg, na namatay sa pano ng batas militam at marami usaka mga pinas lang ay kabataan. Edgar Hobson, Nomi Barros, Eman Lacaba, Tony Hililavio, at marami pakong iba. At ibanga doktor ng bayan, Janis Kandor, Babi De La Pas, basay na lang ang papil upang malaman natin ang sinapit na mga katulad na nagtanggul lang sa kanilang lupain, makliyeng dulag na binawelat at pinagulan na ng bala ang kanilang bahay ko. At nabangit na o kanina ni Mamphibi, ang mga masakir na nag-anap, nagisina sabi, Manjola masakir, diskas nyo. Dino diskas namin yan. Luisita masakir, din i-diskas po namin yan, pero ito mga masakir na ito, hulang asalistahan na ito ang malisbong masakir o ang palimbang masakir na nabangit ko kanina. Ito po, ay meron kung kausap, last week lamang natagam malisbong at sinabi niya hun, tatlo sa kanyang mga tita ay balo. Tatlo sa kanyang mga tita ay balo dahil sa malisbong masakir. Nangyari po talaga ito, to libo libo na matay sa malisbong. Mas brutalized as a people. Sinang bayan ay na brutalized. Is it worth it? Sabi ni Pangulong Makakos nung palamang first quarter storm. Gusto nanyang, kideklara ang Makakos yalong. Pero hindi niya ginawa bakit? Dahil gusto niya itong lumala. Bakit na gusto itong lumala? Sabi niya masib terrorism, muanton, killings na nanatempat, may assassination. Allow the situation to develop. He will declare marshalo and suspend the privilege of the race of Fabias Corpus and arrest all including all the legal. Sabi niya maghintay daw siya nantamang panawang para-restoin sila. Nag-iisik na ng paglabag sa kapapatapantaw dalawang taon palamang pag-uilap ang bataswilita. Bakit po? Next pamagrah, sabi, if I want to be perpetuated in power, this is the easier way to it. Para lang lumawig ang kapangyarihan, para lumawig ang posisyon, ang implowensya, ang pera. What's the cost of all this? Bakit tayo ang nagbayad? Bakit nasira ang ating mga buhay? At anggang ngayon ay pinag-away-away tayo? Dahil dito? Bakit nagkaroon ang pagnanakaw? Noong ito hindi pinagbayaran nila. Marami na halos nagnakaw, ginaya po sila. The AFP recognizes in its code of ethics the misdeeds of some of its members who sacrifice national interest for individual games, committed graph and corruption perpetuated the ill effects of Marshalo. Nire-resolved daw nila ito at gusto nilang matuto sa kasaysaya. Ako po ay umakasa, so balit sana po tayo ay magbantay at singilin din po natin sila sa kanilang pangakong ito. The corruption in all levels of Philippine society today is an example of what happens to a country 40 years after wiping out many of its dreamers and idealists. Hindi masamang tao si Edgar Hobson. Hindi ako naniniwala ang masamang tao at dapat mamatay ng katulad di Lorena Barros o nililiyo sa hila. I refuse to accept that these are bad people who deserve to die. In the end when we accepted this brutality, pag sinasabi natin patayin ng kapwa natin para namin lahat tayo hindi ka ma nakaranas ng Marshalo. Kapag kaminomura mo ang mga victima ng Marshalo. Kapag kaminomura mo ang kapwa mo pag kanakikipaglaban para sa demokrasia at kalayahan. Lahat tayo ay victima ng Marshalo. Walang hindi victima at hanggang ngayon patuloy tayong binibictima. Ngayon gusto ko na maalala natin men, women and children and the young people. Sila po ay nagbuis ng buhay dahil lumaban po sila. Hindi dahil sila masamang tao sa pankat sila ay may paggibig sa bay. Kaya ibang iba po yung pinakita ng People Power. May Marshalo tayo Jacks Taposit with People Power kung saan ng kalaban po natin ay hindi po natin dito pinakita natin pakikipagkapwa tao. Yung kalaban natin hindi natin pinatay. Professionalism of people in the armed forces and the people. Pakikipagkapwa tao, nagbigayan ang bulaklak, nagyakapat nagsabi bakit tayo magpapatayang, pariparego tayong mga Philippines. Sabi ni Ferdy Amseo kapangala ni Ferdy Nand Marcos subalitis ang bayaneng mula sa atin ayo ang ating capitis koela. Sa isang sulat para sa kanya mga kaanak hari naway magtangpo tayong muli sa isang panahong walang kalupitan. At hari nawasan atin po ang panatili at bantayan ng ating bayan ay walang kalupitan at tumutungo sa kaginawahan. Dito po ay obligation natin bilang skolang ng bayan at bilang mamamayan ng ating inang bayan. Makamipong salamat at mabuhay tayo na. Unayong kagimbal-gimbal ang sistematikong paggamit ng torture ng Reheming Marcos upang supilin ang pagtutol. Nakikita rin po natin ng reaction ng ating mga kasama ngayon sa ating zoom chat naramdam nila ang naging danas ng ating mga kasamahan o naging victimang ng Reheming Marcos. Maraming salamat po profesor Chua. Sa pagtindi nyo lang ito binigyan na Akademikong Sipat ibinahagin nyo rin ang malagim na sinapit ng natakarami natin mga kababayan. Ang ikalaman natin tagapag salita ay isang survival ng batas militar, aktivista at tagapagtaguyod ng karapatang pantao. Isa rin siyang multi-awarded na screenwriter, filmmaker, playwright, writer at editor. Noong 2019 na tanggap niya ang gawad Plaredel, isang taon ng parangal na ibinibigyan ng UP System at ng UP College of Mass Communication sa mga premiadong media practitioner nagumanap ng may pinakamatahas na antas ng professional integridad at interest para sa servicio publico. Sa kasalokuyan, si Yahay Tagapangulo ng Sorya ng Sineng Osusi, isang pambansa ang institution pangkultural na mga artista, manonulat, mga gawa sa kultura at kanilang mga samahan na nakatoon sa papapaonlat ng sineng at panitikan para sa tunay na pababagong panlipunan. Upang talakayin ang presentasyong may pamagat na dukot sa southern Tagalog 10 Revisited. Pakinggan po natin si Ginoong Bonipasio, Bonnie Pilagat. Maraming salamat sa... nag-invita sa akin sa webinar na ito. Salamat din sa lahat ng nagsalita. Marigilin po buba ang buksa niya rin po ba, Prof. Sir Bonnie ang inyong video para pumakita po tayo na ating makasamig. Thank you, thank you. Inilatang punin nyo ang lahat ng dapat ilatag. Bisa na itong ating sasabihin pagpamanin punin nyo. Magandang umaga sa inyong lahat. Noong 2009, may sinulat akong screenplay tungkol sa magkasintahang aktivista na dinukot at pinortyur ng militar na ginampanan nina Alan Dison at Isa Kalsado. Ang pamagat ay dukot. Next frame, please. Yung next frame natin. Nandali lang pa. Ay, salam, pasensya na. Si Junix ay isang leader-activist ang nagmamastwork sa isang komunidad. Leader-activist ang nagmamastwork sa isang komunidad ng mga katutubo sa sambales. Ang hindi nialam siya pala ay nasalistahan na ng mga aktivist ang pinatarget ng militar para in-neutralize ang listahan ay tinatawag na order of battle isang death list. Si Junix ay bong mabasa may nila dahil may isang mahalagang gawain. Pero babalik din siya sa sambales. Noong madaling araw na siya ay dukutil, makikipagkita siya sa isang, sa kanyang kasintahan, si Maricel. Si Maricel ay nagtatrabaho sa isang call center. Aktivista rin siya dati, mungit naglailo na upang magtrabaho at makatulong sa kanyang ina at dalawang maliliit makapatig. Sa proseso ng paghanap, kina Junix at Maricel, ang kanilang mga magulang ay nagkakilala at nagkapaalaga yung doob. Isang Human Rights Organization ng Indog Dayan nila, taboong buu naman sumuporta sa kanilang paghanap. Lihat ng maaaring gawin ay ginawa nila, galugari ng mga campo militar, hospital, puneraria at cementeryo, basta may matisod silang league. Kumanapprin silan ng legal intervention sa pamamagitan ng paksasamba ng habla sa korte. Walang kinahantungan ang kanilang paghanap kung di sa walarin. Hanggang sumapit ang pangkakataon na makamit nila ang isang matinding piraso ng evidencia na nagtuturo sa militar bilang siyang gumawa ng crimen. Tamantala, sinajunix at Maricel ay dumanas ng matinding pangpapahirap sa kamay ng intelligence unit ng militar. In the horrid sojourn in search of the missing, the story of Junix and Maricel as well as the seething unrest and its consequent social movement in the Philippines and ravels. Ang story ang nilikako sa Dukot ay hinanguko sa mga tunay na pangyayari at sa mga kasaisaya ng pag-Dukot ng militar, sa buong panahon ng marxialo ng Marcos at maging pagkatapos. Mula sa spine ng narrative anggang sa mga detali. Para sa yubto ng Marxialo, ang pangunahing pinagbatayan ko ay ang historia ng Southern Tagalog 10. Sa mga kaso ng pag-Dukot, matapos ang Marxialo, kumiram naman ako ng mga detali sa kaso ni Jonas Burgos, sa particular ang sasakyan na ginamit sa pag-Dukot sa kanya. Dyan po sa Gotesco, sa Commonwealth Avenue, ang sasakyan ay natanpuan sa isang kampo militar sa gitang Luzon. Panahon iyon ng Gloria Makapagal Arroyo. Ang ending ng pelikula ay batay sa isang pangyayari sa Bicol noong panahon ng Presidente Noynoy Aquino. Kung susurihin kung gayaon, ang practice ng political abduction o enforced disappearances na nagsimula sa panahon ni Marcos ay nagtulituloy sa lahat ng rehimen matapos yun anggang sa kasalokuyang rehimen ni Duterte. Isa sa sinasadi kung best practices ng Marxialo, o worst practices ayon kay Prof. Judy Tagiwalo, na isin na sa katuparan ni Duterte, at naglalagay sa Pilipinas sa situasyon ng Marxialo kahit walang formal na deklarasyon ng Marxialo ay itungang enforced disappearances. Balik po tayo sa aking pelikula. Dan itong husga ng Pilipin Cinema Evaluation Board sa Dukot, and I quote, Director Joel Lamangan dispenses no frills in this well-told story and screenwriter Bonifacio Ilagan is unapologetic in his ideology. Reasons why the older viewers with memories of Marxialo would better appreciate the film. For younger moviegoers, Dukot is educational because it warns of seething unrest still present in our midst. Grade A ang ibinigay ng nasabi government board na ang katumbas ay 100% tax incentive or exemption. Dukot warns of seething realities still present in our midst, ang sabi ng board. At ang seething reality na iyon kung sa pinang human rights ay hindi biro-biro. Kung baga sa panaginip, bangungot. Ang kaibhan lamang kapag ikaw ay binabangungot, marikang magazine. Bawiin ang hinigang nagkabul buhol, uminom ng tubig at mumalik sa realization ang lahat ay panaginip lamang pala. Hindi ganawon kapag ikaw ay dinukot at tuluyang patayin. Next frame please. Ngunit sa dalawang pangkakataong ako ay dinukot, ako ay nakaligtas. At na iyon ay nagpapatotoos sa inyo sa lagim ng batas militar. Hindi ako naparis kina Emmanuel Lito Alvarez at Manuel Entong na dinakipno ang 1972 at hindi na nakita. Kapua ko sila kaibigan at nakasama sa gawain sa Kilusan. Hindi rin ako napaggaya kay Leticia Pasqual na dinukot ng 1975 at hindi na rin nakita. Nakasama ko si Tish ng FQS ng 1970. Nang mangyari ang pagdukot sa kanya, nakita ko pa siya ngunit sa larawan na lamang. Nakakulung ka kunaon sa Kampukrami. Kinuha ako ng guardya sa aking celda. Dinala sa kalapit-kukisi na ng Intelligence Unit na sa kwarto si Lieutenant Rodolfo Aguinaldo. Isa sa matinding tumortyur sa aking. Nakangisi siya. Ipinakitan niya sa aking ang retrato ni Tish at tinanong ako kung kilala ko siya. Umiling ako. Nang ibalik ako sa celda, hindi ako mapakalik. Alam kung may nangyari na sa kanya, baka nahulin na siya. Wala akong mapagsabihan in-communicado kasi ako noon. Anggang ngayon, si Tish ay hindi pa nakikita. Tabi lang siya sa 1000 dinukot at natiti akong pinahirapan sa kapina tayo nang southern Tagalog 10 na kinabilangan ng aking kapati. Sa mantala, si Lieutenant Rodolfo Aguinaldo ay naging coronel. Nahalal na governor ng Provincia Nangkagayan at congressman. Anyway, next frame, please. Ang southern Tagalog 10 ang sinasabing single biggest case of political abduction na panahon ng Marshalo ni Marcos. Ang isa dito ay ang aking kapaktid, si Rizalina Ilagan. Mas baka ka sa aking. Siya ay estudiante sa UP Los Baños nang idiklara ang batas militar at nagpasiyang sumanid sa underground. Next frame, please. Si Gerardo Faustino, estudiante rin sa UP Los Baños. Next frame, please. Si Modesto Sison, dating natuturo sa Mindanao, bumalik sa Luzon, at naging bahagi ng network ng Kilosang Lihim sa southern Tagalog. Next frame, please. Guru sa UP Los Baños. Next frame. Christina Catalia, estudiante rin sa UP Los Baños. At isa sa malapit kong kaibigan. Next frame, please. Si Ramon Hasul, nakalimutan ko kong kanyang paralan soba estudiante siya sa Metro Manila, Tagakhezon. Nakailag frame na tayo, Anim. Ya, Anim na siguro. Ang totoo, ang southern Tagalog 10 ay 12, ay 12 ang idikong sabihin. Monit kinapos ako ng panalalik sick. It was so much later when I learned that there were two more activists in Bakangas whose disappearance was directly connected to the southern Tagalog case. Bayaan yung si PIN ko ang sang bahagi ng artikulong sinulad ko tungkol sa southern Tagalog 10. And I quote, I did not anticipate meeting my sister at all. She was deep in the underground movement against the Marcos regime and I was a political detainee who had just been granted provisional liberty. Isang araw, yun man, hindi ko natiti akong 1976 o 1977, inadala niya ako ng sang mensahe. Gusto niya akong makita. And so there we were, sharing stories in a peasant house in an interior village in Kalawan Laguna. Tagiwalay kami, masaya. Sa pagsat nagkita matapos ang lahat. In July of 1977, I got another letter from her. Gusto niya ulit akong makita. Sa pagkakataong ito, sa Katipunan Quezon City. Pumunta ko, she waived by the roadside. As she spoke of a problem that I sensed to be serious, she carried her signature countenance. Alamin yung kapatipong yun, masayahin, pleasant, reassuring. Pero, hindi mo siya mapapatawan ng malakas. Nagbulat nga ako nung nag-join siya ng underground. Dahil ang tingin ko sa kanya, itang mariyaklara na hindi makakasakit ng isang kulisa. Kailangan namin ng tulong kuya, sabi niya, nawawalan ang ilan sa aming mga kasamahan. Anong itit mo sabihin nawawala? Ang suspech na namin, sabi niya, siya ay nakuhanan ng militar at ang aming mga posts ay under surveillance na. Alam namin kami ay sinuso-by-byan. Pelangan po namin ng isang bahay na malilipatan. Ang sabi ng kasamahan ng aking kapatip. I knew precisely what kind of help they needly needed kasi ako'y matagal ding bahagi ng kilosang lihim. Okay, I'll have one house ready for you. Piniyapos sa kanila. We agreed on the details of our next meeting. Hindi dumating ang aking kapatip. Even as I waited long enough. That got me worried. Certainly afterwards, Estrel Consulation, an original member of Pandisening na may contact sa underground confirmed my worst fears. My sister was now among the missing. Parang nagsisi ako. Kasi naisip ko, kung nang nakita kami, ay sinabi ko na sa kanila na sumama ka sa apin, baka ay diktas pa siya. Pero well, it's water under the bridge. Anyway, ang bankay ni Modesto Bong Season ay nahukay sa isang common grave sa Lucena City, Quezon. Samantalang ang bankay ni na Salvador Tanganiban at Birhillo Silva ay nakakwa naman sa isang bangin sa Tagaytay Cavite, Bukbugsarado. The fate of the rest remains uncertain till now. Although I am convinced that all people have also been killed by their abductors and the women's rape. Bakit ko sinasabing ang mga babay ay ginahasa? Isang taon, bago mawala ang Southern Tagalog 10. May naon ang nawala tatlong activista. They were Adora Fe De Vera. Palagay ko, i-studentis siya na kung hindi ay bagong graduate ng Philippine Science High School. Rolando Federis and Flora Coronacion. Si Rolando at si Flora ay pinatay. Adora live to tell the story. Si Adora ay kabilang sa mga saksi na nagpunta sa Hawaii laban sa Marcos Estate na pinanalunan ng mga victima ng batas militar ni Marcos. Part of her testimony said, the following days we were still not allowed to dress. Rolando had to sleep naked on the cold cement floor without any bedding. Corporal Alberto Trapal and the civilian called Severino P took turns in burning my fingernails and toenails with cigarettes, stroking my size and pulling the hair of my legs. On October 13, corporal Charlie Tolopia and the civilian named Rodolfo, took me to the Bartolina where corporal Trapal and Severino P subjected me to sexual indignity, touching my private parts while uttering obscenities. On October 14, I was raped by Captain Eduardo Sebastian as his method of extracting information. Because I had no information to give, I was abused sexually from 12 o'clock noon to past 3 p.m. After this, I was also made to undress by Captain Jesus Calaunan and later that evening by Lieutenant Joseph Malila. Ang mga oficial pungito ay graduate ng Philippine Military Academy. When Flora was finally allowed to talk with me that evening, she confided that Wellan Escudero and Florante Makatangay had raped her the previous days. After supper, she was taken to the small room by Private First Class Alex Estores. And when she came out crying, she confided to me again that she was raped. Ang mga tauhan ng Militaron na pinangalanan ni Adora ay kabilang sa itang composite Intelligence Ground Team or Ground Team 205 of the armed forces of the Philippines which she identified itong sinabi niya to be the same team that worked on and trailed and abducted the Southern Tagalog Ten. Adora had firsthand information. She was taken along by Ground Team 205 whenever it changed safe houses in Lucena and in the Manila area as this intelligence team had pursuit of the activists who would be called the Southern Tagalog Ten. Nagkasama po kami na Adora matapos siyang makatakas at ikinwento niya sa aking mist mo ang nangyari. Of course, hindi niya nakita na tuhirang ginawa sa aking kapatid at the Southern Tagalog Ten. But going, kung susandin mo ang logic kung ano ang nangyari sa kamiya at kay Flora at kay Rolando malamang kay sa hindi yun ang nangyari sa aking kapatid at sa Southern Tagalog Ten. Ground Team 205 was composed of operatives of the Second Military Intelligence Group of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Second Constabulary Security Unit and the 231st Company both of the Philippine Constabulary the precursor of today's to serve and to protect ang Philippine National Police. Led by Colonel Alejandro Gallido it had about 24 operatives kung Adora named in her testimony including military, police and civilian elements. The operatives included two majors two captains and one first lieutenant after the eds uprising in 1986 Ground Team 205's chiften Colonel Gallido would be promoted to general. The case of the Southern Tagalog Ten is a high point in the series of human rights violations perpetrated by soldiers and agents of the state in supreme authority of the Marcos government. The incidents formed a practice a tradition no less which thrived till the present ito po ang gusto kung bigyang diin nagpapatuloy hanggang ngayon. Government accountability for these crimes did not cease when Marcos was thrown out of power in 1986. Government accountability in the case of the Southern Tagalog Ten and in all the cases of human rights violations in the Philippines remains to date because government as a continuing institution persists to perpetrate human rights violations harbors the criminals looks the other way around and in fact rewards them with promotion. Is a seduterte sa number one din retired nga nire-recycle niya at ibinabalik niya sa civilian bureaucracy. What befell Adora Feidevera Rolando Federis Flora Coronacion in the Southern Tagalog Ten was an utterly beastly crime that has violated all of all of the laws of the land as well as all international conventions and standards for respecting human rights and treating political dissenters. To date, not one among the thousands of cases of human rights violations that were documented and filed has ever been sold in the Philippines. This is not to say, however, that we can simply relegate the cases to the filing cabinet at hayaan na lamang sila doong alikabukin. Next frame, please. For some, the years that passed might have ceased the pain and the passion to seek justice. Dios na ang bahala God will provide. For some, that could be some kind of a settlement. But it does not justify that we allow a situation at a role but forgotten and who are they become mere names even to their children and their own families. Kung sinuman ang nagsabi na ang mga Pilipino ay may mixing memoria probably correct. And that is precisely why we need to perpetuate the memory of our loved ones who made a supreme sacrifice so that one day soon we may begin to live in justice freedom and democracy. But it is not only in their honor that Pilipinos need to always remember and never to forget it is more so for the sake of the generations to come. Sa pagkat ang mga hindi nakakatanda sa lumipas ay hindi matututo ng mga aral nito and will never be able to create a future for their own. Without remembrance and the learning of the past they will forever be enslaved. We will forever be enslaved. Today the greater tragedy is not that our loved ones went missing many many years ago. The greater tragedy is that those they left behind have forgotten what had befallen them and why. Ramin salamat ko. Ramin salamat ko Ginoong Boniilagan sa mapagparanas niyong pagtatampok sa kuwento ng Suthering Tagalog 10. Katulad ni Ginoong Boniilagan ang huli natin takapagsalita ay may personal ring karanasan sa lupit ng Rehemang Militar. Siya ipinanganak sa Longsod ng Davao Luong Hunyo 8, 1947 na tapos niyang AB Sociology mula sa Ateneo de Davao University MS Economics ASA Social Institute at Ph.D. in Philippine Studies mula sa UP Dileman. Binigin siya ng Ph.D. sa Humanities ng Saving University. Nagsilbi siya sa iba't ibang mga NGO at Institution ng Simbahan. Sumali siya sa Redemptory's Congregation at naging isang religious brother naong 1990. Siya ay ina-arresto at ikinulong sa Panahon ng Rehemang Marcos at gumugul ng 221 sa Bilangguan mula 1983 hanggang 1985. At pinalaya ang matapos mapatunayan na inosentasia sa mga kasong subversion ng Regional Trial Court. Sumulat din siya na higit sa 20 mga libro tungkol sa mga ethnographicong pagaaral ng mga Indigenous Peoples papapapalaganap ng kapayapaan sa Mindanao kasi saye ng Mindanao at mga discursong teologico. Ang kanyang Libroong Manobo Dreams in Arakan na inilathala ng Ateneo de Manila University Press ay nagwagi ng National Book Award para sa Social Sciences noong 2013. Sa kasalukuyan, siya isang professor sa St. Alfonso's Theological Admission Institute Satmi sa Lungsood ng Davao. Upang ibahagi ang my personal experience of being a victim of human rights violations under Marcos Marshall LaRule na rito posib Brother Carlito Carl Gaspar CSSR. Panao rin po natin ang kanyang recorded na presentasyon. It is said that during the Marcos Marshall rule there were no human rights violations or there were only a few. But I contest that claim because I myself would have experienced the massive human rights violations in place during Marcos Marshall LaRule. I was then already very much engaged in dealing with social issues between the years with Marcos Marshall LaRule's declare in 1972 until beyond even ETSA even until today. In 1972 on the day when Marcos Marshall LaRule's declare I was working as a church worker in Matigaba Oriental we were dealing with base Christian communities and also supporting the organizing of peasants. When Marshall LaRule's declare that evening a squad of PC men came to arrest me and five other members of our team and we were brought to the PC camp. Fortunately, we only stayed in the camp for about five hours and we were released to be on house arrest for three months. That was the first time I got arrested. The second time I got arrested again when I was already working with Philippine Business for Social Progress and I went to monitor a project that we were supporting among the Tibolis and Lake Sibu Lake Sibu being Lake Sibu being the homeland of the Tibolis in South Cotabato. Unfortunately, from the missionaries assigned there that the Panamin which was the government agency in charge of IP communities at the time was beginning to be very abusive and I wanted to document that when I was there I was arrested on the spot fortunately the bishop of the local area guaranteed that I was not subversive and he was able to get me released so earlier already I was arrested twice at that time you could be arrested and they could just decide what to do with you but the third time I got arrested this was the worst I was then already engaged in documentation of human rights violations in collaboration with task force detainees and we were documenting cases of what was happening in among political prisoners who were being tortured we were documenting salvaging arrest imprisonment all over in the now and because of the difficulty then of sending reports where you could do a lot of advocacy work since of course this was before there was internet this was before you could go long distance and all the gadgets we have now we only relied on foreign visitors who would come to say dabao and we would give them at the documentations and since no one would inspect them as we went through the airport they could bring these reports to you and then distributed for popular consumption and therefore putting pressure on marcos and letting the world know about what was happening in the Philippines fortunately sometime in 1983 and this was around the holy week I remember this very well I was bringing one whole bag of documentations to meet a Lutheran minister German who was in the city and who was living in a few days back to Germany and as I said this was one way through which we could deliver documentations to our partners in Europe and in the Amnesty International Human Rights groups and known to me where he was staying was already raided by the military and everyone in that house and anyone else who had entered that house were arrested this was also the week when Edjop and his group were found in one village in Dabao that led to the death of Edjop and the arrest of seven or eight other companions of that particular group including a priest from somewhere so that that very day when I delivered the documents to this house bringing these documents I entered the house and as soon as I entered the house I knew that I was in trouble because immediately these men these groupish men grabbed me and tied me and I knew I was in trouble and immediately I was blindfolded and right there and then interrogated I was already afraid that I would be tortured but that was not the place where we would torture people so this was this was about 5.30 in the afternoon so it was still light we waited until dark before they could move me to a safe house where in the outskirts of the city and I was placed there and after that question for whatever reason I was not physically tortured only God knows why did not happen I thought they would because already I had a sense that they thought they had captured a top level communist insurance in fact it should be a photo of a document where my photo could be seen which was supposed to be an indicator that they were looking for me anyway what happened was that they thought they had found somebody in a top level position so that very morning at dawn I was whisked to the airport they made me wear soldiers uniform placed inside an air force plane still blindfolded and I didn't know who else was there but I could tell there were other people in the plane we were seated on the floor and we flew and we were flown straight to Manila and later on I would know that I was brought to camp Tago Mantae and there I was kept in Comodicado for one whole week that whole holy week when I was arrested for my rights I demanded that I see a lawyer I demanded that I inform my family I demanded that people knew that I had been picked up but all those rights were not respected at all and I assumed that they were out to really make sure that I would confess I would give names which usually was the reason why they kept you in Comodicado I of course expected the worst because no one knew that I was picked up and no one knew that I had been flown to Manila and no one knew that I would be there in that isolated cell in Camp Bago Mantae Anyway, to make the long story short Senator Jocno and Sister Mariat of TFD knew that I would have been arrested they went to Bago Mantae looking for me because they assumed I would be there they were told I was not there but eventually because Senator Jocno filed a habeas corpus case in the Supreme Court the case was heard on Easter Monday and so the military was forced to release me, to surface me so on Monday of that Easter week in 1983 I was brought to the Supreme Court in charge with subversion with what do you call it now possession of subversive materials subversive weapons and therefore because I had cases against me filed with the regional trial court I could not be released on bail because at that time these sort of cases were unbailable so after I appeared at the Supreme Court where the justices were there in back along with the attorney Jocno to hear my case I was immediately brought back again to Camp Bago Mantae brought again to the airport that very same day flown to Davao City and then brought to the Metro Discom for the stocking here in Davao City where I languished for 22 months I was a political prisoner for 22 months because there was a semblance of justice still at that time my case was heard in court but the military made sure that I would be in prison for a long time and they constantly delayed and delayed and delayed the court hearings because they knew they had no case against me they had witnesses lined up against me and what they claimed we could easily prove them false through all kinds of documentations and witnesses that I had it was only eventually after 20 months that the court found me innocent of the charges of the military so the military were forced of course to release me but at that time you could not be released even if the court found you innocent until Marcos himself would sign the preventive detention action in Balacanyang it took another 2 months for that paper to be signed brought to Davao and it was only then by March of 1985 that I was released so from a very personal testimony I can really say I was a victim of human rights violations under martial rule and I'm one of thousands and I was lucky I survived because many people did not many people were killed during that martial rule Maraming salamat po Brother Carl Gaspar ang inyong kwento ay kwento rey ng napakaraming karaniwang mamamayan ng batas militar ngayong napakinggana natin lahat ang mga presentasyon nadakonaputayo sa ating mga talakayan sa punto pung-ido tinatawagan ko po si Prof. Alvin Campamanis Program Head of Social Sciences Ego Studies Program upang makintakapagpadaloy ng mga talakayan gandang umaga po sa inyong lahat sana malinaw naman ng audio bahagi ko po ang aking gagwin para sa ako po yung magigintagapagpadaloy para sa dalawang klaseng talakayan una po yung talakayan sa paggita ng mga tagapagsalita panel discussion muna pagkatapos po dito kapag naresolban na lahat ng mga issue ng mga napagusapan ay nadakuputayo sa pag-entertaining questions mula sa ating audience ok so sa ngayon po panel discussion muna ihilingin ko po sa ating mga tagapagsalita ng inyong camera kumahari at meron po kung ilang iniandang tanong para gabayan yung ating talakayan ngayong umaga ok? sa semalam po natin bago tayo dumakas sa mas malawak na mga paksa gusto ko po yung itanong muna sa antas na personal ano ba ang pang matagalang epecto ng pagiging victima ng paglabag sa karapatang pantaw makakasagot nito ang pinakamainam na sumagot yung mga tagapagsalita sa panel natin na dumanas nito for sure may iniiwang peklat o latay sa pagkataw ang ganitong karanasan at pagkatapos po nito ano kaya para naman sa lahat ang tagapagsalita ano kaya ang pang matagalang epecto nito collective trauma sa ating bilang isang lipunan ano kaya ang epecto ng ganitong mga paglabag sa karapatang pantaw at ating bilang isang mansa yan pa so anyone po can start anyone who would like to respond can I start? Sir Roland mo na? Well, doon sa dalawang beses kung pagkakaipiit at nakaranas ng torture ng punang beses siguro ang impact sa akin e lalong lumalim ang pagkakaintindi ko ukul sa pasismo kasi dati ang studianti ako na babasak ko at naririnig ko yung ukul sa pasismo yung yung paggamit ng fuerza ng estado para mag-victima yung karaniweng kantao karaniweng tao so na witness ko yun yung mga nakasama ko rin sa kulungan sa camp Trame and later sa Fort Bonifacio yung kanilang senior personal direct experience lalong lumalim pagkakaintindi ko pangalawa yung impact ng experience na yun lalong lumalim yung akong commitment for social transformation kasi nung hulihin ako unang hulihin ako ang akong involvement lang limited sa university at student issues hindi ko masyadong alam ng kanong kalalim yung nagaganap sa ibang pabahagi ng lipunan ngunit nung makahalo ko sa detention yung mga ano talaga reformers organizers na detain lalo na galing sa peasant sector merong galing sa mga unionista lalong lumalim in other words yung detention experience ko parang naging isang political university yung detention kaya of course yung effect to sa iba na kita ko rin yung effect to sa iba na torture at ang mga iba nakasama ko yung iba naman meron talaga lumamig na takot na after detention ayaw ng makikisangkot pero sa aking personal experience parang lalu akong naging isang committed na activista na ngayon naintindihan pa yung mas malawak na problema ng lipunan sa pagkat imagine 24-7 kasama mo yung maraming detention detainist na yung iba doon talagang ano sila malalim yung experience dila sa nakasama yung mga magsasaka mga manggagawa and marami sa kanila galing sa mga sector na yun yun ang naging impact sa akin Okay pa Salamat pa Professor Simbulan Doctor Sanchez ayaw po mo na and then siguro po paghanda na si Sir Bonnie o si Brother Carl baka po may gusto ko yung sabihin Okay so Doctor Sanchez my experience si Booh sa 1984 wellgang bayan they picked us up sa kasi may dalang mga soyak so that was what we did I experienced yung hampasin ka ng dulo ng armalight masakit po yun kung personal ang tinatanong mo hanggang ayun iniisip ko pa yung gumawa sa akin noon eh alam pangapasok din sa uta ko na asakit kaya nung pagginaganong ka the butt of the armalight ginaganong ka sa dipdib o sa gilin masakit yun malikit pa yung katawan natin noon I was still very young that time so if you're asking my personal personal effect at that level until now I'm still thinking if I could fight back and I could do that also Thank you po Doctor Sanchez hindi ko alam na mayerong kayong karanasan halimang beses ako na huli mga rallies sa si Booh po ito sa si Booh ko takbuhan tapos yung OPOD operation pintal operation dikit we paint the town red and then they pick us up Para po sa kaalaman nung ating mga tagapakinig kung napansin po ninyo ang pagkakaayos ng panel may kanyakanyang mga paksa na nakalahan ito po ay mga halimbawa ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao tapos sinadjapo namin na mayerong tagapagsalita si Doctor Sanchez po ay at mayerong kinatawa naman namin dano sa Brother Carl Gaspar kasi po gusto natin magkaroon ang mas malawak na pagingin hindi lang mga nakacentro sa Maynila o sa Luzon kasi po mayerong claim ang loyalist narative halimbawa sa social media na itong pagtutulraw sa Batas Militar ay sa Maynila lang yan o sa Luzon lang yan so gusto natin makita yung mas malawak na larawan ang kay mas malaking larawan sige po so sunod nabustong magbigay ng reaction Sir Bonnie po sige po ayang pure iba-iba ang reaksiyon ng bayot detainee sa kanilang karanatahan sa akin nung ako lumaya hindi ko naman inisip magpatuloy ako no nothing of the sort pinapakiram naman ko ang situation but one thing na mayani sa aking ako itong na ako ay nakalaya kasi kanyo imagine a little more than 2 years lang ang detention ko samantalang yung mga imiwan ko inabot ng sampung taon labing usang taon bago nakalaya so I was so happy I was so ecstatic at ang unakong ginawa ay bumalik sa University of the Philippines sa UP sa Dileman dun po narandaman yung pag-welcome ba kasi nag ano ako ay without leave wala akong pake iniwan ko lahat ang mga gamit ko sa dorm sa nara iniwan ko lahat yan so nung bumalik ako sa UP hindi ko alam kung tatang kapina ko 1. Marcello pangalawa binali wala ako sila lahat at katong tawa ako no question sa us nung nalaman nilang karirilis ko lamang inayos nilang akong papila tapo ay nakakalik at narandaman ko dun yung pagpapanong balik so yung sa akin nagpatunay wala akong ibang pwedeng puntahan dito sa kilusan na ito ngayon sa usapin ng torture sa tuto wala nung una hindi ko alam na merong trauma kasi hindi naman ako na naginginit sa gabi para balikan yung nakaraan but I realize when people begin asking me questions first in and then eventually yung mga interview meron ako hindi sinasabi and I think may isang bahagi ng aking karanasan that I kept in denial at ngayon ko lang unti-unti na iba bahagi meron pa kong simisikap na nilawin kung papano isisiwalat ng buo pero ganon nakakas pagtutol ng protesta ang nakakatulong sakit para magsiyualat magsiyualat of course yung sabi ko nga ako yung nadaki 20 years after my first abduction at doon big lang bumalik ang lahat ng alaala ng 1974 at worse kasi nung 74 hindi naman ako piniringan at ang ginamit sa aking ay osa pero nung 94 piniringan ako at kataan ang mga kasaman ko at ang ginamit sa aking ay wire at hindi kabi dinereto sa kampo dinereto kami sa motel at sa motel gamete north shore so sabi ko kung nakaliktas ako ng 74 ah ngayon hindi na kasi ni walang mga finger print pero long story short nakaliktas pa rin all through those years ang isang pinanghawakan ko ay yung karanasan ng aking yung aking kapati kasi ayon ang anaki makasama kami shortly before she was abducted before she went missing lahat ang pangpung pamilya ko ay naghanap and you know what nakarating kami merong office for detainee affairs ng panahon na yun ito yung tumatanggap lahat ng mga kailangan ayusi nila and you know what ang siyabi ng defense department di ko alam kung department kung ministry kasi nung panahon na yun ano tayo eh parliamentary may prime minister alam mo nunga sa diario yung dong kapatid ko at yung mga kasamahan niya ay napatay sa isang encuentro sa keson at ginagamit lang namin yung pangkawalan nila kaming mga pamilya para si Sihil ang gobierno hindi ko lang na ipago yung clipping pero ang lina-lina sabi ko baka nang mga yayaring nasa bundok at nakiti panglaban ay kausap ko nga eh a few days bago sila dokutin lahat lang ito ang nakatulong upang may process ko yung aking personal na karanasan at trauma kung may roman ayon ng aking masas natin sir Bonnie Total nabanggit na po ninyo na rito na tayo sa paksana ito yung pangalawang tanong ko kasi sana para sa inyo talaga sa idudugtong ko na po dahil ito na yung tinatalakay ninyo tuto upo ba na sa kaso ng desaparecido o sa pamilya ng isang desaparecido maaring mas masakit yung ganong karanasan kaysa yung nakita mo na matay talaga yung kamag-anak mo kasi kung nakita mo namatay yung kamag-anak mo nakita mo nilibing at tinabuna ng lupa may closure alamong patay na siya wala na siya later on makakamove on ka pero kapag ang kamag-anak mo idasaparecido meron po mga nagsasabi na even after decades kapag may kumatok ng madaling araw sa pintu ng bahay nyo kumaasa ka pa rin bakay yung kapatid mo o kamag-anak mo na matagal ng nawawala ito po ba ay ganito rin ang karanasan ng inyong pamilya pa paano po pin-roceso ng pamilya yung ganitong kabigat na karanasan? Yes Particularly yung aking nana yung patay kapag kami dumarating sa bahay namin sa provincia na hindi nilakilala pero mukhang kaibigan yun ang kanilang inasahan may balita nakita ng aking kapatid ako hindi ibayong sa akin habang walang katiyakan kumapasok sa isip ko ay kung ano ang dina nas ni Adora Feidebera yung parang wow nakaisang tauna nakadalawang tauna hanggang na yung Bami Ray Ray nila ang aking kapatid Salamat po Sige po kung wala pang dagdag na tugundan ay brother Carl baka po may gusto kayong idagdag kung wala po ay Alvid pwede bang maykiling alulang Sige po, sir go lang ang isang isakaranasang ko nung ma-detain ako hindi ko talaga napaghandaan kasi yung torture at even imprisonment dung panahon ng botasmilitan para napaghandaan ko yun psychologically bago ako bago ako hinule kasi nababalita ang ko yung mga inuhule gano na ginagawa pero yung hindi ko na napaghandaan yung mental torture kasi nung one month yung isang buwan ako halos nilagay sa isang pinatawag tilang Bartolina ito y maliit na maliit na isolation cell siguro ang dito 4 meters ang haba by 8 8 feet yung height tapos sarado sarado yung may metal door tapos may corridor yung corridor nakatakip yung sa bintana so laging madilim sa loob ng Bartolina tapos ang nakabukas lang ng ilaw yung sa labas sa may corridor ng Bartolina at pag binibigang ka ng pagkain para kang aso merong butas sa ilalim at pag na sa Bartolina kasi wala kang wala kang dalaw wala kang saning tapos yung ano mo lang pinakasi armod ng sa loob merong isang gripo tapos merong sumasalo sa gripo at dun ka na lahat nagdudo may gusto mo maligo o mag-wash ng muka lahat mas at yung time na yung sa Bartolina hindi ka pwede lumabas wala kang saning yung talaga hindi ko napag-handaan sa pagkakapit ko bilang isang political detainee so nag-adjust ako gumawa ko nang parang 24-7 ganunang ano mo ano tapos hindi mo nga alam kung talagang araw o gabi dalpareho yung medyo madilim sa loob tapos may corridor lang sa labas pero maliit lang yung ano doon parang windows pantang upper part ng door na nakikita mo merong merong ilaw sa labas ang adjustment ko dun talagang naganaw ako parang schedule ikang paglilinis just to keep myself busy exercising tapos sa utak ko nag-compose ako ng mga tula at kumakanta yung experience na yun talagang napaka napakahirap yun ang hindi ko talaga maimagine na na-overcam ko sa detention experience Siyang ayun po ko profesor Simbola kasi yung iba pang mga nag-indetinido rin ay nabangit nila ito na kinakailangan nilang gumawa kong baga ng routine just to keep themselves sane para hindi nila hindi nila maramdaman yung inip o di kaya yung pakiramdam nila na masadong nalimitahan yung kanilang buhay yung kanilang kalayaan at kaya please sige pa brother ka okay but before I say anything you know my internet connection is very unstable so in case I disappear online you just continue and ignore for me it's been like this is the beginning well to me dalo walang naman nang mangyayaris naging victima ng human rights and this is very clear in terms of my experience with friends and all of those that I shared life as a political prisoner either patuloy ka talaga and you maneuver to the new context since EDSA and up to today we do 30 to continue as much as you can the kind of advocacy that led you to prison on the other hand unfortunately there are those also among us who for their own reasons and we can never make any judgments against them decide that that experience during marcos was enough and that they will move on and not care anymore which is fine the only problem is that and this is very clear here in the city as you know because since 30 became mayor one of the phenomenon here is that many activists have become dotar guards and some are even in government service even at the top level and are working in malakan niya and that really sad and many of us who were there common in the movement from the 70s to the 90s and the 90s why why they will quit but to sort of change sides it's really almost so frustrating but again it's very and I was unlike lost their lives some were tortured immensely I did suffer a certain level of torture but not in a very utterly physical sense it was much more mental and psychological because one week that you're isolated and no one knows where you are and you can almost guess enough but I was lucky I survived that and I thought immediately to deal with my trauma I needed to express myself and so I wrote and published it that I dealt with my own trauma and yet at the same time I would perpetuate the memory of that experience because it was not just my experience but the other political prisoners who were with me during that particular time and that to me is really still a must among us many of us really still have to continue talking about this and impossible documenting and writing about it because as many of the speakers already said you can easily just ignore that this historical moment of history can just be to do our memory short but are among us who are willing to never allow this to be forgotten then it can although it will take a lot of effort and it's really sad that even until today I encounter students in the classroom who still really don't know what happened during that particular period because there may already have books journals documents and so on but it's not it hasn't really been popularized and spread as much as it can and that's why the fake news of the propaganda machinery of the Marcos and the Duterte continue to really influence the minds of many millenials of our young people and the fact is that we still have to deal with our own individual trauma and I'm really surprised every time somebody ask me what happened I can still speak with the same emotion that I had as if it's only happening yesterday and I think we have to ask at reality that the trauma will always be there but the question is always how we deal with it how to move on and just continue to do whatever we can even as our ages advancing our health is in trouble and so on because we just have to continue remembering and be convinced that anyway history comes in cycles maybe now is not the time when we can see the upsurge again of resistance and mass movements but a day will come again when it will return Salamat po brother Carl dahil kailangan natin yung oras pumili nalang po ko nandalawa pa na sasaguti natin bilang panel discussion tapos po buksan natin yung floor para sa malayang talakaya sasagut po tayo ng ilang tanong mula sa ating audience ito po yung susunod ko tanong may mga nagsasabi po na may human rights violations rin naman ang ibang administration minamagnify lang ang kay marcos are we being unfair in our assessment of the marcos regime if we continuously discuss its human rights record paano nga ba na iiba ang kaso ng paglabag sa karapatangpantao sa ilalim ng Rahimeng Marcos kung para sa iba pang administration tingin ko po dapat lirawid nyo na kasi maraming apologists sige po sir Borny hula hindi po toto o na kami mga victima at nakaligtas at takipaglaban sa marxialo ng marcos hindi po toto o ang aming lamang pinututukan ng panasin ay ang panahon ni marcos wala po nga niyan kami po tuloy-tuloy yan kasi ang pagsusuri namin ang kasaysayan at kalagaya tuloy-tuloy din yung pung ngyari kaya yung panahon ni marcos continue itiyan e kung papatuloy yung mga nakaraang Rahimeng kaya nga ang sabi ko yung best practices ng marxialo o worst practices kung si professor Judy Tegawalo ang zasa bihil ay nangyari at nangyari natin pa so panahon ngayon ng marxialo anong ating pagtutu-o na ng panasin yung panahon ni Judy Tegawalo yun ang isang bagay na aking binibigyan ng panasin yan so we see history as a continuing process hindi po kami tumitigil sa panahon ni marcos at ang katunaya ng aming binibigyan din yung ugnaya bakit si marcos ang matindi e kasi siya na kanimulay sa kanya na tutu itong lahat ang nagdaang torturer ayun lahat bang po Alamat po miss Raisha please yes kasi tama siya na may human rights violations din particularly yung sa hook apricing marami rin yun yung during glorious arroyos time even during president Cory Aquinas time and president Benigno Aquinas time pero iba yung marcos bakit na iiba one very systematic ang torture ni marcos second nagtatag siya ng nationwide torture and detention network bawat kampo meron yung detention center geographically talagang napakalawa and third yung torture niya may purpose ang torture niya para matakot ang tao para manatili siya sa puesto he ruled by terror yung onang dapat hindihan ng mga tao he ruled by terror ako I look back sa marshal hindi ako na affecto kasi hindi ako na activist pero alam ko na may mga tao na affecto na affecto pero at siya hindi lang ang yung emotional trauma yung sa paggadaten mo ang makukuha mo during the marcos regime talaga nung nung high school ako doon nang impose ng marshal pat isa high school ko may marshal sa loob ng school mismo so laganap anong ibig sabihin merong directive ang mga madri sa amin pagkumain kayo sa lunch hindi kayo pwede nga dalawa na kumakain dapat isa-isa ah ano sorry hindi kayo pwede mas higit sa dalawa na kumain hindi pwede ng barkada ah one or two lang ganun ka tindi at siya kami hata yung first na nakak experience nung yung e-cap youth civic action program at siya yung female ROTC doon so ah going back to what you you asked earlier na mayroon ba talagang PTSD Post Traumatic Stress Disorder dahil sa nangyari sa Marcus Regime o may nakakauzap ako isang psychiatrist nung 2015 German psychiatrist siya at sinabi niya saaken na sa Germany Dao may PTSD silang nakita na hanggang 2015 may mga mga babay yung nakaranas ng rape during the war hindi nila pinagsabi sa mga nilang mga pamilya hindi alam na mga pamilya so this is also what we have to consider I think magakap PTSD din tayo pagkatapos ng rainy duterte so we need more psychologists to come forward and help us undergo the process as a nation that's all Thank you very much po isa pa mula kay Dr. Sanchez pagkatapos po may isa pa akong tanong tapos malayang talagay na tayo sagay pa Let's go back to the National Defense Act of 1935 na dyan malinao sa third article ng act ang presidente and chief of staff of the armed forces of the Philippines at sinusustain yan kaya makita mo na ang mobilization under the president may mga oplan which is also funded by the US yung oplan katatagan under Marcos oplan kadena di Amor sa kanya yun then we had an edsa people power which never paved the way to genuine democratic transition I would like to emphasize that one there was no genuine democratic transition after edsa the same ruling class are the same ruling class and the oppressed classes remain to suffer so in a kino you have oplan lambat bitag one Ramos followed with oplan lambat bitag two and three Estrada followed with oplan mama mayan Arroyo oplan bantailaya the second a kino administration oplan bayanihan or the integrated peace and security plan yung pagpasok na mga FTAs and MPSAs na ginagamit ang military for clearing operations para magtayo na mga minahan doon pumasok but it was actually Ramos administration who paved the way for the the mining act and then do 30 oplan kapayapaan oplan kapanatagan the no-knock raids patuloy pa rin yung mga no-knock raids synchronized enhanced managing police operations oplan saoron hindi na kinakatok na mga bahay doon sa Negros direct so mga composite teams ang umpisa sa Marcos Ira yung kalukokan ng militarized civilian law enforcement yung police na halo military, halo paramilitary yung al-samasa, yung kafgo magkasama sila so mga 40 ka armado hindi na kaunipormay, nakabalaklavas and they are serving search warrants three in the morning yun ang mali e bakit sila magseserve ng search warrants na hindi sila ko eh tapos nakataptap yung muka that's actually when did that start sa mga paramilitary na mga activities sa ilaga so you have to take it back from the historical development of the militarization, the policeization, the paramilitarization of the Philippine society and then if we speak of series or sequence of deaths this falls under the category of genocide it continues until now nila matapos-tapos yung mga yung mga trabaho yung perpetration of genocide so ma-isip mo din yung estado kapag i-isipin mo because it was Marko's who introduced to us I'll be making my fillang Sige pa Lala kung biglang ako kasi during the deliberation of the field that became republic act 10638 yung batasta nag indemnify at nag-recognize sa victims of victims of human rights violations sa panahon ni Marcos Senador nun si Bongbong siya ang unang tumindig laban dun sa bill na yun at ang sinabi niya why single out my father ilhat naman ng regimes ay naggaroon ng human rights violations yun lang Salamat po huling tanong ay sagip po sir Nagdagilito ukul dito sa kasi nung Marshall lalo na nung Marcos dictatorship napaka-centralized at systematic ng repression isang patunay dito nakakaabot ang repression na ito sa labas ng Pilipinas halimbawa hindi masyadong nabanggit kanina yung nangyari k Primitivo Mihares nag-disappear siya hindi lang nabictima yung kanyang anak dito sa Pilipinas but when he was in Hawaii he was known to have met some Pilipinos tapos after that never was anything heard about him nag-disappear siya isa pa yung kaso nila dalawang union leaders sa Seattle si Silme Domingo Jin Viernes were labor leaders in Seattle U.S. in the United States na very active sa anti-martial localization Pareho silang binaril in the United States in Seattle tapos napatunayan ng corte na yung nag-order at may hinayur na hitman na a certain Mr. Baruso na isang Marcos supporter and henchman sa Seattle yun ang nag-order ng pagbabaril at binayaran niya yung hitman ng $15,000 ito inapatunayan sa corte at nakunvict yung hitman at si Baruso at na indemnify yung families ng dalawang labor leaders na Pilipinos, si Silme Domingo at Jin Viernes di long arm of repression ganung ka-centralized kasi lalo na yung Nisa noon di General Ver was very active through the embassies Pilipin embassies in monitoring especially the anti-martial dictatorship campaign lalo na sa yun America the other thing, second point yung wag nating kalimutan yung naging papil ng U.S. dito lalo na dyan sa mga torture na yan after the in the early 90s I came across a manual for interrogation of the U.S. Army U.S. Army to na ginagamit sa mga training camps and of course maraming mga tropa tayo na officers nagkaano sa interrogation in U.S. military training camps yung binabanggit ito mga na experience na torture methods in interrogation yung water cure nga yung tawag nila water boarding talagang kasama yan sa interrogation techniques na ginagamit ng U.S. armed forces at tinuturo nila sa kanilang mga allies katulad ng Pilipinas and mind you nung panahon entire martial law dictatorship in increase ba ng U.S. government yung kanyang military assistance and support to the Marcos dictatorship almost every year patas na patas kaya it allowed the Marcos dictatorship to increase its armed forces from 1970 around 60,000 lang nung panahon ng last year before the downfall of Marcos umabut ng halos 250,000 yung combine mo yung armed forces of the Philippines yaka Philippine Constabulary at malaking tulong dito yung naging supporta at papel ng U.S. sa pag-supporta ng dictatorship yun lang. Thank you pa. Marami poong salamat Professor Simbulan. Ang isa ko pa poong tanong ito yung huli nobago tayo mag-entertain sa kura ng 2-3 questions from the Q&A chat. Paano po natin sa sagutin yung ganitong klase ng framing na napakamalaganap sa social media. Una, mga komunista at NPA lang nang napinsala ng batas militar. Hindi sila may tuturing na victima, kahit pahumihingi sila ng katarungan bilang mga dumanas ng paglabagsakrapat ang pantaw dahil mga rebelda sila. Pangatlo, nararapat lang anangyari sa kanila dahil mga activista at rebelda naman sila. Pangapat, kakaunti lang ang mga nagpapakilalang victima kananiwang mamamaya na hindi dumanas ang ganitong pagihirap. Kung hindi ka naman pasaway, maganda ang marshalo ang sabi po ng isang articulo ng Rigoberto Tiglao sa Manila Times. Propaganda lang daw ng Communist Party of the Philippines. Ang karamihan sa mga allegation ng paglabagsakrapatang pantaw. Anyone can respond po? Muna. Sige po. Mr. Isa. Good ex-friend ko, si Bobby Tiglao, pareho kaming mga sa Business Day Newspaper na one. Di ko alam na torture siya. Nandun yung kung i-download nyo ang Amnesty International 1975 report at i-Google nyo Rigoberto Tiglao lalobas yung pangalan niya. At di yung kanyang asawa na torture din, si Raquel Tiglao. Inaregis, kasi lahat tayo nag-suffer. Hindi lang yung mga kaliwa, mga torture victims at nawatay. Bakit po sinusabi yun? Dasi, as I said, ginagamit lang yung repression ni Matcos as a tool para manatili siya sa puesto at nang manatili siya sa puesto ay sandakot naman ng minakaw niya sa atin. Pati yung mga mapasok ng Japanese Reparation Money nilanakaw niya. Tapos sinisilid niya doon sa Switzerland Hindi lang sa Switzerland ang dami-daming mga banko pati sa Hong Kong meron din mga banko. At dahil doon sumadsad ang ating ekonomia nawalan tayo ng pera at grave right after Marshall kung buhay na kayo na alalam mo may mga rolling brown out tapos ang tataas ng bilihin ang bank ang interest rate napakataas tapos yung mga tao halos walang mabilih. Alam mo yung poverty rate ng bansa lumake dahil kay Marcos I mean so we all really suffered no pero sinasabi nila na si Marcos golden years yan di ba lagi sinasabi golden years ang dami pinagawang mga bridge of love ang sagut ko doon no meron nga siyang ginawa ng mga na mga buildings pero mas malaki yung kinurakot niya e kung yung kinurakot niya pinasok siya sa infrastructure mas malawak mas malagutayong ngayon si Bobby Tiglao ewang ko ko anong nangyari sa utak niya Thank you po Gusto ko marinig salamat po Gusto ko marinig ang reaction ng Professor Chua bago tayo pang entertain ng tanong malas sa Q&A chat patawarin ko kasi ang sabap lang makidig at ang bigat-bigat pa rin kahit andami-dami ko nang nabasak ay kandami-dami ko nang nakagusap ang bigat-bigat pa rin ito and I think kung talagang titig na natin yung talaga yung effecto niya ni una minamasama yung mga taong nagmahal sa bayan kung hindi ko matangga bakit ba nag-NPA yung iba sa kanil ay di naman at di-need na na nalagaya sa mga biografin nila na matay sa kabundo kanil nakipaglaban ng what bakit na nag-NPA sila di ba dahil sa batas milita y Edgar Rupson dino mag-NPA yun kung hindi dahil nagkaroon ng batas milita so kailangan tingnan yung repression and remember that breeding ground ng rebellion na repression and I think madaming magagalit sa akin dito pag sinabi ko ito pero at time rebellion was justified if it was against the tyrant someone should say this and probably I'm the least person that you're going to listen to tell you that pero at that time that's why we call them heroes because they made the ultimate sacrifice of holding a gun to bring down a government that is fascist pero lang naman yun I'm sorry alam yung meanings ko I'm not ready but at that time that was justified number one, number two questionin yung gusto lang bang manggulo ng mga taong ito yun ba gusto nina Edgar Rupson ng mga lahat ng mga taong ito no, they love their country that's why they did it gusto bahin lang sayangin ng buhay nila because they know that when they fight this dictatorship magkakaroon ng mas maginaawang buhay kung mawala ang repression yun ang paniniwala ng mga taong na nagkumohan ito so parang ako parang injustice lang sa aking it's so unfair na nagbuis nangan ng buhay tapos minama sa mapaway eto ito, mga ato masakit sa aking ito kinakaboni supposedly, dapat history na yung kinakuento nila history na dapat yan 50 years ago na kalahati siglu ng marshalo pero anong nangyayari kasi dahil sa politika at pangwawat pagbabalokit sa kasi sayang nangyayari kailangan i-quento ulit yung mga pains na dapat nasa mga libro na lang na sabi na nilat paulit-ulit i-quento sa mga webinang nakatulad ito at ako hindi patuloy na i-quento ko so I think kailangan makita natin ano ito itong trauma na ito na i-impose sa atin ay dapat history na ito pero dahil sa politika dahil may political political stake ang mga tao dito kaya ginagawa ulit emotional at nangyayari ay pinagaway-away I think we are all victims already of this 50th Marcos half century so sana matapos na ito Pag Salamat po Professor Chua mamaya po sa pagwawakas natin baka pwede kong ibigay yung floor sa inyo tigit-tigit sa foreclosing statements meron lang po ako nakitang tanong na mula sa Q&A chat na kailangan na rin natin sa guten dahil medyo overtime na po tayo pinangsama ko na kasi common yung tanong nila meron naro po bang mga hakbang, nagkaroon ba ng mga hakbang para pa panagutin ang mga official military and police sa lahat ng mga paglabag sa kar