hem. But from that particular passage, which actually Guna has presented through a protagonist and named the protagonist. And some will make some of some is a critic, a normal critic in literary critic who says this package actually epitomize that Zanzibar is a fragmented society. So in my own view, I see that Guna sees a rift on the basis of as them cleavage, but also hints about intermarriage or rather miscegenation and miscegenation. And according to Esther Pugioro very recently, she she defined miscegenation as the infamous forged in mixed-dress relationship. But more important, miscegenation is a very complex issue because it lies at the intersection between private sphere, mid-selection, conjugial relations, and family transmission. The word conjugial mixed-ness entails also equality and takes marital norms in equality between partner and social disapproval into account. So it's not a simple miscegenation. It's a very complex issue that is involved in miscegenation. According to work by Esther Pugioro very recently, she has done something on miscegenation in Guna's decision 2005. She simply said Guna has laid bare some theoretical, has laid bare the act of miscegenation as a product of intimacy in the private sphere, which threatens to contaminate the presumed whiteness in postcolonial Zanzibar. As you can see in his book Desertation by Guna, there is an English man, Martin Pease, and Chopara, and the Chopara of Asian-African descent, Rihanna, who are shown to be in miscegenation courtship, but of course they end up in separation. I wanted to go further into using Guna's decision, but I will be taking you to the following books. Wutanku Wutay of 1999 and Moon Waku Peshwi 2017. If you look, if you're examining from 1996 to 2017, there's almost two decades that have passed. And the two, 1986 and 1989, Shafi and Guna were born before 1964 revolution, but Zaynab Alwi Baharoun was born after 1964, which is very, very interesting. But I need to paraphrase these mungu hako patients by exploring more evidence from Baharoun and Shafi. I will use the AG for Brzezak, Guna is a Shafi Adam in ZB for Zaynab Baharoun. And of course, Bhutan Kuvute is a novel, but as well as a movie that has just won several film awards, best feature film in Zanzibar this year. And Zaynab Baharoun also is the winner of Mabati Literature, Kiswali Literature, award of 2018. Interesting, both three novelists, if you read their work, they try to blur the line between fiction and history. Interestingly, all the fit the category of post-colonial writers, there's or unidonized categorization. Unidonized categorize the post-colonial writer as those who actually often return to their own sites of trauma, which usually has to do with period of colonization, decolonization and all post-independence. She further said, post-colonial writers feel the necessity of rewriting the past because the dominant version of history have left a blanks, gaps and misrepresentation. Segenation, misgenation and trauma of being discriminized as unbelonging, early and ingaining, or rather, paper season, are late motifs that characterize these three texts. And I propose that Guna Shafen Baharoun can also be looked within the lens of nativism and fragmentation. Nativism in the sense that, according to John Haitian, is an intense opposition to an internal minority on the ground of its foreign connection. But also nativism is about who belong to the political community, who has the right to rule, who has legitimacy to determine public discourse and who has the right to constitute the African public sphere. So these two theories, or the theory of nativism within the post-colonialism, I think this could be the discussion that we are talking about, the Assetian Guna's remarks in his work. I divided the remarks of Guna into two media issues, nowhere near we and sometimes intermarried. In nowhere near we, I'm looking at Zanzibar as a contact zone and also examining the issue of nativism and fragmentation in post-revolution Zanzibar. But in sometimes intermarried, I look at the issue of miscegenation and the fate of Rara in Zanzibar. For a case of Zanzibar as a contact zone, if you examine Shafen, you read in page 71, and also Zanzibar is something about it. So here it shows Zanzibar hybridism itself through the image of variety of breads and their origin. Of course, they are a member of issues which actually show that Zanzibar to borrow a barbarian is a hybridized nation. Zanzibar treats also the so-called contact zone, the concept coined by Mary Louise, that it's a space in which people, geographically and historically, separately come into contact with each other and establish ongoing relation. But nowhere near we, we look at the seclusion system as made visible by Shafen through a married scenario. Alan Ricard also opined on East African urban setting of Uhundini, Uzungun and Oswailin. Here the neighborhoods are the picture of a divided world but where coexistence here, the fact of living together without necessarily liking one another has been part of the landscape for a long time. There are issues of pure-brained Arabs, Indians, Africans, bloodline in the work of Shafen and Zubahun. We are talking of the issue of contamination here, blood contamination. We see as them leverage rotary in the two ways of of Shafen and Baharun. Wow! And sadly they have failed in the work in the wake of Baharun, where we marrable Mimi and Swahili. But also Africans are lamenting that and in Shafi you also see here we see as them leverage clearly depicted in these two work. It also continued when now so these issues can be taken on homelessness and dislocation issues which have been discussed in much much much in post-colonial workers. But Guna has just said something and the politics brought all that into the open. This is what Guna said in that phrase. And here we see Baharun showing us Bahari. So, contesting Zanzibariness, see the issue of a crisis of who is a Zanzibarian. Zanzibari, see you in Mimi. At the same time we see Yasmin, where we're to, she's a welcoming and also being accepted as a Zanzibarian. So, the look of Zanzibarian is to look after that. According to Karim Hidji, he described the issue of Zanzibar. And he says that after 1964 revolution, the post-revolution government of ASP has turned the colonial era racial equation upside down. Now, the darker your skin, the more authentic Zanzibar who are those with the lighter skin tone are treated with suspicion. For here, we feel, I feel that native using is still, this is still the theory that any help us to understand this issue. So, again, but also natives are saying the issue of who is native in Zanzibar is very controversial. And we look at the, in some time intermarriage, the issue of miscegenation. And I examine this in within the Ovid and COVID miscegenation and the issue of Tukara is a by-product of miscegenation. Ovid miscegenation is some in Goulam and Amemoua in Kyokiswaili, I'm a Zanaewa daughter, Amemoua in Kyokiswaili, Yasmin Nayanatatapu in Suhi, Ovidli. And we look at the work of a sociopathologist in Masa'a Kenbapu, in 2015. And when they say that some Indians have come to bind, though when they take them for wives, marriages kept secret until the end of this union are excluded from inheritance. For here, we also look at community, easily adapting to the interracial contact between Indian men and African men, but not vice versa. Women can fit as purity, because this is one really number of ways on purity, the issue of purity in as far as miscegenation is concerned. But the quality of Tukara is don't be or racial hybrid.  They call this from Luna. But Rehana is a hybrid of Indian father and African mother. So Kutua also in Shafi is a Tukara on Swahili Nam-Shihili. She have a lot of Tukara on Marabu and Africa. Me, me, Ahmed, been siding the conversation to talk to him today. So these are issues of disparity between the races. Saidi Kalagayu and I am Tukara on Africa. So Publix is Ahmed, the son of Arab, African Arab, as Tidiana on Karabu. So the society observes that is seeing itself within these lenses of who is the national and also the contamination class and racial barrier. So these are actually issues that is happening of self-identity of the Tukara themselves, but also how the others view them. And the racial category is also shown by fellow type markers. And this is, they look at non-pure bread and pure bread. But for non-pure bread, we read it at Shafi. But Dahi, an Asian African hybrid, Shabana Bapayaki, but poor then is coming out, Farahat Somali Arab hybrid, and Bwana Ahmed here is pure bread. So African race markers such as full lips, broad noses, and pink braided hair can be used to discriminate Tukara. Sorry, Prof Kupacha, sorry to interrupt. Can I ask you wrap up? We're sort of running a bit over time. I don't know. Okay, thank you. You can move towards the conclusions. Yes, the conclusions. My conclusion is, yes, the Indian Arab Tukara African intimacy heavily dominated the theme of Zanzibar Swahili literature, but the matter appears only in passing, growing few critics and writers. However, as I said, sometimes Zanzibari novelists, at homeland and in diaspora, may those mixed breed you or Tukara themselves dare to transverse this intricate subject of racial intimates during anti-colonial struggle and post-region era in their writing. But it is also by allowing interracial intimates of friendship is to accept sharing of space and resources. Therefore, I said, all is well in Zanzibar. Anyone is welcome. Thank you very much. Fantastic. Thank you very much. Yes, so just so we don't lose out on the chance for discussion on these fantastic talks, maybe I can ask the two speakers who in the room, so Jay and Zamda to come back down to the panel at the front and we'll get our online panelists back. So a reminder, we've covered topics from poetry, novels, translation, the ocean, economy, feminism, publishing, and obviously our most recent talk here as well. So do we have questions in the room? We'll take a few in the interest of time. So, yes, just while Zamda is joining us as well. Could you ask Arumne to stop sharing? And yeah, Proctor Padra, can you stop sharing your screen, please? I think you can actually take it over. Okay, so fantastic. So I saw one hand there. Let me start there. I'll move over there. Thank you. I'd like to ask a question of you, Jay, made an awesome reference to, say, Swahili having, I think, a hugely conversational style. I'd just like to expand on that and perhaps some of the channel might present to you at that point. Just take a few questions in the interest of time before you respond to that one, and then maybe some of them relate. So there was a hand over here. Just a quick question. In East African literature it is mentioned, or somebody's going to mention the aspect I've seen, and also the last thing I talked about, the complex interrelations between different languages. Does it show that there is a trend, that there is a sort of struggle between the postmodern aspects? Fantastic. And there was a hand at the back as well. Just yes. We'll take another one. Fantastic. So maybe we can take those questions. I think they're particularly aimed at our panellists who are here in the room, and do remember we've got our panellists online as well if people have other questions. So yeah, would you like to start? Sure. I'll just return to that phrasing. It may be the case, Garnofilse being Hector, and after that the slightly more pugilistic conversational style of Swahili. And I suppose another way that I might translate that idea would be to say the slightly more animated style. Pugilism, as I understand it, comes from boxing, and I don't mean anything aggressive or violent. I mean expressive, animated, even if one is to watch the video of that interview that's conducted with Swahili, compared to other interviews that Garnofilse has given since his novel rise. I mean, it is more animated, there's more hand gesture, there's more facial expressions. And I'm also, I'm not using that term in that, I guess, in an anthropological way. It's so much, it's based on my own experience of being in Swahili speaking spaces and how people interact in a way that feels more animated and warmer to me. So it's actually, I could say it's the just, as I said, pugilistic, I could say it's, you know, the opposite in some senses of the word. But the thing connecting them would be the animation. But yeah, I didn't mean to suggest any sort of violence in conversation style. Fantastic. Do either of you have a response to the second question? I want to comment on that because the other, the third one was specifically Emda, so maybe you want to comment on the publishing question? Should I? Yes, yes. Yes. Hello. Yeah. So, responding to the question, of course, to the second question a little bit, Zuhra is also talking about interracial relationship when talking about Bilbo's and her personal life. She was married to different people. She was an Arabian woman but never married to an Arabian person. Of course, she was born in Zanzibar, but her parents were Arabian and she of course, because she married an African man, she was just away from her home and then later she wanted to marry a British man and the parents could accept that and the man ended up killing himself and then let her own. She married another man who was, I think, when she came to the UK and so you can see that though she was Zanzibarian, she decided to really act different when it comes to that and that really caused a lot of problems because people are like, she's really doing it differently. Yeah, they would accept that, they would expect that she was an Arabian woman and so she would be married to someone of her own origin and not like what she did, but of course that is really a question about, yeah, we talk about interracial relationship and that was really strongly addressed in this book as well. Yeah, so now to the question about the context of feminist publishing in Tanzania, I think that's somehow linking to what Mzegwe was saying today earlier. Yeah, so when we talk about publishing, feminist publishing is still developing and because publishing in itself is still developing in Tanzania, especially after 2014 when the government took over the role of publishing textbook, which was really the sustainable way of them making profit and being able to produce other books. So when we talk about feminist publishing, we don't have companies that would say they're purely feminist publishers, but I'm talking about women who are involved in publishing and having the feminist outlook on what they published, making sure that the gender aspect is being addressed as well, talking or raising female voices, something that has really been left in most cases, something that has not been really been taken into account because when we talk about producing general books, talking about these kind of books like biography of Bill was or Zahor is something that we don't do a lot of time because of course, we are talking about publishing in general books with a limited market. So END is a publishing house that has survived for a long time and that position it as a very committed women's owned publishing with a aim of supporting women's voices is really interesting. Yeah. Wonderful. Thank you very much. We have one more question. I don't want to start. I can smell the food. So I don't understand between people and lunch. It's tantalising, but we've had fantastic presentations here. So we want to make sure. Remember, we also have Afved, Francisca and Kluis are online if anyone has a question. So one question there. Do we have one other hand? Very quick question. Yes, please. Yeah. So my question is in response to something Francisca said. So you cited the sort of reimagining the Indian Ocean book, Francisca, and I wasn't sure whether it was cited as a approval, but there was one comment or one quotation you had saying that we need to we need to privilege ethnographic or modern day sources over historical ones or archival ones. I mean, I can see the argument for extending our sources when we're studying the Indian Ocean. I can see the argument for extending sources beyond historical ones or archival ones, but I wonder why we should privilege ethnographic sources over historical ones. Would you like me to repeat that question for those online? So I think in summary, there was a reference to Indian Ocean work and the idea of privileging present day ethnographic work over historical sources. So the question is, do you need to privilege present day modern work or perhaps take both and all together and specifically at Francisca? Aimed to quote in your presentation. Yeah, thank you. I'm not aware of the quote saying privileging. I will have to go back and have a look again. But I think the argument that Srinivas and her colleagues are making, because this is the theoretical argument I'm drawing on. It's not my idea. It's just me bringing that into conversation with the Meade's paintings is really grounded in what they say is a necessity to think with exactly Hannah, as you were saying, with historical sources and with other archives, but also to arrive more in the present moment and that being done, for example, most effectively in the way that Clarissa showed us by working ethnographically, working on the ground with people outside of, yeah, of archives only, but of course, together with them and against the backdrop of that. Wonderful. Thank you very much. So I think we will stop there. Can we thank all of our presenters again? Hello. I hope you can all hear me. So I'm the chair of this session. I'm Martin. You'll see me again later. And I'd like to, without further ado, I'll just welcome our presenters. We've got four talks, as you can see in the program. We're moving now into Mandialuga, some culture as well. We've got something about myths and talks which, you know, look really appetizing. So please welcome our colleagues. So I think our presentation will have to pass the difficult test of engaging you enough so you don't fall into post-food coma. So hopefully we can do that because it's interesting. So my name is Teresa Poeta and together with my colleague, Dr. Julie Stagi, we are presenting on behalf of a larger group, as you can see from all these names. And actually, everybody's here, although Frida is joining us online, but Hannah Gibson, Luz Martin, Tom Jeltke are here in the audience. And we are part of a larger group working on a project on Swahili dialects and variation. And if there's this one, then can I just so I can move the slides? Yeah, okay. And if you attended the Baraza last year online, then you heard us presenting the project and we basically want to pick up where we left off last year and tell you what has happened since and what we have found out. So as we explained, maybe some of you were not there last year, we are sort of looking at present-day morphosotactic variation in Swahili. We are focusing on how it links with multilingualism and language contact, as well as how it links with a sort of how speakers navigate sort of constructing their identities and what the language variation means to them. So this is all happening sort of often the work that has already been done because we know that there's variation in Swahili, but sort of mostly phonology and morphology have been explored a bit more, although this is now changing also thanks to other people in the room. And so today we will say a little bit about what is known about colloquial and mainland Swahili, tell you a little bit about languages of I ringa, because we are really bringing to you data some like preliminary initial data that we've collected in I ringa. And we'll hopefully excite you with some morphosotactic variation that we found in I ringa, specifically suffix aga, evaluative morphology and suffix echo and co. Don't worry if you don't know what these things are, we'll talk you through this. And also some initial notes on things to do with how speakers perceive this variation and sort of their attitude to their language use and then conclude. And so we are already sort of aware of, as I said, of some variation in Swahili. But because it mostly focuses on coastal varieties and when we speak about Swahili dialects, that's what often people think of. And we really wanted to expand that beyond this and look also at other areas, other places, and especially multilingual contexts where Swahili is spoken. So this is sometimes discussed at colloquial Swahili or mainland Swahili in other work. But the attention sort of that has been given to this hasn't been sort of extensive so far, especially in morphosyntax. And this is what we want to look at today. So what we have done is sort of we will come back to some examples that we showed last year of variation that we already know is there and then see how that played out in Iringa and see that there is sort of even more to it than we thought. So maybe I'll, Julius, do you want to say something about languages? Yeah, yeah, yeah. Thank you very much. And here you can see some data on the languages that are being spoken in Iringa. That is our focus area today. And as you can see, we have Swahili, which is a dominant language actually in Tanzania and the national language. And we are trying also to compare it with some number of speakers. I mean, in Iringam Gini, that is Iringa town against Iringa as the region. And this data was based on the language atlas of Tanzania that was published in 2009. So it may raise some questions as regards to how is this number was arrived at. It was based on the question about the first language of the speakers. So the speakers were asked about what is the first language that you speak or the language that you acquired first. So Swahili has that number, 53,000. And then in Iringam Gini, but Iringa as a region, the number is 55. It's followed by Hehe, and Bena, and Kinga, as well as Chaga. The Chaga are all over the country. So people will be shocked that Iringa is typically a Hehe community, but we also have the Chaga. They are a significant number over the Chagas and other languages. Asante, so now to some of the examples of variation. So we started off with this, what you see on the slide, and this is what we presented also last year, that we know there's the suffix ag, or aga, has been talked about already a little bit. People are quite aware of it because it's very widely used, and it's mostly connected to habitual meaning. So maybe the comparison with sort of the coastal way of expressing habitual meaning, which is with the hu, hula, you can have something like una kulaga wapi. So we knew this, that this is sort of happening. It's also linked to the fact that in proto-bantu the suffix existed, and that also other bantu languages have it, and it plays different roles in different languages. So we wanted to sort of dig a bit deeper and see how this aga plays out. And now we want to share with you what we find in Iringa. So the habitual meaning that we were aware of, we did indeed find it. So these are two examples, sort of the first one very clear, sort of someone is harvesting and someone else is commenting. Normally you do this much earlier, no, sorry in the evening, today you are doing it much earlier. So the habitual una chumaga, and here is our aga. And the second one, this was a conversation about the production of alcohol in Itamba, in Iringa. And here the speaker sort of commenting on some people sort of not dealing with alcohol. We weren't sure whether it's about consuming or selling, but that's up to interpretation. So you see in Hamsugulikagi, that's our aga suffix there. So also they sort of don't normally usually deal with alcohol. And this also I guess it's good to point out that the negative form is actually really, really common. We found a lot of examples of aga with a negative form. And sort of we want to explore the fact that with the prefix who, the coastal hula, usually it doesn't really have a corresponding negative form strictly for the habitual, while the aga does. So we want to explore where there's something in there, that's why it's used maybe. So just to point out the negative there. But apart from the habitual meaning, we actually found much more and much wider use of aga. And one that kept coming up again and again was the use of aga with the subjunctive. So you see the first example, to endage, to endage, Bajaji drivers sort of trying to get more passengers onto the Bajaji proper relief. Let's go, let's go. And you see the aga there. So this is really, doesn't quite struck as habitual meaning. And this was very common. So you have other two examples. Should I start speaking, let me go to mine, all with aga. And I just kept hearing it all around. So really quite common. And this is where we start sort of going into the neighboring languages, other languages that we find in the area. So here we have an example of what aga does both in Kihehe and in Bena. And especially maybe to sort of save a bit of time, I'll point you to the Bena example straight away. This let's start to sleep to go nage. So you can see the aga there. And what Morrison says is that when aga is added, the effect is this inceptive. Let's start. So the examples that we have seen are really sort of seeing that huge similarity. So we can already start thinking about the Bena effect on Swahili. So this is really nice. And we'll continue investigating this. But it wasn't sort of as simple even, not that that's simple, but as simple as that, because aga just kept coming up also in other examples, where it didn't seem not the subjunctive and the habitual, I glossed, we glossed as habitual just because that's what we know of it now. But it doesn't quite seem to be that meaning. So especially the first one, Nita Kulipaga, I will pay you when asked, speakers said that this implies some sort of, I will pay you eventually. I'm not sure when, but I will eventually pay you. So that's quite interesting. But then sort of the second example, very in contrast to this, as someone saying you haven't paid him yet and replies, Nilem Lipaga, I certainly did pay him. So that's quite the opposite. But still we have our aga there. So some sort of like imperfecting thing maybe going on at the beginning or could even be linked to the inceptive or sort of like, I'll start paying you. But this is sort of the exciting things that we want to really explore more because they don't, they go a bit beyond what we thought we would find. So I'll move to the next example so you can have a variety of things and we can come back to this in questions if needed. Another area that we talked about last year that we were going to explore was what we call evaluative morphology. So mostly this we mean diminutive and augmentative. So how do you express that something is small or something is big? We started off with this prefixes ka, ka and two, which are a way to express diminutive where in Proto Bantu are present in other Bantu languages. And in Swahili we would maybe typically think of using class seven and eight as a diminutive. So like Kimti for a small tree. But this sort of comes up again. It was quite interesting in some of the talks that we have given people were surprised we even think of this as variation just because it's so widely used that so like, where is the variation there? But class 12 and 13 is maybe not traditionally thought to be there in Swahili. So that's interesting. So now let's see what we found in Iringa. So I'm not going to talk extensively about sort of the morphological patterns here. But we did find both class seven, eight, and both class 12, 13, quite a lot, widespread and singular and plural with, yeah, with different nouns. And I would maybe only highlight this example here in the middle. Because this is something that I overheard and I asked about I really liked it. I've never heard that expression. I became a favorite sentence of mine. So sort of to be very, very busy. And while sort of discussing this, we realized that maybe in terms of the prefix use, it's not unexpected that is the class eight that we would expect a little jobs. But the fact that it's used so widely the diminutive turned out to be quite or perceived as being quite specific to Iringa. So that using that expression when I then used this sort of jokingly, people laughed and sort of like, Oh, you're sort of, you know, some local expressions now. And I was wondering what about it made it sound sort of local. And then discussing with colleagues, it turns out that using the vikazi was thought to be sort of quite Iringa specific. So we want to look a little bit more into that. And then some differences in the semantics. I haven't talked much about it before, but we know that it can have some sort of negative connotation sometimes. Also, some speakers had a different perception of using car meant something is smaller than if you use key. So can we buy like a little thorn key was used when it was like negative because it hurt the speaker. But if they wanted to say that there were small thorns on a plant, they would use Ka Muibe. So some interesting differences. And I'm going to get into augmentatives now because that was quite exciting looking at that. So traditionally, maybe in Swahili, we think of saying that something is big by using class five and six. So Lee and Ma or G and Ma. So that indeed came up, although also two different suffixes were both used. The first example comes from discussing how to cook chapati on a big sort of plate. And we also have this mention of class four. So a driver talking about being used to driving big cars rather than small cars. So we don't have much to say about that just that we want to look more into that what is happening there. But then quite well, we thought it was exciting. People kept really, really often when asked how would you say something is big in Ringa using goo. So a big house who knew my go cool. And this would many different nouns. So we thought that was very exciting because as a student of sort of standards for Healy at university had never come across that. And here again, we can show you a little bit about the connection to surrounding languages. So in Benna, in fact, the goo prefix is class 20 and is specifically there for augmentative. So there are no noun classes that belong there, but it's used for augmentation. So that's quite quite a nice link. Okay, maybe Julius, you want to say, I think we have to wrap up. But yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. So also we saw it, the echo and the core, which in many other languages in the country would be used to indicate some locative sense or locative reading. But here we couldn't tell precisely that they indicate locative. They may they seem to mean something else. So like who are who are naleko or sileko to mean I usually eat or I don't eat. And napikeko or I usually cook food. So sometimes they seem like indicating habitual or something else, but we're still we are still looking into it to see whether we will arrive at a precise conclusion. So I'll leave you with the last example of variation that came up and that looks quite nicely to some of the other talks coming up. And this is some young university students giving me examples of something that they perceived as being a way that young people in the ring a spoke. And that's using the plural when they mean the singular. So instead of saying, my phone is out of if it's not charged, our phones are not charged. But really what they meant is my phone is not charged. So we definitely want to look more into that. That was very intriguing. And and to sort of finish off, just because we also part of our research is looking at how this this is perceived by speakers and what they think about the variation language use. So just the sense that the speakers first language was what mostly influence variation. This is what we got in conversations a lot. And even though nobody would really say this is Eringa Swahili, things like to end aga or that Vikasi Vyango, when I did then ask about those that I said, oh, yeah, this is very from here from Eringa. So not tied to speakers of a language, but to the place that I was quite interesting. And and this are just a couple of quotes about sort of people's perception on how the language use is changing. So this is sort of older generation talking about in town, people switching to Swahili and people sort of perception of a big difference between urban and more rural places and how this changing over generation. So we also want to sort of continue investigating this. Yeah. So hopefully we can we have excited you with this and you're not falling asleep after the biryani. But sort of we just wanted to share that if what came up from Eringa is that there's definitely scope to research this much more that there's more to the variation even than we thought. And that the highlighting sort of the link to multilingualism, language contact, and also the social linguistic part is important to give us fuller picture of this. Maybe I'll let you do it so I don't mess it up. Yeah, next to Meshimiwa Ben. Now when's like, see where is it? Abari Yamchana. My name is Ben. I've just finished my MA in African Studies here at Swahili. And I'm joined by Dr. Niko here from Mainz. And online we're joined by Wilfred. Wilfred, are you there? Hi, I'm here. Can you hear me? Yeah, we can hear you. Yeah, we can't see you yet. So maybe because Wilfred will start actually, hi everyone, and Karibuni Tena. So if we can maybe see him in the video, that would be perfect because he will start with the first part of the presentation. We'll try to be brief. And it's a perfect overlap or connection to the previous talk actually. So thanks a lot. It's as if we had all set down and prepared the slides and talks together for this panel. But maybe it's just a coincidence. Oh yeah, perfect. Wilfred is there. All right. Wilfred Karibu. Yeah. Hi everyone. I'm Wilfred Sekibuang, expert translator and interpreter. So we're on the high court in the DRC where I work as a language in several international projects. And I'm honored to be part of this conference highlighting Swahili in different areas, along with my colleagues. To be brief, I would start and say about Libumbashi, known as Elizabeth, is the third largest city of the DRC after Kinshasa, the capital in Kisangani. The dialect, Kiswahili, is one of the national languages spoken all down the east side of the DRC and Libumbashi in the southeast. The city as a narrative, Kiswahili are in its unique form. As we all know, Kiswahili comes from Swahili, which means the coast, and Kiswahili means the language of the coast. So there is a large difference between Kiswahili of Libumbashi and the east coast Swahili. As an expert translator, I can notice the difference in pronunciation, sentences, culture, and behavior while working in this language. While translating some English document related to Kiswahili, because it's the most document come from NGOs, I tend to interact with people and you would always learn a lot and discover new worlds while writing Kiswahili of Libumbashi doesn't bring a big difference to the east coast Swahili. Speaking can be confusing because the city has developed its Han Swahili expressions, which are linked to a mixture of whole colonial French English and Arabic words. A study of Kiswahili and Libumbashi will demand a lot of resources that will allow you to reach deep on people's mind and understand their perspective of life while discovering the reasons of creating their Han Kiswahili words and developing slangs in Rural Harriers, which makes the beauty of the language and its uniqueness in Libumbashi. I will give a few examples to be quick. This example will highlight the east coast Swahili and the difference to the Swahili of the Libumbashi. I will start with just the example in east coast Swahili, we say Leo Miniliam Kavizuri. In the Libumbashi we say Leo Miniliam So there is those differences and you will see those old colonial world like the Bien is the French word that's came to the Swahili and it's like a mixture we use here. And I will go to just take an example. In the Libumbashi we will say Unaykala Wabi. So there is always those different expressions that come along to the difference and then according to the old colonial French and English speaking was working around here and practicing the language to the mixture of the Swahili. This there is also the third example. Ukifika Nyumbani Unipidesi Mutafadai. Which means to say Ukifika Nyumba Unite. This is very, very small words that we use in the Libumbashi. So those are the few examples and a brief summary that I can give you from the Libumbashi. So you have an idea on what to expect on my Harrier. Thank you Asante. I will give my power to my colleagues. Thank you so much Wilfried especially for this perspective as a translator based in Libumbashi working on the different Swahilis and on ECS or Coastal Swahili and also the Swahili from Libumbashi. And the problems we come across when we work on these varieties especially in the western periphery. So in the Congo. So from the Ituri forest in the north to the Katanga or for Makatanga province in the south are not always work related as for Wilfried for example to choose from different Swahilis and also to be confronted with different perceptions and attitudes towards Swahili but also for example when you work on the grammar which at first seems to be something that is beyond specific judgments and maybe based on more for syntactic rules and forms and regulations and so on. But we have been working on different Congo Swahili varieties over practically the past 10 years and we came across several of these problems especially of folk linguistic judgments around Swahili for example as a colonial language first of the so-called Arab Sanjibaris as they were called in the literature very often who came to the Congo from the 1850s onwards for example for slaves for ivory and so on. Then later as the language also as a colonial language of the so-called explorers from Europe for example brought Swahili along who spoke Swahili very often and also recruited the same Sanjibaris to get back into the hinterland and the interior of the continent and then in more recent years in the Congo the overthrow of dictator Mobutu through Kabila for example which was also a Swahili speaking regime for more than 19 years practically. So perceptions around Swahili are very much embedded in specific historical facts and historical developments but also in the grammars and resources that are available very often and when you look at and when we have studied the grammatical means and functions of the different Swahili varieties it becomes evident and obvious that specific lexical but also morphosyntactic differences are quite striking if you look for example as the most at the most recent description by Aurelia Ferrari and two colleagues from Lubumbashi the non-class prefixes for example Mutubantu instead Mutubatu further north in the Congo Mutimichi the tree the trees or Mutimiti further north. Ritjo versus Lichu as the eye so you see the different non-class prefixes also different systems of agreement for example animacy based in Lubumbashi so also animals would fall into an insects and so on would fall into class one and two very often and the altogether package of these things have often triggered linguists to call the Swahili from Lubumbashi a Creole language as Walter Shishu has sometimes called it in his works or for example a contact language or a pigeon or something worse and very often we come across these labels as Potopot Swahili for example in the old colonial literature so they're somehow muddy Swahili or something or also the for the Swahili further north in spoken in Ituri the Mipana Jua Swahili or the Mipana Pana Swahili or something like that then the me not Swahili or I don't know Swahili or something based on the structure so specific colonial historic effects were projected on two language structure very often a language structure was explained and also lexical the lexicon through specific often very folk linguistic judgments and perceptions and ideologies and often also linguists linguists ideologies so these so we ask ourselves what do we miss out on when we study Swahili from Lubumbashi grammatically in this context of existing studies already looking for example at the morphology and syntax of the language and practically reproducing some of the perceptions that we may not know sometimes is linguists but are very evident and their speakers like for example Wilfried working on this variety is something that he or others face very often so and in many ways we know that these debates of pigeonization creolizations in the study of Bantu languages or to call them pigeons and creoles is highly problematic so for tendencies in the study of lumbashi polo me as an influential Swahili scholar has started in the late 60s and has somehow also well started to to lay a ground for these descriptions as and and designations as a pigeon or creole in the congos for different varieties the contact processes are more complex though so if you look at for example the negation in it's one example that we can give you here negation in the swahili from lumbashi you can have something like michi yua or michi michi yua for i don't know so the secondary negation she uh comes after the the the subject prefix me which is not less complex than a prefixed a negative prefix as see julie for example in some ways it's even more complex maybe because very often this verb can be followed by something like apana or ata so if you say something like michi yua apana put emphasis on it very often linguists have then said well the apana which is invariable not changed this is something very pigeon like this is something where negation is not very complex all together this is a structure for example that can be seen as a replication from luba from kiluba or chiluba whereas not a double negation but a negation that consists out of two elements is for example very frequent and so on so we could go on so the these processes to to and also from a linguistic view to reproduce a perception and also judgment of those as pigeon creoles is highly problematic and we ask ourselves here and then i hand over to ben who has worked on attitudes what is the kiswahili kiamulu lumbashi or the shaba swahili katanga swahili the poto pot swahili a language of very many names based on the perceptions and ideologies of the person working on them and why is it important also to change both to a more fine-grained focus on contact processes beyond this simplification argument and mofuen and others have worked on that and also deconstructed somehow this idea but also the change with a focus on our own perspectives when we work in lumbashi as the two of us have done this summer just with a few days of difference actually there a few days apart and more ethnographic data when us as linguists work on these varieties is important and self-reflexivity in the field or in the so-called field as well in our own language ideologies and hand over to ben thanks um so my sort of contribution to our tripartite presentation i guess is the study that i did in lumbashi this past summer in july which focused on language attitudes so sort of giving life to the story that people create about language and how they use it kind of every day and i wanted to do this because i was learning that language attitudes in sub-saharan africa especially in the drc have been very neglected as a sort of academic subject and i found this neat quote when i was when i was researching from the late dr william samar and he says languages do not acquire social meaning and therefore do not have attitudes linked with them until as far as we know they began to be written down um and the key swahili that's in lumbashi has been an extremely fluid language that is changing every generation essentially um and this is what people were telling me when i spoke to them in lumbashi um so when i was there i did a 16 sort of semi-structured interviews with predominantly young people about um their language attitudes and their use and so the sort of because it was an exploratory study um the the findings are you know sort of preliminary um but as niko was saying one of the the common um labels that people call swahili and lumbabashi swahili facile or simple simplified swahili um and so using the um the framework of acrolectic and basalic languages um key swahili and lumbabashi would be considered the basalic language um to its parents of east coast swahili um but then also to french and french became also a dominant um part of the conversations that i was having um and similar to other afghan colonial lingua franca is like portuguese and english um french continues to reign as the language to achieve higher education and then respectively paid employment of course too um and then to the framework of um prestige and languages um we can see that french um as the second last point there is this english becoming desirable language french and english um have this overt prestige in um the ability to create social mobility for people um and then of course the the key swahili that's found um has a bit of a covert prestige in that no one could contest that they use it every day and it's very important for um everyday tasks of you know going to the market and speaking with your friends or your family um but people tended to rate french as sort of a more um prestigious and important language and then there's a little bit about english and um about half the people i spoke to um expressed a large interest in learning um english but there are some financial barriers and just infrastructure barriers to doing that um so i approached it with just interviews and as a sort of an exploratory study um i think it would be really important to have sort of a hardline survey to sort of accompany that um that approach for a future study in the area so um to conclude from wilford's perspective as um an expert interpreter and translator um key swahili and the babashi can give us insights into the different ways of expression in the city um from nico's point of view of um grammar mapping you see fine-grained insights into structural properties of the language um and then from language attitudes we can get this sort of starting line um idea as key swahili and the mushy being basselectic french is acrolectic and then um there'd be an interest in learning what people think about english as well um so the aim of this was to kind of bring together different perspectives of how to approach studying a language and then also being um reflexive as the researcher and you know being aware of your biases and the way that you're approaching the study of a language excellent tessana well uh first of all uh with afternoon it's a great pleasure to be here i would like to thank the organization of this beautiful event with so many special guests and scholars um it's a great honor to present my university university that i was able to do so from brazil we do not actually have many scholars in the field of swahili studies in brazil uh so it's it's very meaningful to have my work accepted here and i have titled my presentation hand and design an assessment of the hermitic myth in 19th century east african chronicles well uh i i dealt in my research with two chronicles produced within the scope of 19th late 19th century and actually early 19th century uh in the swahili coast which are very interesting works historical chronicles which contain at their beginnings evidently the narrative of the hermitic myth the the narrative of ham and it's some canon which has been heard by nola and the old testament narratives which call upon my attention uh and therefore i i don't know the possibilities of what could be the the reasoning behind that the present of certain narratives so therefore i have organized my presentation for basic topics which i will i'll try to do a little briefly i i actually got a little carried away in the making of this presentation so i'll cut it short well uh first of all i will what is the hermitic narratives it is widely known it's a it's almost a cliche in the field of uh biblical studies so to speak and it's influenced in the other non-christian religions of course uh mainly islam which is my my focus here secondly i'll deal with the one term that is central to my analysis which the term zanj very widely known which gives the origin to zanzibar for example but it is very crucial in the uh the adherence of the narrative of the hermitic myth in 19th century islam in east africa according to uh my research uh currently i'll delve a little bit into the swahili ham what this specific etiology version of the myth which is uh which appears which is featured in these chronicles and finally i'm going to make uh a relation between ham zanj that they are very approach and slavery in 19th century which is crucial to all this scenario and i'll be dealing with two but basically the two documents i'll be analyzing in my research in my master degree research i'm master's candidate i'm writing currently my dissertation in this field is the kitabah zanj produced in the 1980 in the 1890s approximately and there are two versions and the and the calcab al dury al asbari prikiyya from 1913 is a very dated document but first of all as a recap of this myth i would like to delve into what is it and what are the versions of this myth because we are dealing specifically with an islamic etiology of the hermitic narrative well the hermitic narrative is the narrative present most widely known in the book of genesis genesis nine versus 18 to 27 which deal with the so-called curse uh declare upon ham and his son canaan and they are interchangeable at times but in the bible it is upon canaan uh which noah uh due to the crying perpetrated by by ham which which is he saw noah naked in his tent and he left with him he made fun at him while his brothers helped actually helped noah and their father uh was naked after he was supposedly drunk in this version in the christian and old testament version which the story actually the historiography recognized as a political myth regarding the enmity between the israeli and the canaanites in the ancient world in the ancient 11 so but that that is the original formulation of the myth the oldest one of the oldest and original one but we are interested actually in the development of the of such myth across time as an intertext between juda and christianity and islam so therefore as an intertext we understand is not as a a fulfilled or a a given text but as a as something as a story as a narrative that is constantly changing across time and space between these three scopes these three ontological perceptions of the world of judaism christianity and islam across the first millennium of the christian era mainly into all across the middle ages uh and we are aiding this processed by the the concept of benjamin broad of the sacred sexual spaces which deals with the intertext strategy between the extreme monotheistic religions and they work most famously why am i delving into the curse of ham because it it would work as a framework for prejudice and for the construction of negative alterity in relation to the other so it is a device across this intertext of construction of the other which in the most most famously with the christianity and also islam uh resulted in an etiology of the curse of ham as a curse of slavery which is it originally can be interpreted as a curse of slavery ham was condemned with this thing to be and his progeny to be the slaves of the sons of jaffa and of uh sam sam which in the in the islamic etiology would give origin to the Arabs for example and jaffa to the europeans in the in some etiologies just to find this this slavery of enslavement of blacks uh in the modernity in the modern age and also in the middle ages so it is developed as a dual curse of blackness of slavery david goldenberg is a story in which uh develops it in its in such terms and it results in an automation of different etiologies association hands punishment servility to his brothers the servility to the arabists for example with blackness in islam in islamic scholarly traditions of the middle ages this the ulama the the scholars are actually invited for this matter some accept such narratives uh there there which derivate from the old testament some are actually refuted because they are israeli they are narratives from uh the ahl al-tukab the people of the book which of course that they have uh some in particular value but they are disputed they are questionable they are partly uh so they are it's all depended upon the the chain of transmission it is not wahd and monabee which is one of the uh which one one of the traditions quoted by many historians of the medieval period is is taken upon as a week not for example when there are others or the narratives from from the hadith which are more which are strong they're actually in this and in this in this matter so it is very disputed it's not taking a face value not so some some authors some medieval muslim authors actually accept the the narrative and reproduce it with some uh in some ways and some others such as ibn al-jawzi ibn hal doom refuse it they prefer other explanations for blackness for example not that not that they are not that they see uh black society especially africa society in a good manner they prefer other explanations for their inferiority we can we can still speak but what does all have those all that have to do with is africa well uh is africa since all across the the second millennium of the current era uh it's mainly because uh has a strong connection to islam and so it's a color tradition by extension so it reproduces and the in the text in the islamic sphere a lot of these narratives including an incorporation of the hemitic myth is mainly in the 19th century in the form of chronicles so the chronicles in the in the late 19th century we have the context of slavery we have context of an upper class uh which has a strong feeling of a ravenous that wishes to distinguish from the hinterland and they see in the in the course of time a viable explanation for the differences and a genealogical explanation for the different origins of istharican societies which obviously elevates the uh rbs of the the coast or so or self-proclaimed in some cases rbs in the coast as a superior and which relegates the hinterland people to inflatable uh barbarians so to speak we can can translate terms such as zange which is employed in the which is also borrowed from the context from the media who was the contest and reappropriated and also utilized in this distinction so zange very quickly speaking is actually an an arabic version term of disputed origin but which always referred you know one way or another as a derogatory manner to societies of each africa and utilized in the in the arabic version tradition of geography historical writings in reference in a very generic way to societies of each africa mainly at one point to the sides of the horn of africa but uh gradually gradually associated in the in the later centuries with isthafrica and swahili in the swahili so uh i i i i like a lot to use the the conceptualization by professor paul penant morais farias who is one of the greatest brazilian historians we have uh from he made his korean and german and he speaks of uh mobile clasicatory labels so he sees the term zange uh in close in close proximity to terms such as hibash which means obscenance is the origin of the term obscenance barbara birbira which is an incorporation of greek tradition into the islamic sphere and other derogatory all derogatory and generic appropriations of of description of isthafrican or african ingeneral societies because the term zange doesn't actually have the mobile clasicatory labels don't have actually uh uh basis a basis a solid basis on the empirical world the zange in the medieval tradition as in this map produced by professor farias in one of his articles uh derives its its power from the imaginative geography of muslim authors one which for example sees the nile as a as threefold nile which goes from senegambia to all the way to isafrica and the zange permeates all this all this zone for example and we are going to see that of course in the sources which we selected for our research mainly the kitab al zanouj which well i'll focus on the terms zange or zanouj in the plural because it brings this chronicle brings in the title in the title so it's it's a foremost question of importance the kitab al zanouj is composed mainly of two known anonymous manuscripts which were collected in the early 20th century by an italian scholar and they they contain historical narratives that make up for an arab history of the swahili swahili coast mainly an arab history swahili the swahili coast which attests for arab founders of the cities but also amalgamates uh natural narratives in circulation at the coast with narratives from the written or the islamic tradition or widely speaking and it also introduces this zanouj of which it speaks in an alterative manner referring to various societies of the hinterland such as mexican societies and others and introducing them of course as descendants of ham with a specific etiology of the myth which is reproduced right at the beginning because which is very noteworthy here's some information concerning uh how it is managed to be obtained in a colonial situation of course so we have all these italian german british scholars trying to apprehend the african continent and appropriate of the knowledge via informants in the east africa and we have Enrico Cerulli who happened to be a fascist also very unfortunate but he obtained in the 1920s the two copies of the kitab al zanouj but he will publish the translation first translation into a western language into italian only in the 1950s so and also the second our second source is the Calhavuduri al-Aqwadi Fikia or the chinese star concerning information about africa which is a much more polished work i i hope i don't i'm not uh breaking through my my time i'll i'll just finish somehow ne gabriel um we've just got a small amount of time left can you wind up now please of course of course and i write at the end of actually well the the second chronicle is very similar follows the kitab al zanouj and both present a very similar narrative although this second one is much a much more prolific work in literary terms of course and we have one name and author Faudel Benomar al-Aqwadi which happened to be a shape a mudir in the because we're just following the administration in malindi and other cities of the east african coast so by knowing the the author and who possibly was also the author of kitab al zanouj we happened to know a little more about who was producing such chronicles and their obvious interests in uh i'm gonna skip the really it would be very extensive but who was producing such chronicles and who was attributing such narratives to the permanent fold uh what happened to uh what happened to be labeled by the coast of tahini uh are of uh scholars as barbarians as zanj as shanzi which i happen to know it is not a very positive word in ishahili um well uh my conclusion just just to wrap it up uh finally is that the appearance of the hermitic myth in the ishahili context is in direct relation to the semantic native of the term the zanj because zanj is a term that connotes uh both slavery and blackness as is in the its original uh medieval muslim version also is the hermitic myth which amalgamates the the blackness alleged blackness that includes in the construction uh in its intertext with Judaism Christianity and Islam and the curse of slavery so being those closely related they had this adherence very uh strongly uh very terrified in these chronicles well uh i'm sorry for my english and for uh violating this limit of time but that is thank you for the attention okay so we're back to our morpho syntax for our last session before the the break um and we're going to be talking about some selected features um from two areas of swahili speaking world yes okay fantastic um so there are some interesting things here we want to talk about uh young people young people's speech so there's um variation across east africa given the focus today we'll be talking about swahili um and we want to draw some insights from youth language practices from Dar es alam and then um we're going to be focusing on micro variation or morpho syntactic uh micro variation so small grain fine grain differences between closely related languages or in this case one language or a sort of continuum um and thinking about structural properties um and this talk is part of a larger research project looking at micro variation and youth language practices so the sort of strand of work on youth language practices um that's been happening for several uh decades now and then a kind of parallel strand of work on morpho syntactic uh micro variation um and we're bringing this together um focusing on eastern central and southern africa um so i'm just doing a very short introduction and i'll hand over um to Andrea who's our colleague who's um online joining us from Germany um before we pass back um to Nico so Andrea over to you and thank you very much Hannah hi everyone i hope you can hear me about iseno i want to give you a few insights from my research in Tanzania about Lurayam Tani which is um a language practice of young speakers of Kisweli in Tanzania especially in urban areas such as Dar es alam and Darusha among others um Rojstajan and Kisling state that Lurayam Tani is a cover term for a spectrum of informal urban speaking practices based on Swahili and um that it has no discrete boundaries but must be seen as being on a continuum between style and social act Lurayam Tani exhibits different linguistic manifestations especially in terms of lexical innovations through semantic manipulations morphological and morpho syntactic um practices have not been studied much and Rojstajan and Kisling claim that processes such as morphological hybridization are largely absent from Lurayam Tani but um we have so far in our project found a few um morphological devices that are being employed by young speakers and one feature that is very common in Lurayam Tani is um a suffix that we have heard um before in the same panel earlier by Julius and um Teresa who have talked about the aga suffix and we find that one very commonly in Lurayam Tani so semantically um as um they have also explained earlier this may add a habitual meaning to the verb although um yeah in Lurayam Tani we can see that sometimes the form is also used without expressing expressing additional semantic nuances but here we do have the habitual meaning in the first two examples um like in Ananimalizaga or the other one it's the same verb that um Teresa and Julius talked about then um there is another feature of youth language practices that we found in different variations of Kisweli and that is the use of noun classes yes because may use different noun classes and agreements either for statistic reasons or to add semantic nuances for example a statistic practice in Lurayam Tani is um the use of noun class prefixes for class one and two with nouns that um yeah are found in this class but that usually do not take a prefix this includes for example kinship terms so like in example two with the word mdada sister and then we have another example where we have a term that is not a kinship term but another noun um that is usually in class one and two but um it's normally used without prefix where we're to mean and now I hand over to Nico to present data from Luombashi thanks so much Andrea and um thanks everyone here we know already we have learned not long ago that Luombashi is the capital of the old Katanga province formally also of the Katanga province from Alishaba and so on and licensed the copper belt um in the southeast of the DR Congo the population is around two million people approximately and of course there are diverse cultural linguistic influences in the city and its surroundings Luombashi is an economic hub which is connected very much with the capital Kinshasa already for several decades which also of course uh explains the influence of Lingala since um we could say 50 60 years ago and um there are many local languages that have also left traces or their impact in the local Swahili spoken so for example Kiluba, Kiluba Cut is the one that we mentioned already closely related to Chiluba but also other languages and also to some extent Bamba from across the border in Zambia and so on and the youth language practice that is spoken in Luombashi was described by uh George Mulumbua in 2009 as part of his dissertation at the ULB in Brussels and he called it or labeled it kindubile and this is a problem this is not George Mulumbua's problem but this is a general problem when we speak about youth languages or youth language practices on the African continent and these that these names that these language practices are given are not um accepted or used by speakers themselves or by all speakers themselves so nowadays when um we we are researching um this youth language practice based on the Luombashi Swahili in the streets of Luombashi very few or almost now no speakers will relate to it or describe it as kindubile um Wilfried Sakabwang who you have met also shortly before as a speaker is currently conducting research in Luombashi on this youth language practice and will come with the data and analyze the data in minds next month for a couple of weeks so this youth language from Luombashi whatever the name may be or whatever we can call it here just call it the youth language from Luombashi it's characterized by the creative use of phonological manipulations turning syllables around for example which is very common for African youth languages and lexical material from Ningala a lot of it um a bit in analogy with the young people's Swahili as used in Goma and Pukavu further north in the Kivus that I and several others have worked on so the users of these of this language are usually street children, street vendors, taxi drivers, some extent also police so some extent also soldiers and university students so um what we see is um noun classes as Andrea has pointed out for Dar Salaam what George calls class secondaire, locomotive, diminutive, depreciative, depreciative, abstractive so we have a very uh it's also our our colleagues in the first talk in this panel have shown a very creative and productive use of these uh evaluative classes and noun class seven and eight in this youth language practice use as an augmentative so if you have Kimuana, you can see the the double plural here the prefix stacking of class eight plus the bar of class two would be obese child obese children big child big children somehow that's what people would say and um but if you use Mutoto by Toto which would be the Luombashi Swahili equivalent you can't say um Kimu Toto or something you would say uh Ki Toto so this is the replaceive strategy that was pointed out earlier on uh Bi Toto so the youth language here makes uh use of a different kind of maybe clitization more than prefixation or something Kamuana Tuba Muana would be small child small children according to uh George Mulumbas data so this is class 12 and 13 which has been lost in most coastal varieties and is was reintroduced quite early um after Swahili was introduced and implemented in Luombashi and then we have an example here Kale Kademu Keko Tuangaria that girl or also maybe cute girl small girl beautiful girl is uh is looking at us um and we see that agreement patterns are mostly maintained and kept um and the questions of course does this work with all Lingala and French like sims it works for example with Moloji uh Kaloji Moloji is the sorcerer but also used for a person a young person in the streets who does not cooperate and so on who does things that are not really well um well considered Kaloji works but um what about Ndule music for example a loan word from Lingala is there Kandule is there Kadule that's something that we will still investigate how this works for example um and then we have an increased use of the noun class two mark a bar in these prefix stacking processes so in analogy to Babor, Bor is the thing can also be the male sex uh Babor the things uh speakers can also say Babintu so class two and class eight uh and here it's not only the double prefix that marks something but there's also a specific expressive stance that's expressed through the class two which is also practically taken as as a whole from Lingala which means those worthless things those dubious things these things that I don't know about very much and so on um and then uh the Josh has also another example bankaka Babmoja specific thieves so agreement patterns are maintained usually this intimacy based agreement there's nothing that we could detect so far in this example that you see the Uyujo Nmoloji, Arigonga, Ilelar, Yenye, Ilikua, Muvil that guy is a sorcerer he stole that money that was in town and then the pre-final Ak the suffix one example is Petit Anarivakakule does the girl girlfriend usually arrive at that place that we see it's habitual use which is also the same in the Swahili from Lubumbashi um and the interesting thing is in all these Congo Swahili varieties and also in these youth language practices it fulfills two functions it's not an emphatic one as we saw earlier on for example it's habitual or sometimes iterative and it's the remote past something that was long ago for example so if you say something like Petit Arivakakule the girl arrived there a long time ago so it's somehow a functional split that the Lee has become the recent past and Lee Ak has become the remote past but that's something that not only young people say that everyone says that now there is an interesting thing that when we have verbs from from French kubolone from bolo the work kuboche also to work kudaye from English to dye and kubaye from from French to yawn for to drink so the same kind of movement when we have these ones with an ending on E and not on A on A very often speakers would according to the few examples we collected so far drop the Ak because it may be ambiguous it may not be very clear what kind of verb it is that's our preliminary explanation maybe so ulejo aridaye did that guys that guy pass away a long time ago instead of maybe ulejo aridayaka abulone does he usually work or instead of maybe abulonaka and so on and then there's an interesting thing that um what we could not detect in the youth language so far we are looking more into that that kapanga is for example said that in lumbashi sometimes the habitual akka to distinguish it from the remote remote past um akka uh it takes on tone for example um this is not um the case in lumbashi is really for all speakers for some among the youth we couldn't detect it hand over to umana yeah so we just have some brief um conclusions so there we've just presented a sort of snapshot essentially of some features in both in both settings um so there are features that seem to be shared across youth language practices and sohili speaking areas previous talk as well so we saw the diminutives again from tanzane to drc in this case um the the youth register and this is ongoing conversation we've had um from lumbashi seems to be perhaps not very different from sohili spoken in the city so that's an interesting question like to what extent is this different to speakers perceive it as different or are the differences that are more subtle that we've not quite got to the bottom of um and then this also goes back to the idea of like the name and and perceptions which we've seen um in the previous talk as well um and then in the lugiam tani example that andrew shared um we have these sort of again similar question in that to what extent does lugiam tani differ from a daraslam sohili or urban center sohili like is this a distinct thing is it a distinct patterns of use or are we seeing again you know diminutives tense aspect marking the same kind of thing so like is this is this a thing um so we want to know more about urban centers we want to know more about youth language practices more broadly different age groups also the difference between rural and urban areas so people tend to associate youth language practices with urban centers but of course there are youth um in lots of different places um and so with our work wanting to extend that to lots of work on kenya as well obviously but different areas within these within these countries um yeah lots of work from nico on the kubernetes provinces um so that helps us better understand the variation that we see in sohili but also youth language practices um more broadly i think that's that's us i'd like to say thank you very much asa and tenisana to our um speakers we're running out of time we're still about sort of uh half an hour late since lunch um so i'm not going to give an opportunity for many questions some of the speakers are already in the room so you can grab them at coffee or afterwards hopefully or write to them at their addresses um i just wondered if uh if if uh is it gabriel is still online in in brazil because he's so far away i wondered if anybody had any questions for him um i thought that would be a fair way to sort of squash the time um so does anybody have any questions about the zen zanj and ham not the ham you eat but the the hamitic ham oh yes yes maybe you want to come down here and then he can hear it is he still online he's still there yeah if you come down maybe he can hear the question himself thank you and thank you for bearing bearing with us it's um inevitably these things get a bit sort of we carry for salmon yeah you just speak to that oh okay yeah so what's his name again what's the guy gabriel all right so uh well i thank everyone for being here i was invited but this notion of uh somebody having some three children or whatever it is ham versus whatever i've never get it that as a black person right that skin person to be discriminated because somebody look at somebody's nakedness it doesn't make sense to me it really doesn't i wish somebody can explain why slavery years ago and not to date daskin people are being discriminated so whoever invented this notion i think i don't want to use the word but i don't agree with it so that's mine thank you do we have a another comment or question and does gabriel want to um comment on that yeah of course it's it's actually very starting this matter is always very always a bit comes to slavery and racial prejudice even when it predates notions of race through modern notions of race it's very uh it's very hard you know and it's hard to understand even to understand the intricacies of it but uh sometimes it comes down to the reduction of the human being to a chateau and the to profit the unfortunate profitability with some very sketchy human beings end up uh seeing in it in proxying of it and they have to justify it you know one way or another slavery and that being in the modern era one of the most unfortunately profitable uh businesses and both in the christianity world as well as in the Islamic world and uh this this myth this particular myth ended up being due to this religious nature due to its original uh genealogical nature genealogy genealogy in these societies but very valuable uh resource of power it ended up being a very very powerful tool for the justification of such uh atrocities so it's it's very hard but it's we have to unfortunately we have to study it and comprehend it thank you very much it's a fascinating question and um it also relates back to some of the things we were hearing this morning I also want to thank you for um presenting from Brazil because I think that's a that's a first for us and and um you're very welcome I hope we see you in future meetings as well I'm going to wind it up there because I say we the other teams um we can we can speak to them at coffee and uh because we are running late I'd encourage you to if you need a coffee or need a bathroom break just to sort of go and do it quickly uh you know grab your drink have a quick sip and then join us for um the final session of today and hopefully we'll we'll make up a bit of time thank you very much thank you fish so that's the subject of my talk and let me say before beginning that the slides um as usual I post my presentation with the speaking text online so uh don't worry about trying to capture all of the detail that you can see if if anybody wants to follow up then it'll appear on academia.edu at some point this this continues work I started during lockdown on the vocabulary of nautical technology a couple of papers so far both of them which need correcting by the way but and then I extended it to um marine fauna including fish and today I'm just going to focus on fish um why lockdown because it's one subject that I could study at home because I actually had a lot of the lexical resources with me and also uh I had uh I have my um I've got my own Zanzibarie consultant at home consultant in vertical commas who sometimes agrees to answer questions um um so that's what this is so Swahili and Komorian have hundreds um I do mean hundreds of of names for fish and other marine creatures um and where did all these names come from the northeast coastal Bantu ancestors Swahili were originally only familiar with inland waters and fisheries um as they sort of swept up historically in that uh direction um so how did they acquire the knowledge they needed to exploit the marine resources that they encountered on the coast so we're going way back in time um 1500 2000 years ago so when did you get that knowledge and what do their names for marine species tell us about that process of adaptation so a group of mixed farmers arrive on the coast this is obviously a simplification but arrive on the coast they've not encountered marine species and now we find that there are hundreds of names for them where where did where did they all come from um and the following is just a preliminary sketch and I won't really go into Komorian in this talk because it introduces a whole set of complications some of them have not worked out for myself yet the classificatory position of Swahili um and approximate dates are shown on the slide on the right there and note the distance between Swahili and Komorian Komorian is not a Swahili direct it's actually it's actually quite separate and a lot of its fish names are quite different there's some overlap because some of them um can be traced back to Proto-Sabaki um others have been borrowed backwards and forwards between the the two languages but there are also some that have evolved quite separately and this slide is just a reminder it shows you the primary dialects of Swahili and their classification so primary being those original coastal dialects and to reconstruct fish names to Proto or early Sabaki um they have to be found at least as cognates in both northern and southern branches of Swahili dialects as well as in Komorian it's not perfect but there are no other languages in that group that have that sort of um you know have an extensive fishing vocabulary maybe maybe some of the Mijikenda but I don't think it's particularly separate from from Swahili and here are some examples of general fishing vocabulary sort of generic terms with the old Bantu roots including the generic terms for for fish that's that dialect Sui um or the Arabic derived Samaki um and eels um Konga um plural Mikunga in in standards Swahili those are very old terms and obviously because you get uh you know fish a fish and that's same in freshwater marine and also eels you find them in both environments and the only fish names that were carried over from freshwater to marine species were those for groups of fish that are recognizably the same across both environments such as eels and another group catfish you find cat in fact some species of catfish are found both in in in freshwater estuarine environments as well as um in the sea and these include eel the so-called eel catfish and the just to give an example that Amvita dialect names for eel catfish um are both inherited Bantu terms so Tandi and Ngogo they have a longer history um that said uh so I get my pages right that said whilst Swahili has as actually few inherited fish names relatively few there aren't many more than that there might be a few more that have not picked up yet but a larger number have been taken from other languages and it's possible that some of the names that can't now be explained um were borrowed from the languages of earlier coastal fisherfolk so whoever it was who preceded the incoming Swahili and Komorians on the coast we don't actually know much about who they were um or what languages they smoke and and so it's difficult to prove in the absence of comparative vocabularies um it's no good looking at the vocabularies Sandawe or Hadza for example in the interior of Tanzania because they don't have vocabularies for for marine species they're just you know and they're too far away um and uh and so so it's difficult to know what might have come from a non-Bantu African language in this region except perhaps Somali that there is a set of Somali fish names so the possibilities of comparison with Somali and there are one or two examples that have come across so far of fish names that might be related to the Kushitic names used in Somali and there seems to be little evidence of old loan words from Persian or Arabic for those who know this linguistic history there's this old layer um of Persian and Arabic it's not always clear clear which is which or to know the difference um but there's very few of those loan words from Persian Arabic or even South Asian languages I haven't hardly been able to find any Chaffee um a fish similar with no rabbit fish Tassie to others Chaffee Tassie in the north is one candidate um so if you look at the Arabic um I'm not sure I don't know how to pronounce this but Saffee and the Persian um also Somali possibly there's it looks as though there's some relationship there I can't prove it but it's possible that that's an inherited an old inherited term old because it has the it has the the bit the Bantu prefix the 910 class prefix the reconstructed form is in Chaffee and there are also relatively few names for which an Austronesian and specifically Malagasy source can be proposed very few I've you know I've looked but I can only find a small number um which is those at the top and some of those are only possible and here's one of them um a local name for the emperor red snapper so in the sort of a marima dialect area tanga and thereabouts this word dumwara sometimes it's also been recorded as dimwara you can make a case for it being um descended if you like from this old Malagasy term uh also in in old Javanese originally old Javanese uh lembwara or or um lambwara and as it's coming to the Swahili the initial the lap bits at the beginning or the layered lap bits and that has been reinterpreted as though it were an old Swahili prefix either Lu Lu Lumbwara or Lee 5th the class 5 prefix is Lumbwara and that's how you would generate dumwara and dimwara that's a proposal it's not proven but it it looks quite strong and in the in the process did the name of this the meaning of this word has changed as it's as it's moved into Malagasy right now refers to dugongs to those marine mammals but in in the Swahili dialect it still refers to this big fish the emperor red snapper which can be quite big in size um and the largest and most easily recognizable set of loan words is from Arabic and these are all relatively recent borrowings including fish that were imported in dried form or originally imported rather than fished and they're also predominantly the names of large oceanic species reflecting the expertise of the Arabic speaking crews from whom Swahili learned much of their knowledge of deep sea sailing and fishing and that's where you get all this later vocabulary for different types of boats that obviously come from the Gulf and their routes but what about what about all the rest of Swahili names for fish and it seems that many and perhaps most of them were lexical and semantic innovations names that Swahili speakers and their immediate ancestors coined themselves using their own lexical resources to describe their fish they caught and in most cases eight the original meaning of many names has been forgotten in some cases it can only be guessed at while other names are evidently more recent innovations so it's a process that you find happening up until recent times but also with a lot of these old names older names that you can reconstruct to a you know the priest Swahili stage of linguistic development um you can see some of the and because some of them are shared with Camorian as well um and there's some examples in that table I won't I won't go through them but these are all names which you can you can hypothesize that they're derived from the language itself or whatever that language was proto-Sabaki Swahili uh protest Swahili and so on and one category um yeah one category of these innovative names is especially interesting um names like Pungu on the last slide Pungu from an eagle it's also an eagle ray which have been taken from other animals the whole class of these these words that have been adapted or just taken straight from the names of other animals and here's as you know some obvious ones Nungu, Pansi, Sangi, Tembo in some Swahili, Kipepeo and as the second column here shows the English names um this suggests it also been a productive process in English a lot of our you know we we call the fish lizard fishes that also some Swahili called Goromwe which is a um a local name for um um particularly on the Kenya coast for lizard fishes and it's derived from the name for a particular kind of lizard and the most to me the most remarkable a big example of this that I've come across so far is the adoption of the names of male and female bush book shown at the top um for snappers um according to their color resemblance to one or the other sex so male bush book a darker in color than female bush book the names for them um which you can trace back to to Proto Sabaki in fact go much earlier there are all Bantu names those but the basically the names for the male male the name that's used for a male bush book has become in many three lead acts the name for the darker colored snappers whereas the lighter colored snappers um are called by the name that was applied to the females so that kind of gender description of bush book has kind of come down in Swahili in a different form as a term for different color variants um which I find fascinating I mean the standard forms of these names Akungu Anambuala again as I say they're they're all Bantu uh Eastern Bantu names and this happens these names have been carried I think as loan words on two islands well I guess it includes Bantu as well but on two islands um the Kamoros that Madagascar where there are no bush book there's no bush book nobody would know that in connection anymore these are words that originated on the mainland there are no bush books present on the islands off the east African coast now in the time remaining I can only show a small sample of the names I've been looking at here's Chewa for Kenyans that you'll know that as the Tewa of Shibola Tewa famous location um location of a prison as well um lightly named and it lightly named I think the name for their habit of staying put literally floating um rather than swimming away when discovered this is one reason why they're actually quite easy to spear they're really big fish these are the rock called the groupers but they tend not to swim away like other fish they sort of just lurk in their in their holes um and they are actually quite easy uh for for modern fishers as well to to kill when they come across them here's Changu a name which many of you will be familiar with um probably derived from a verb describing its social or swimming behavior um down there it's the uh descendants of this in territory of Kuchanga what was originally Kuchanga to collect or wander around in another set of meanings and here's Chazzo the suckerfish that was once kept in order to catch turtles I don't know if any of you are familiar with this this um this history of using fish to kind of capture turtles but there's some really nice descriptions of of the um the remora is being kept in cages by fishermen and then used because they attach themselves to other fish they do the same to whales and porpoises and all sorts as well but they they can they can be trained you know trained is a loose use of the word but they can be used to haul in attach themselves to turtles and then you haul them in um and that's that's that's possibly an early loan word I'm not sure but there's there's some similarity um with that um Arabic word um which ultimately derives from the verb meaning to attach I'm not sure but I don't otherwise know where that name comes from and bunjoo one of my favorite names bunjoo put for fishes and they're named I think for their poison um and those of you uh worked in Zanzibar or knows Zanzibar will will know this word punjoo it's the most notorious uh poison of the week so punjoo it's it's a typical sort of witch's brew of lizards and amphibians it's it's it's it's been much feared and really nasty also appears in the name of the Zanzibar red colobus which is known as uh keema punjoo um because um other animals dogs and sort of um don't like its flesh so it's said and to give an example of a marine animal that is not a fish and I could do many more of these including shellfish um it's not a fish zoologically speaking um Puezza named after the time and place they're usually speared by these days women perhaps always women but um you know derived from this verb koopwa um about about their ebbing we're describing the ebbing of the tide well this is you know classically when you encounter uh octopuses and let me close by reiterating that there are history that there are histories of adaptation and innovation in these names that can be matched with evidence from other sources and they don't have time time to sort of start um looking at that in detail but this is is what I'm working on now and in particular zoological findings findings of archaeologists about the changing prevalence of different marine vertebrates in fish middens so archaeologists I mean the classic site of shanga in the north in the Lamar archipelago um there's a very nice sequence and description of which types of fish over the centuries were the most popular or the ones that you could find most and you can match this kind of linguistic data to see you know how far back can a name be reconstructed does that match um the archaeological evidence we need more archaeological evidence but it's a possibility that you can do that kind of matching and last but not least thank you very much thank you very much now we welcome our second speaker of this final afternoon panel um Marianne de Ham welcome from the British Library she's the new curator of the AFKA collection at the British Library therefore if anybody needs any advice about the British Library now we know where to go and so we welcome um the presentation yes this one right here yeah thank you so hello everyone um how about is that you any salam aleikum and whatever other greetings you would like to use um and today I'm going to be talking to you about the how the knowledge creation and transfer of fishermen networks shapes the Swahili language culture and community in the mafia archipelago um and however before I start answering this question if it was working for me ah okay uh one thing that I've come to realize is a lot of people don't know where mafia actually is so uh mafia is in the south of Tanzania it is south of the Zanzibar archipelago and the mouth of the refugee river actually flows straight into uh mafia mafia is made up of eight islands and mafia island is the main island of the archipelago um it also hosts the largest marine park in the west indian ocean measuring at 882 kilometers squared and actually this red line that you find in this map is actually the marine park the mafia island marine park boundary um it is also the oldest marine park in Tanzania having been established in 1995 what this means is that whenever marine conservation is being discussed in Tanzania and east Africa a lot of the times the mafia archipelago is being referred to and used within scholarly debates and also within political discussions and this inadvertently means that what you find is the international governments the Tanzanian government the world wildlife fund and mafia island marine park all have their own ideas of what the marine ecosystem and marine environment should look like and what marine conservation looks like and they feed these ideas to mafias fishers and mafias people through regulation and through projects but at the same time mafias fishers and mafias people have their own ideas of marine conservation um and what you then see is that because they have their own ideas of what the marine environment looks like they find new ways to use Swahili and their community and their culture to actually uh to shape the Swahili language in order to actually describe this marine environment i'm going to be focusing predominantly on uh mafias fishermen and when we're looking at shaping the Swahili language and culture and community in mafia this occurs in four main ways so essentially that's measuring the moon measuring the wind perceptions of marine animals and perceptions of the marine environment so when we're looking at the fishing industry in mafia it's important to note that most of the boats actually use sails instead of engines and because you're using sails on boats like Mashua which you'll find in that top picture over there and this bottom picture here um and also Galawas which is this little boat here um and they also use Vitumbri which is a dugout canoe boat so predominantly the boats that are used within mafia's fishing industry are plank boats and they use sails what this means is that you need to be able to measure the natural elements like the wind and like the moon mafia has two monsoon seasons like most of the Swahili coast and this is Cascasi the northeast monsoon season and Pusi the southeast monsoon season at the same time when we're discussing the moon and measuring the moon we need to bear in mind that not only does the moon affect the tidal variations of low and high tide but also you have spring and neap tide so this is actually a picture that I took while in mafia and it shows the different variations or how far the tide can go out when it's actually Cascasi and when it's neap tide so usually when it's low tide in mafia in this beach you would actually find the waves right here where those green structures are but because it's Cascasi you find that the waves are or the ocean is much further out than it usually is and this is one way that affects fishermen's because you need to be able to measure the moon in order to ensure the optimum time to actually go out and fish and another way that the moon influences fishermen is in the form of night fishing now in mafia you find a fisherman who fish at night for Daga and Daga is a name for a group of fish essentially and they're small like anchovies or smaller and night fishermen use light to actually attract Daga to their boats in order to catch them now you can imagine that because they're using light in the full moon this is impossible because there's too much light in the ocean so again they need to use some sort of measurement in order to measure this the moon in order to determine the right time to go fishing and the measuring of the moon actually occurs through the use of the lunar calendar in mafia it also occurs in Zanzibar but I'm talking about mafia today so because there is the use of the lunar calendar and because fishermen are such a prominent and large group in the mafia archipelago what you find is actually that the rest of mafia's community actually uses a mixture of both the lunar and the Gregorian calendar in order to communicate with fishermen and that's one way that the Swahili community of mafia is being influenced towards the ocean when we're looking at measuring the wind we see how the Swahili language is being influenced within mafia because here we find there's a creation and adaptation of the Swahili language so one such term is Wanafunzi Wanafunzi usually means students however in mafia the fishermen use the term Wanafunzi to actually refer to a specific kind of wave which has blue at the bottom and it has a white crest or white foam so kind of like in that little clip art image and the reason why they do this is it's a visual cue for them to determine the intensity of the wind at a specific time and from a distance and the reason why they use the term Wanafunzi is because the primary school uniform for public schools in Tanzania is a blue trouser or blue skirt with a white shirt and so it's a not only a visual cue but also a reminder of this kind of this kind of it's a sort of mnemonic device in a sense or a way to remember it. Another term that fishermen have actually created is kucharaza and kucharaza refers to the cha-cha sound you get when a wave hits the reef so depending on how well first of all this is an audio cue in order to actually measure where there is a reef and where there is a reef while you're on the on the ocean and depending on how intense it is you can also determine how the wind intensity sorry is everything okay yeah okay well yeah so kucharaza is a term that has been created then to actually refer as a as a audio cue to within the to measure the the wind when we're looking at perceptions of marine animals the first animal that we find is fish and sadly i'm not talking about any specific fish just fish in general now the fishermen of mafia perceive fish as highly intelligent and highly adaptable animals and it's really interesting they've actually created this a new term called mavovi and i've only ever found it in in mafia um and when we're mavovi um it's a very interesting term because it takes the root of vuvvi which is fishing because when we refer to fishing in swahili you use the term ovovi when you refer to one fisher you use um vuvvi when you refer to multiple fishers you use wavuvvi and when you're talking about fish you would use the term samaki but uh what the fishermen of mafia have done is actually used the term uh the root of the term uh for fishing vuvvi and then uh added this prefix of ma in order to actually refer to fish and in a way it ties their fishing activities and their fishermen knowledge to uh fish the second animal that holds a lot of perceptions is whale sharks um and whale sharks present frustration because uh they get stuck in the fishermen's nets so they will actually swim into the nets and it's it's really annoying for fishermen because they have to stitch up these large gashes um and at the same time one thing that i noticed is that every single fisherman that i talked to told me that they would never hurt the whale sharks because they believe that they share a symbiotic kind of relationship so what this means is that the fishermen believe that whale sharks will follow their boats in order to determine where they can find algae and this algae uh well the fishermen uh know where this algae is because this algae is also eaten by the fish which fishermen catch and at the same time fishermen will follow whale sharks in order to determine where they can get fish um and it's quite interesting because uh the fishermen uh whale sharks can only be found at Kilindoni which is the largest town uh of of mafia uh so they can only be found at that ocean they can't actually be found within the marine park boundaries and when i asked uh a fisherman about this uh he told me that the reason why whale sharks actually like the ocean at Kilindoni is because it's like uswazi um and the use of the term uswazi is particularly interesting because uswazi refers to a neighborhood where um everybody's house is very close together and there's a lot of culture there because there's a lot of commotion and a lot of people live right next to each other and you know what your neighbor is doing essentially um and it's specifically interesting in mafia because in mafia the majority of people live in the uswazi and if you don't live in the uswazi you live in Uzunguni or which refers to where the white people live or you live in Warabuni which refers to where the Arabs live so the use of the term uswazi here is actually including the whale sharks within their own community and here we see how the Swahili community in mafia is being influenced when we look at the perceptions of um the marine environment here we have a very interesting phenomena um and this phenomena actually occurs well it's an aerial view of a phenomena this phenomena which occurs uh during kaskazi and during the beginning of the kaskazi period um and those in mafia who have a western scientific education will say that this is because the the waters from the refugee river are flowing out to mafia and there is more of an algae production within the ocean but the people of mafia actually refer to it as a ritual that occurs every single kaskazi where the ocean cleans itself and it spits out all these materials that it no longer wants which is why the ocean has a specific smell and it's also why the shores are littered with seaweed and plastic the people of mafia view the ocean as something to be feared and loved at the same time there's so many stories about how fishermen have gone further and further into the ocean to chase greed and never came back and um when you're a girl and or when you're a woman in mafia you'll be told uh don't go to the ocean during high tide because that ocean might take you the current might take you and pull you further into the sea um and actually some of these stories are backed up by dead bodies actual dead bodies that will wash up on the shores of mafia and these also come with stories where is it the fishermen or the young girls that went out uh during high tide or is it from bodies in in Somalia civil war or is it from killings in comoros so these are all the different kinds of stories that you find um that are horrific but at the same time it is the fishermen who uh after a long day on the ocean go and jump into the ocean and they frolic along the seaside so they are very connected to the ocean at the same time and it's also the people of mafia who have these horror stories who refer to themselves as watch what funny we are the people of the ocean or uh they will tell you 20 to 24 to Baharini so let's go throw our worries away into the ocean so i would like to conclude my presentation today with a personal reflection um i speak swahili fluently uh but when i went to mafia uh i realized that there was a language barrier between me and fishermen i was speaking swahili they were speaking swahili but i did not understand a single thing they were saying and this would come about because they would tell me things like and so to translate that they would tell me you see that wave over there that is a student wave if you look underneath the fish are moving in a chaotic manner and this is because we are on the third day of this lunar phase during uh the kaskasi season so the northeast monsoon season so it it was a completely different uh mindset and what i'm speaking on today might seem quite abstract but in mafia it's a day-to-day reality and it's only when i actually shifted my perception to view the ocean the wind the moon marine animals within the ocean and the the fishermen on top of the ocean as an interconnected entity that i was actually able to understand them and it's only when you shift that perception that you'll be able to understand because otherwise you'll start asking yourself heavy or in translation you'll start questioning yourself was that fisherman talking about fish or fishermen thank you thank you very much excellent presentation uh i'm sure maybe there are some questions sitting to connect this but we're just going to go through to the last presentation and then we will take some question from the floor and and from online so i think our next speaker is online uh okay now now you go uh Christina Nicolini and i hope you you can um you're there and we will um ask you to uh share yeah yeah so yes the title of the presentation is weaponizing litcha shares wailing ovals on hv8's party journey in the epistemic resistance war um christina welcome christina is the soas alum she's just completed a phd at soas um i think is a couple of years ago now um so welcome back christina and the the floor is yours now and you can start your presentation thank you okay thank you can you just confirm that you can see the slideshow yes we can yeah we can see the slideshow and i think you guys on the audience uh online you should be able to see it as well okay thank you so first of all i would like to congratulate ida on a great work of translation and of course the Nobel Prize winner um and yes my presentation is about um this concept that i called weaponizing literature so it's a kind of metaphorical way uh let's speak about how to use literature as a tool uh to operate a kind of conceptual decoronization of quotes and so i started with this metaphor so uh as a kind of compulsion between the partisans of qiesion resistance and the resistance of local epistemology as described in afro from literature which are active in this resistance movement against the intellectual occupation since colonial time and does they define literature in african languages as kind of partijani fighting against epistemological fascism we know that we had a long history of epistemic injustice which happens to to be in very different forms like especially and menautical or testimonial and a great work has been done from sociologist uh the susa santosh who describes the modern western thinking as an abyssal thinking which divides social reality into this side of the line and the other side of the line that is produced as non-existent so as to grant the monopoly to modern science this epistemological fascism results in epistemic side um which has been described as the murder of knowledge however on the other hand we have also um this movement called epistemology of the south which is a cluster of multiple epistemologies born in struggle and anchoring the experience of resistance which engender a new process of both production and validation of valuable knowledge whether scientific or non-scientific in this framework african-centered knowledges are also located which are conceptualized as the third african centered space in between uh euro-centricism and afro-centricism it also includes the african struggles for epistemic freedom against euro-centric thinking as well as to provincializing euro while they provincialize african particularly one example of the struggle of knowledge from the global south are example or an example of epistemology of resistance is the case of traditional healing practices in african therefore the treatment for illness in literature has become a form of epistemic resistance and in fact from my analysis of swaley literature i define hiv-8s as a divisive disease and indeed the divided debate about hiv-8s treatment consists in a kind of balancing and rebalancing of the scale in between modern hospital and traditional healer performances who have their their epistemic role to play in fact the inadequacy or inaccessibility to hospital care pushes people to prefer the traditional expert counseling who intervene to alleviate hiv-8s related disease particularly in swaley literature the healers are portrayed either as professional or as swindlers as well as the hospital are in question for scientific efficacy yet they are viewed as morally corrupted in my case studies i will explore three selected swaley novels from tanzania dealing with hiv-8s namely kisiki kikavo or thrice stamp firaumi the deboshe and finally kuakuama owa the existence of flowers the first novel at new time this novel kisiki kikavo is a historical and documentary novel entirely based on his empirical findings collected during the authors research on the ground conducted in the kagera region in between 92 and 2006 and the novel is set in the aftermath of the ganda-tanzania conflict also known as the kagera war a period between 1969 and after 1983 when aides started spreading in the country in this in the period described in this novel hiv-8s was an unknown and uncurable disease which was challenging both hospital and herbal treatments in addition to this the region was economically devastated because of the war does not only were the hospital lacking adequate equipment and treatments but also swindlers and cheaters took their advantage of the situation pretending to be professional healers hospitalini hauakuna ogonjavo oote kumuambi arudi nyumbani oakana oakana heri oende kuavaganga oajadi kuulisakulikone alikua mepigua na yembe gini anarotu piwam tu nahuatu oabaia alikua na gini yembe ilo nilauga urbune sio yembe la kawaida naku liondoa yembe li lo toka nchidza ngambo sioki to chan chesu so here is presented this vampire spirits theory as an explanation for hiv-8s people were struggling and starving because of the war and because of the ignorance of both medical doctors and healers about this new disease therefore in the end the solution to both injustice and aides seems to have a supernatural key element in fact the off-screen voice of an invisible narrator who is bewildered in the face of dissonant epistemologist that clashed one against the other maintains that the solution which appears closest to program understanding is the one that must be allowed to prevail so once again the bloodsucker theory was the first explanation in the second novel after money obvious novel is a realist novel set at the threshold of the 90s which criticizes the socio-political condition of the Tanzanian society following from the process of neocolonization started after the implementation of the neoliberal reforms the effectiveness of scientific medicine for treating hiv-8s is unquestioning this novel however not only the privatization of the health sector made hospital treatment expensive but also corruption spread among medical doctors as a result once again traditional healers both honest and dishonest came into play to cope with the situation on the other hand the healers perform genuine efforts to cope with which is a typical disease among the zingu ethnicity which affects people who have incestuous relationships and it has the same symptoms of AIDS to some have science and modern medicine are in question but cure are available for those who cannot afford it in fact several socio-political institutions are criticized because of the cut and the privatization of the health sector as well as because of the networks of corruption and bribery in the end the fairest answer to both social injustices AIDS has a kind of supernatural witchcraft finally in William Kufia's philosophical novel is a fictional work based on an intellectual quest regarding the meaning of life, sexuality, fear of death, fate and existential absurdity in connection with hiv-8s which celebrates both scientific and embodied knowledge thus the realistic narration is often unexpectedly enchanted by the complementary inclusion of these non-tontologies from the spiritual world as well as extra sensory perception and paranormal cognition we want quasi the climber baobab is the guardian of my yuyu the fleeting mortals ali ebaki in quasi peke gake la kini atam quasi atam quasi aliche uji am tu huu ni ma buyo si o kisa na kini sama yuyu shani iandamani o kuakua so once again the solution is shani so it's surrounded by some kind of mysterious answers and the principle symbol of connection between the material world and the supernatural world are the owl the bone the boondi or the lightning baobab buyo waradi which are also means of access epistemology of marburg through paranormal cognition extra sensory perception and parapsychological phenomena buyo alimsiki abundi aki uchukulia kaurosi aki suza na kunmise so the baobab could hear the owl's ominous chanting of an evil spell and divination is a way to access the supernatural and the unknown diviners and again diviners unveil a hereditary curse kindalam la peke the chick who is alone or the child who loves only himself this is a traditional course which implies someone whose existence destroyed the other existence so in conclusion we can say that swaley narrative describes the treatment of illness as a battlefield where in plural epistemology cluster and coexist swaley prose fight against epistemic side with with its own style by means of different static weapons stylistic and narrative devices such as generic fracturing fragmentation self-reflexive narrative metaphysical metaphictional devices made up of intertextuality meta references across chance and magical realist style where the conjuring of spiritual ontologies magic and the supernatural interfere in the phenomenal world and where clashes between diverse ontologies and incompatible epistemologies are displayed so not only are swaley novels partigining the war of resistance against epistemological fashists that they fight by means of narrative style and aesthetic of language but they also are an example of a pre-emptive style of writing to avoid repeating epistemic violence and injustice which was perpetrated in the past and score if you would like to score a match about this research you can read my monography which was published in july 22 and thank you for your attention thank you thank you very much Christina okay we can stop sharing now perhaps we can give it a few a little bit of time for a few questions and then we're going to conclude the day I will show you I think I've seen in the program a new database that we've created about a kanga but perhaps before that maybe we can take some questions from the audience or also online yeah is there any question from the audience first yeah Clarice have you got a question you can speak you need to unmute yes yes thank you can you hear me yes we can yeah yeah I have a question actually to to Martin Walsh or probably also to Miriam de Han about dialectal variation of the fish terms because you also have along the coast of course the ecological the maritime environment is similar but also you have on the one hand you have different fish population as well and then of course you have different languages or different dialects so I was just wondering if Martin would want to say something about dialectal variation thank you thank you for beautiful presentations oh it's a very good question and because of time obviously I couldn't go into a lot of detail but to look at each fish name it would typically take me at least half a day or a day to go through all the sort of vocabularies and dictionaries for different dialects that I have and then there are also resources that are not written by linguists but by you know there's the FAO data from fishbase and another other literature so what I'm talking about is actually based on datasheets which in which I have written down or typed all of the variations that I know of and as far as it's possible to know where those terms were recorded so in able to in order to reconstruct for example a term to proto Swahili obviously need to find it in northern Swahili and southern Swahili dialects you also need to be sure that it's not a loan word from one to the other so the sort of starting point of this is the detailed data and this will also give me an opportunity to say to anybody who has a list of fish names and dialect knowledge of fish names please please write it down publish it and before that send it to me because data are the key and so for some groups of species this is really hard to do because of the lack of data it's quite difficult because I don't have a lot from northern Swahili dialects I've not been through the sort of classical literature of northern Swahili but have relatively little data from you know Bajuni and and Mweenie and you know the dialects in the Lama Occupelago so that's a constraint on your ability to do that but it you're right to ask that question because it's fundamentally about that detail and we now at least I you know from sort of personal communications and the literature and work I've done myself when living on Pemba and in Wasini and elsewhere um you know that that that I couldn't do this without all that data and that's why you know during lockdown my wife's a Zanzibar and a speaker of of Kiongugja as well so I have an extra resource there but I couldn't do that work without without that level of um of detail yeah excellent and and please please if you have it don't throw don't throw it away give it to me or or anybody who who who who is interested in it because some of this knowledge is is disappearing and you're right there's there is a lot of variation and I didn't focus in the talk upon variation but if you looked at some of the etymology that I gave you'll see there's quite a few differences but there are some terms like the snappers for which there are a whole series of different terms there's that Dumbwara, there's Tembo, there's Kongu, there's Umbawa and there are other ones that I haven't listed so it's a really big job I mean I kind of think you know well if I have nothing else useful to do maybe I can spend part of the rest of my life just teasing out some of these etymologies because I find it fascinating and it's about the sort of historical genius of the language and it tells us something about where it came from it's only one view it's based on reconstruction you have to match it with the other events we'll never know everything but it's it's I think it's it's you know a really fascinating aspect of Swahili although it's historical roots so thank you. Thank you. Martin okay unless anybody has any other question we can just move on quickly to the as I said I just want to thank you so much Clarissa thank everyone I just want to quickly show you now hopefully it's gonna work okay so just very briefly the center african studies at Swahili has been partnering with the Victorian Alba Museum that is currently exhibiting an exhibition called Africa Fashion I'm sure many of you have probably seen it if you haven't you must go because it's the most one of the best exhibitions I've seen this year and so it's called Africa Fashion at the Victorian Alba Museum because of the exhibition we have decided to create a partnership and we are doing a series of artist talks at Swahili and at the VNA and we launched the first event a few weeks ago with the new director of the Victorian Alba Museum East I'm not sure if you're aware the Victorian Alba Museum is opening a new site in East London and the director is our alum Dr. Gas Caseli Hayford so we are very excited and Dr. Gas Caseli Hayford is also one of our professional practice and he has been helping us with the series we launched it a few weeks ago so we're going to have more events coming up again so follow us at the Centre of African Studies if you're not on the newsletter let us know we can add you and then you will receive all the information about the upcoming events so just in brief as part of the series of events we basically at Swahili there is a scholar called Ezbet Court she's an expert on East African art and in fact she's very sad not to be here today she's a aficionados barasa she's been coming many times and she's an actor on a Kenyan in particular also Tanzanian contemporary art and she's also been collecting Kanga for many many years Ezbet Court is you know it's fairly elderly lady now she is an emeritus and so she had this big collection of Kanga and the Victorian Alba Museum we're very interested in seeing the collection and so they asked us well there's Ezbet to create a spreadsheet through a database and so I helped her with the development of the spreadsheet and today Ezbet was supposed to be here to present the spreadsheet but today Ezbet is turning 80 years old so she had to have a big family party that had been booked for you know a couple of years given the big milestone but she's sending greetings and then she's hoping that the resource that I'm gonna now gonna open if I manage with the help of of my assistant yeah okay move it over no okay there you go okay so we're bringing it up to you yeah yeah there you go so basically what we did ah yes another thing I didn't mention very important obviously okay so now I'm talking more specifically about the the the database as you can see and so this database is now available on the center of african studies website and we hope that it can be used as a resource for teaching as a resource for those interested in art but also those interested in culture and language because one big element of this database as you can see I'm just kind of scrolling um where am I okay there we go so we I just want to show you the the entries that we capture so we capture the image we capture the you know the dimension the manufacturer which is very interesting when Ezbet called collected it what she bought it from so there's a lot of things that she collected from the 80s onwards and and then there is obviously as you all know the metallic the the private on each kanga and that those metallic have been translated by our own Ida and Adam I can see them next to each other yeah a big thanks to them because they've been very very very supportive of these they translated most I mean Ezbet and I tried but then yeah we had the editing of the expert of Swedish language and so yeah so there is also like notes about how some of the kangas are used inscription but again what we would like to also do it maybe if you find information that is not correct for instance or especially when it comes to these parts like the the teams the notes we're trying to sort of bring up a little bit more information about what they offer what they can tell us and so it's an initial study basically it's just a sort of a way of trying to make make the collection more available to the younger audiences and then maybe first further research around the use of kanga about what kanga mean the first way the culture and language as well so yeah so I hope you will you you will browse it and thank you so much for listening about this okay so now we're just going to move on it's been a quite a long day for everyone yeah Wangui has a question there's a question yeah yeah yeah it does here like as you can see I mean from the image you can see it very well but over here here I might just need to be scale open it I might lose the the image so but I think you can zoom in you can see the metallic the the proverb and then we typed it out here because if you see the top so that will be the inscription so those are that's what's in swede and then there is a translation I mean we did find a few very few in not in swede but obviously most of them are and then there is a translation the translation there yeah and the team as well which we thought was gonna be quite useful for people trying to understand the culture of kanga um South Africa so yeah so that's the the database as I said is an initial we might hope to also extend it again if anyone else has collections of kanga they want to be available maybe talk to us we could you know take them on and also expand add to this database because kanga as you know has been a topic of research for many many many years there's a lot of book written about it and I think it's a topic that interests still a lot of people um okay so thank you so much now I'm just calling my co-convener ida to come also we wanted to make a quick statement like um we have our um support today Rebsicele Makami is a SOAS PhD student just graduate she's been helping us a lot today so thank you so much and also people have been approaching you if you want to say a few words about aware about the abstract yeah come I had I had promised to the people that approached me about being sent either abstracts or papers of the presentations today that I will ask Angelica and ida to circulate a paper for your emails but Angelica has just made me aware that all of you who have registered online already have um your emails inside with Angelica and also online the abstracts are there but if you specifically want somebody else as paper from today you can ask Angelica to talk to that writer or to that presenter on your behalf in that present that that present I can send you that paper if that's okay with you thank you okay thank you so much thank you thank you okay so now we just have a few words from ida please come on the stage our sorry uh yeah today you know I just want you to yeah we can close this yeah no thank you very much I had actually wanted to say Mariam Dehan like I absolutely loved your presentation and I wanted to hear more and I was waiting to hear about that you know see that's sort of like um eat the fish event when they're at sea and all that so brilliant thank you very much thank you very much everybody for your presentations um no thank you all for coming thank you very much Excellent. Excellent. Thank you. Thank you so much. I think that I can see. Again, and yeah, one great question. No, I don't have a question, but I want to ask the audience to permit me to thank you very much and also to congratulate Ada for this translation, because I think that was here today really as Walter said, in your time, Leo, you have seen some of it. I want to thank you all so much, and I'm very proud to be proud of you. Thank you all. Yes, I have to add this. Yes, I want you to say, Ada, please say a few words. Yes. Thank you. Thank you so much. And on the note, yes, I want you to say also again that this year Barraza, as we remember some of you, maybe the last Barraza we had was a commemoration of the work for October. And so for me, this year Barraza has been a celebration of Ada Ajiva Giannis. And so the whole generation, the new generation. And as I said, personally, as well for myself, it's been a pleasure working with Ada. Thanks to her. It's like we really feel like we really want to continue with Barraza, because myself I've been here for so many years and it's always like a bit of a struggle to keep going. But then when you have colleagues like that, you just see that it's actually worth continuing. And thank you. Thank you everyone. And yeah, I think we close it now. We all had a long day. We probably want to go home. But yeah, we hope to see you all again soon. Let's stay in touch. And let's keep talking. Thank you.