From theCUBE Studios in Palo Alto in Boston, connecting with thought leaders all around the world, this is a CUBE conversation. Hi, I'm Stu Miniman coming to you from our Boston area studios. The CUBE is happy to participate in the Cloud Health Cloud Live event, Corey Quinn and myself going head to head with the great cloud debate. But of course, one of the things we always love is to talk to the practitioners. And so thank you to the Cloud Health team for bringing us the guests that I'm about to speak to you with. Patrick Heatherton, he is the vice president of TechOps at Jobcase, also a Boston area company. Patrick, thanks so much for joining us. Thanks for having me, appreciate it. All right, so let's start, if you could just give our audience a little bit, Jobcase, what the company does and your role in the org. Sure, so Jobcase, we like to position ourselves as the company that is the people first social platform for empowering America's workers. So we've been working with the front line workers for a number of years, helping them secure jobs. When you looked at companies like LinkedIn or other companies that catered towards more advanced degrees, we're doing more of the front line workers, the blue collar workers, about 80 to 85% of our members don't have advanced degrees. And we are currently at about 110 million members right now. We get 25 million unique visitors a month, but we're basically trying to help those front line workers navigate through these challenging times right now. Well, yeah, Patrick, I have to imagine that right now with the global pandemic going on and jobs in a bit of flux, your team must be really busy. Especially if you talk about front line, there's some very large manufacturing and service companies that are doing massive hiring. I know I poked around you at the Jobcase site quite a bit and saw plenty in the Boston area. So if you could, is that architecturally, is there anything you need to do differently? How are you thinking scale and adjust and to manage with the spike in traffic that I expect you're seeing? Yeah, so it's been interesting. We've seen a lot of different peaks and valleys throughout, but right now what we're doing is we're trying to help a lot of folks. There's certain folks who aren't comfortable going back to the workforce at this time or can't because of daycare situations. So we've done a lot of things about filtering for jobs that are remote only. We've done a lot of things about navigating the unemployment lines and things like that on how to make sure that you're focused on getting things. And those who do wanna go back to work, we've been working with some partners to make sure that those opportunities are presented to our user base. Excellent. Well, your session for the Cloud Health Cloud Live event is about security. Before we get into the security piece, just your role as tech ops, can you give us a little bit of how that fits into the landscape at Jobcase? You know, how do you look at tech ops? You know, my understanding, tech ops very similar to SRE, big buzz job lately for site reliability engineer. So what's your responsibility? How does that fit through the rest of the work? Sure. So I joined Jobcase about four years ago and I was given the role of technical operations or tech ops, which basically meant everything that the developers weren't doing from the technology side. So it was more of IT onboarding and security of the laptops and systems there, a little bit of facility work as far as making sure the office was set up properly and things like that, but also the DevOps or SRE team reported to me. When I first started four years ago, it was one IT person and one DevOps person and now we have six DevOps engineers and three IT people. Excellent. Well, security of course, you know, in general has been a very important topic, something you're speaking on.  It is everyone's responsibility. The DevOps movement of course has put that really front and center. So tell us a little bit about how cybersecurity fits into your role and a little taste of what you're going to be sharing at the Cloud Health Cloud Live. Sure. So, you know, it's gone through so many iterations.  You know, we don't tend to get caught up in the buzzwords too much, but more about roles and responsibilities. So, you know, we started off as traditional Dev and Ops teams that basically Dev wrote the code, we deployed the code. We found that we didn't scale very well at that. And we wanted to make sure that we could get a little bit more velocity in the place. So we rolled out the DevOps model and things like that and started giving more responsibility to the development team. That freed up a lot of my team's time to basically go out and start looking at more secure ways of letting our software go out. So that whole shift left mentality, but we wanted to find the things a little bit quicker, make sure we were doing some baseline examples of secure practices and things like that. So that was really where we started focusing in on what we've been doing for the past year and trying to roll this process out. Okay, I did a little poking around online. I understand you're also involved in the Kubernetes rollout in your company. In early days of container security was, you know, a hot button topic. Feels like we've made some good progress on that, but maybe if you could connect the dots between what you're doing on the security side and, you know, general containers. Love to hear more about your Kubernetes deployment too. Sure, so we do everything through templates, through cloud formation. So we kind of locked them down to a certain security groups and things like that. But we're also having a rollout of making sure things are patched in a cohesive manner. So we have a rollout process for, you know, running the latest versions of code, updating everything. You know, that's what my team really focuses on is making sure that we have a clear, concise process for the development team to focus in on and roll out so that they're comfortable with it. Whether it goes through all the environments of our dev environment, our integration environment, our staging environment, all the way up to production, it's the same process. Yeah, and how do you look at that kind of a line between the developers and the infrastructure? So TechOps usually is, you know, building the place and, you know, not the ones that are actually building the new products. And how does Kubernetes fit into that overall discussion? So we have a bunch of different teams that we work with, three primarily, and each one's at a different phase. And I think that's the thing that you have to realize. You have to do what works well for your company. So certain teams do more on the infrastructure side when we kind of give them these guidelines as to what sizes and things like that for infrastructure they should be using. In others, we have to do a little more handholding and make sure that they understand, you know, okay, let's take a step back and understand what you're trying to accomplish, what kind of traffic patterns you want to roll out and get a little bit deeper understanding and work with them. So each team's a little different, but we really blur the line a lot between Dev and Ops.  Excellent. What about automation? How does that fit into everything we've been talking about here? Yeah, so we've spent a ton of time on that.  So if nodes go down, they get replaced automatically. So there's all sorts of automation built in.  We're investigating more of a hard problem right now as far as some incompatibility or difference that may have come with an upgrade. So Patrick, how does your organization look at cloud? Are you all in a public cloud or using, you know, multiple clouds? You know, what's that environment? Yeah, so we were born in AWS and we've stayed in AWS. We are not multi-cloud, but we do our DR plan in there and everything, but 100% in the public cloud. Okay, excellent.  How do they fit into that discussion and, you know, give us a little bit about how long you've been using them and what you've been seeing? Sure, so we started with their cost program, Cloud Health, and we wanted to get a, you know, better understanding of all of our costs, especially when we're going to this more distributed model where developers had the ability to roll out infrastructure. We wanted to make sure not so much that they had budgets but had an understanding of how much they were spending. So when you go from that centralized control as to releasing controlled individuals, what that control comes responsibility and, you know, we wanted to make sure we're making good business decisions. So we rolled out Cloud Health to all the users to be able to see what each program was costing. We did that about two years ago and we've really just finalized it the last couple of months of making sure that everything was tagged appropriately and engineers can see how much each application costs to run. And then last year, we decided to look at some security programs to kind of help us launch that. We're doing a lot of stuff by hand and using some of the AWS services. But we wanted something to kind of roll up more to the executive team to be able to see how we're doing as far as, you know, benchmarks and things like that. So we looked at a couple of different programs but we had such a really good experience with Cloud Health on the onboarding. We decided to use VMware SecureState and have been rolling that out and using that on my team, primarily right now and starting to roll it out to all the dev teams. It's really interesting, Patrick.  I'm sure that there have been times where security or the billing or all those other things is something that somebody else took care of if I'm, you know, kind of a typical business person. What you're laying out sounds like there's, you know, communication, collaboration, you know, the business and the technical side working together. You know, are we getting closer to that? You know, we're all pulling in the same direction and, you know, have clear visibility as to what the business needs and what the kind of the technical and financial pieces are? Yeah, absolutely. I mean, it's definitely been a joint effort. I work with, you know, the finance team on a regular basis to kind of give forecasts and things like that. Especially during these challenging times you have to know how much you're spending on these bills. I mean, Cloud is one of our biggest bills, obviously for a job case. So we wanted to have a good understanding there but we also want to drive the business forward. We're working with partners right now during these times to make sure we're getting, you know, even some free services as far as doing some trials and things like that to ensure that we're being cost conscious for the company, but also driving initiative forward. You know, Patrick, is there anything out there? You know, in the ecosystem that is on your wish list that would make your company and your job even easier? Well, great question. You know, I think better integration between all the programs. I mean, you've got a lot of best of breed programs out there, so you worry about technology sprawl, you know, from application monitoring to system monitoring to cost monitoring and things like that. There is no silver bullet. So, you know, if there was, that would be great but you have to kind of pick the best of breed in all the cases. We kind of go with the AD20 rule. If a program does 80% but it integrates with other programs then we're going to use that over one that's maybe 90, 95% just for ease of use and implementation. Great, well, Patrick, I want to give you the final word. Any other final takeaways that you would share with your peers as to things they should be looking at or things they should prepare their teams for to be more effective and more secure? Yeah, I would say don't be afraid of change but also work with your dev teams. If you make it too difficult for them or it comes in us versus them, it's just never going to work. It has to be a partnership. They have to buy into the things that you're trying to do and in most cases they will. They want to do the right things but you've got to kind of eliminate the noise from them and make sure that they're only getting the things that are important to the company. Well, Patrick, thank you much for sharing and absolutely a very important service. Job cases performing especially right now when jobs and as you said, flexible work environments are critically important. Thanks so much. Thank you. All right, be sure to check out the Cloud Health Cloud Live event. I'm Stu Miniman. You'll see me and Corey Quinn in the great cloud debate and thank you for watching theCUBE.


Ahora la flora es para su excelencia, Mr. Ibu Murales Aiba, Presidente de el estado de Bolivia. Mi excelencia es la flora de Dios. Gracias. Muchas gracias. Muchas gracias. Mi hermano, Presidente de esta sesenta y cinco sesiones, ministros y hermanos representantes de las diferentes comisiones diplomáticas. Primero, quiero agradecer a todos por invitarme a participar en esta sesenta y dos sesiones de las Comisiones Unidas de la Comisión Unida. Es importante recordar que 10 años han pasado, desde la declaración y el plan de acción que se adoptaron en el año 2009, para servir una estrategia para atacar el problema de la droga del mundo. Y si pudiéramos llevarse a un asesino, podríamos identificar algún progreso, pero también hay que notar que todavía hay muchos desafíos. La realidad ha mostrado que la so called war on drugs ha falto, y ahora nos vemos obligados a concebir de nuevos modelos, reconociendo la realidad de cada y cada uno de nuestros países y sus experiencias. En este contexto, es que deseo compartir con ustedes la experiencia de Bolivia, nuestra experiencia en Bolivia, nuestro modelo de combate a la producción de la hoja de coca y el control de la producción de coca, cuando nuestro gobierno, y a lo largo de la realidad de Bolivia, perdió un modelo muy distinto de la realidad de Bolivia, un modelo que fue tomado en cuenta los usos tradicionales y medicinales de la hoja de coca. En todo el país, la hoja de coca fue estigmatizada y criminalizada. La política de anti-drugs que fue implementada durante el neoliberalismo, el neoliberalismo en Bolivia, fue enviada a los producimientos de coca, y en turno, fue un mecanismo para servir de la hoja de coca. La criminalización de la producción de coca fue forzada en la naturaleza y logró respetar a los derechos humanos. En el mismo tiempo, el desarrollo alternativo fue promocido como una substitución para la producción de coca, que fue atacada a la total erradicación de nuestro coca a través de una policía de coca zero. La criminalización de la producción de coca y la imposición de las políticas que fueron muy altas de nuestra realidad led to an economic, social, and cultural crisis affecting the coca producers and the Bolivian people, and therefore Bolivia we decided to develop our own model to combat drugs trafficking and therefore we were able to implement a coordinated mechanism to reduce surplus coca leaf production, flanked by comprehensive development of coca and the cultural matter and a matter of identity. In the past, brothers and sisters, I want you to know that the anti-drugs policy was imposed upon us by the United States. You will recall that Law 1008 in Bolivia to combat drugs trafficking was submitted to our national parliament in English. Similarly, all such decisions showed direct interference with a clear and marked presence of the DEA. At many times in our political history in Bolivia this had an impact on our internal policy decisions. It was the United States who decided who would be appointed as commander of the police, who would be responsible for anti-drugs task forces. The DEA and the military bases that the United States erected in Bolivia in order to ensure control led to deaths, injuries and disappearances. They appear to be the true masters of Bolivia. By way of example, let me point out that in 2004 these acts of social repression continued to such an extent that there were confrontations that led to the deaths of coca growers. And it was this act that led the federations of Cochabamba to issue the social request of a specific amount of coca per family, a so-called cattle. One cattle is the equivalent of 1.6 square meters for the region of Cochabamba and this respected the traditional area that has been set aside for peace in the Yungas. Since I assumed the presidency in Bolivia we have decided to nationalize these decisions and ensure that we can uphold our anti-drugs policy in a true dignified and sovereign manner. In 2013 we were able to set aside as a result of the reservation to the 1961 Vienna Convention decriminalizing Akuliku or coca leaf chewing in Bolivia and in the same time we firmly uphold the prohibition on the use of glyphosate for coca eradication as we are well aware of the terrible consequences that this has for mother earth and for the environment. Brothers and sisters I would like you to know that at no time has Bolivia in any way strayed from international law rather we have followed the procedures set forth under the 1961 Convention and under treaty law. As regards coca production and control mechanisms for social control have been established where dialogue, coordination and respect for human rights prevail working together with the unions and with communities in order to take decisions. Furthermore sanctions have been implemented for those holding surplus coca and the producers themselves are responsible for exercising control. A further important point to note is that our model is based on the family we are proud of what we have achieved to date and we are grateful for the international recognition that our work has received from various international entities. Thirteen years ago coca production in Bolivia represented 20% of the total amount of coca leaf production in the Andean region. Currently our output 10% of this total output and this attests to the successful implementation of our model. It is equally important to bear in mind that drugs exist because there is a demand for these drugs and brothers and sisters that our countries such as the United States and others that our leaders when it comes to drug use at this meeting we should also engage in studying whether the actions adopted to prevent drug use are proving effective and what needs and what should be done in order to improve them brothers and sisters representatives as I said already 10 years ago and as I continue to sustain you cannot have free cultivation cultivation of coca production but at the same time zero coca leaf production is equally unfeasible because in Bolivia and in other brotherly countries we have the traditional ancestral and medicinal use of coca. Here in Bolivia with the support of the World Health Organization and we now in universities the coca leaf does not affect human health negatively and quite the contrary in fact has medicinal and nutritional value therefore I would like to share the following with you the positive experience that we have developed based on our model through the regionalization of the struggle against drugs trafficking by establishing a regional anti-drugs intelligence gathering center in Bolivia We have brought together countries of the region Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay who have sent their liaison officers and their intelligence analysts to work in unison and in a coordinated fashion to date we have obtained significant results we have been able to capture a number of individuals who were on the run and with the subject of international arrest warrants for drugs trafficking In Bolivia we have also recently adopted a new set of legislation that comprises effective mechanisms to strengthen our struggle against drug trafficking such as efficient cooperation wiretapping paying informants and the forfeiture of assets Through these measures we have been able to further strengthen our approach in order to dismantle criminal organizations and strike them economically where it hurts drug use and drug trafficking move approximately some $320 billion yearly and this money is moved to using illegal mechanisms between the banks and for this reason we condemn all forms of tax havens and once again stress the need for transparency and openness of accounts of all individuals In Bolivia all government authorities have disclosed their bank accounts Once again we reiterate our call for the need for tangible actions in order to put an end to these tax havens and thus undermine drug trafficking and weaken transnational organized crime To conclude I would like to commend and to thank the European Union for its support As part of shared and respectful responsibility free from conditions which is most important and in the same vein I would also like to thank the United Nations Office against Drug and Crime in Bolivia that has supported us in the implementation of our Bolivian anti-drugs policy helping to buttress our institutional capacity in order to tackle organized crime Our model to combat drug trafficking through the exercise of social control which respects human rights and through the comprehensive development of COCA has gained visibility on international level and therefore our anti-drugs policy is successful. Thank you very much


Hello and welcome to Hist Fest 2021. My name is Rebecca O'Deal and I'm the director of Hist Fest and I'm so excited to share all of this weekend's events with you and but please do check out everything that's going on via the website www.histfest.org. Before we get started there's just a couple of housekeeping points to note and using the menu above you can provide feedback on the event and also if you wish donate to the British Library. The library is a charity and your support really does help to open up a world of knowledge and inspiration to everyone. Your feedback is also incredibly important in helping the library to plan future cultural events. You can find a tab there with a link to the library's booksharp where you can browse a range of titles by the festival's many speakers. Below the video there are social media links in case you want to continue the conversation on different platforms later on. You can also find short biographies of our speakers. I'm now going to hand you over to our event sponsors to introduce the resistance and rebellion panel of speakers. Hello everybody and welcome. My name is Polly Russell and I'm the head of the Eccles Centre at the British Library. The Eccles Centre was set up in 1991 to encourage engagement with the British Library's America's collections. Today the centre is involved in a broad slate of activities including supporting public events like this one, sponsoring library exhibitions, contributing to important acquisitions and offering fellowships for academic researchers and creative practitioners. If you would like to find out more about what we do and the opportunities that we offer do look at the Eccles Centre pages on the British Library website. Now we are delighted to be sponsoring this event today, Resistance and Rebellion from Tacky's Revolt to the Haitian Revolution with speakers Harvard academic and author of Tacky's Revolt, the story of the Atlantic slave war, Professor Vincent Brown, the historian, archaeologist and University of Glasgow academic, Dr Peggy Brunash, and our chair for today, the historian of 18th century Caribbean music, Wayne Weaver. Over to you. I'm Wayne Weaver and I'm delighted to have with me today Dr Peggy Brunash of Glasgow University and Professor Vincent Brown of Harvard University. I'm delighted to have you both here today. I just wanted to ask to get us started about the general context of anti-colonial resistance in the 18th century, be it in Jamaica, in Haiti or elsewhere in the Caribbean. How can you set the scene for us? Well, thank you, Wayne. It's a pleasure to be with you and with Peggy as well. And I'm looking forward to our conversation. I think one of the first things you have to understand is that the way that European empires expanded into the Americas was through the system of slavery and plantation agriculture. So kind of earlier than the British and the French establishment in the Caribbean, you had the Spanish and the Portuguese establishments in South America. And their profits, the profits derived from colonial enterprise were concentrated in mining and in plantation agriculture. So when the British and French really kind of begin to establish their colonies in the 17th and on to the 18th century, they are following that model established by the Spanish and the Portuguese. And they're growing crops in the Caribbean for export to Europe. The most profitable of those crops was sugar. And as it turns out, sugar is incredibly difficult to grow and requires huge amounts of labor. And as the Portuguese had done, the British and the French import huge numbers of enslaved African captives into the Caribbean to grow that sugar. So both in Jamaica, which was the most profitable British colony in the Americas in the mid 18th century, and in Saint-Domingue, which was the most profitable French colony in the Americas and really the most profitable European colony in the world, those colonies are overwhelmingly staffed by enslaved Africans. So in Jamaica, in the mid 18th century, some 90% of the population of some 100 to 150,000 is enslaved. Now, that slave system is extraordinarily brutal. Sugar is a difficult crop to grow, as were the other agricultural commodities, and could only be grown by labor that was coerced, compelled by discipline and torture. And really what I have called as a system akin to consistent perpetual warfare in order to produce those products, which produce those extraordinary profits. So when one begins to talk about resistance going directly to your question, one is talking about resistance to an extraordinarily exploitative and brutal system maintained by collective violence. And occasionally, those subjects of that violence meet violence with violence. And we find that certainly in the British Caribbean and especially in Jamaica, really from the time the British take Jamaica from the Spanish in 1655, all the way through the period we're talking about, there are consistent rebellions, you know, a major rebellion every decade or so, leading up to the rebellion that I've discussed in my recent book, Tacky's Revolt, in 1760 and 1761, which was the largest slave revolt in the 18th century British Empire. Now, of course, that precedes the Haitian revolution that happens in the 1790s, which was the largest slave revolt really in the history of the world. Now, if I may tack on to what Vincennes so brilliantly said, something that people tend to forget is that because of these modes of oppression, in order to establish the highest amount of profit for these European planters, and the normalizing of this brutality of this violence, there was never at any period in time, whether we are talking original contact between Europeans and indigenous communities. And when Europeans tried to dominate them, it happened when we had, in terms of smaller farmers, learning the land, starting to figure out how to expand to full blown plantation economy, where we have the traditional understanding of these large sugar plantations. From the very beginning, these modes of oppression that were placed upon non whites were always met with resistance. In some ways, very calculated, long planned resistance that Vincent in his book discusses in depth, that had influences on both sides of the ocean, but also in very subtle ways, in more individual, personal ways, just to find some sense of autonomy or independence, or some aspect of freedom. Resistance was always there. Native American or indigenous populations partook in that, enslaved blacks also did. And of course, in the situation with Vincent, when you have the scales so tipped in one direction of the vast majority that is silenced, marginalized, brutally controlled, forced to do labor they did not ask to be part of. And yet this is being controlled by a very small number. This warfare that Vincent is saying is, how else can you get around it? You are constantly brutalizing people knowing that it's normalized, but that there will be some sort of pushback. So therefore, the Europeans idea is, we have to keep doing this, or they will rebel. But they're going to rebel because you've been doing it. It becomes this circle of violence, the circle of warfare that does not stop because of the need to profit and increase revenue. I'm really interested in this idea of resistance and the resistance being in some cases small acts of resistance. I don't know, can you speak to some examples? I mean, as a musician, I'm particularly aware of cases where songs might have been written that are maybe mocking the Europeans who are working and living maybe around the population of African descent, or maybe other acts of resistance that might have been perpetuated before we move on to the actual results.  Thank you, Vincent. I would say that the idea of resistance is often to make it quite simple, put in this dichotomy of either overt or subtle or passive. I don't like the term passive, but definitely covert or subtle. But there's actually nuances in all these different ways, right? It's far more complicated than that. In terms of more subtle, covert forms, it could be as simple as finding ways to feign sickness, break farming equipment, truancy, running away for a short period of time, perhaps running away for a long period of time and never planning on coming back. Hence, we have maroon communities that did that and lived quite successfully in many ways in many parts of the Caribbean. In some cases, it's quite gendered in terms of women performing abortions, infanticide, partaking in sexual unions to hopefully entice the planter into having into some sort of negotiation that the child that comes forth has a better life than the enslaved mother. There's all these different ways. Yeah, I mean, I think it's worth remembering that the idea of slavery is to reduce the enslave to a mere extension of the slaveholder's will. And so there are all kinds of ways in order to maintain one's dignity and resist that imperative that you be merely an extension of the slaveholder's will. And all those things that Peggy laid out are part of that process. So I think it's important to remember the predicament that people were in first and foremost as we delineate all the different ways in which they resisted that degradation of their personhood. That's very interesting. So I suppose we should we should move on to the actual details of the of the uprisings. And I suppose, yes, let's do them chronologically. So tacky's revolts. What happened and how did it come about? I don't know. I mean, I'm a real lover of your previous monograph, The Reaper's Garden, where you talk about death in great detail. I just I wondered if you could maybe speak to that alongside telling us the way how tacky's revolts got started, basically. Yeah. So well, thank you for that. I appreciate the compliment. Reaper's Garden largely concerned how it was in a system in which there was extremely high mortality, right? And we know that wherever people were growing sugar, there were very high mortality rates, where funerals were one of the most ubiquitous kind of bases of social communion, how it was that in a society in which people died so rapidly, people act the living actually maintained relations with the dead. And those became a factor in their political activity, really from kind of relationships among the enslaved to relationships between masters and slaves, all the way up to parliamentary politics in Britain. I thought about how it was that relations with the dead factored into people's political activity. That was a very thematic book. And in this book, as it turned out in Reaper's Garden, one of the pivotal events was this event that we know as tacky's revolts in 1760 and 1761. And so in this second book, I dove far more deeply into that event, trying to explore its causes and consequences. And just briefly to kind of sketch out the contours of the event itself, on the late night of April 7, 1760 and into the early morning of April 8, which happened to be Easter, about 100 or more enslaved Africans on the north side of Jamaica in the parish of St. Mary gathered together and then marched up to Fort Haldane at the Port of Port Maria and took over the fort. They raided the fort for weapons, and then they marched up the main roads of the parish, raiding, conquering and burning plantations along the way. This episode really inaugurated a whole series of slave revolts across the island that lasted well into 1761, and one can say even as late as October, 1761. We know from the earliest accounts that one of the principal leaders of that first revolt in the parish of St. Mary was an African named Taki. And Taki was the name, it was a God name, God being kind of a Gold Coast language, roughly what's now Ghana, for an African chief. But there were many others. And after that first revolt was suppressed in the parish of St. Mary, there was another even more massive revolt on the leeward western side of the island in the parish of Westmoreland. And that revolt involved as many as 2,000 enslaved Africans who kind of held out for several months across that leeward side of the island. The revolt overall cost the planters about a quarter of a million pounds sterling. In the about 60 whites were killed in the suppression of the revolt. So at least 500 enslaved men, women and children were killed, and another 500 or so exiled from the island. As I said, this turned out to be the largest slave revolt in the 18th century British Empire. It was also, as we as we know, organized and executed primarily by Africans from the Gold Coast region of West Africa, as I said, roughly what's now Ghana. And so what I tried to do in this revolt was look at how this revolt was connected to events that were taking place in West Africa at the time, to really see Tacky's revolt as a kind of eddy within larger currents of warfare that shaped the Atlantic world. And so I saw Tacky's revolt in the book as a war within several other wars. And briefly I can say this, it was a war, it was a major battle of the Seven Years' War between Britain and France and Britain and its other imperial rivals, like Spain. So in 1760, Britain fought against its imperial rivals, what later historians would call the First European World War. Historians have left Tacky's revolt out of that, but the soldiers, sailors, and Marines who suppressed Tacky's revolt couldn't be so ignorant because many of the ones who had fought in more famous battles of the Seven Years' War in Quebec, in Senegal, and Martinique in Guadeloupe, then had to go to Jamaica to suppress Tacky's revolt. So it was part of that war. But it was also an outgrowth of battles within Africa. And briefly for our viewers, one of the ways the slave trade worked was by Europeans purchasing captive Africans who'd been captured in African wars. Now many of those wars had been stimulated by the sale of European firearms, guns that enhanced the scale, increased the scale and lethality of those African wars, and consequently produced more African captives for sale. So from the late 17th through the 18th century, you had this kind of African military revolution in West Africa, especially on the Gold Coast that produced ever more captives for sale to the Europeans. One of the consequences of that is many of those people who were war captives had military experience in West Africa, and they used that military experience in their revolt in Jamaica. Now Peggy mentioned the Maroons. There was a kind of large maroon war in the 1730s in Jamaica that was so difficult for the British to suppress that they didn't know they would be able to keep the island. And they signed treaties with the Maroons in 1739 and 40 that enabled the Maroons to preserve some of their autonomy. But by diplomatic arrangement, the Maroons were acquired to police future slaverables, which they did. And that led to another kind of conflict. I'm calling it another war within a war, which was among the enslaved themselves.  But then of course, when there was a slave revolt, one can see a race war, frankly, between white slaveholders and black slaves. So imperial war, enslaving war in Africa, a communal war of belonging and race war, tacky's revolt was all of these as it played out in 1760 and 1761. That's the story I've told in the book. That's absolutely fascinating. Thank you. It's thrilling. And at the same time, shocking and harrowing and distressing. And yet, there's a great sense of pride that one has to take actually in hearing all of this. I can't help but think about that while I'm hearing you speak. It's worth remembering Africans never stop resisting, enslaved never stop resisting, and to just hand it off, right? It culminated in the largest slave revolt in the history of the world and the Haitian Revolution about three decades later. And I think really on that, I think we have to move. There's lots of tantalizing questions that I want to ask and I may welcome back. But Peggy, I wondered if you might tell us the context of the Haitian Revolution. The Haitian Revolution had too many lighters in a powder keg. You had too many people with visions of autonomy, ideas of citizenship, ideas of human rights, civil rights, ideas of freedom. And how does one challenge tyranny and imperial authority at the same time? The Haitian Revolution encompassed this authority or look back to African authority, the ideas of freedom, and what other American and European wars were happening, right? So the whole 18th century was just war, non-stop, right? Regardless of what race or nation you're talking about. The entire 100 years was all about war, whether we're talking about, as Vincent mentioned, maroon wars in the 30s, other kinds of resistance happening. So you had the maroon wars in the 30s. You had, in 1758, a significant enslaved African named Makandel in San Domingue, who successfully inspired many of his followers to secretly poison as many estates, the livestock, the personnel as possible. And they finally got him and executed him, burned him at the stake in 1758. So you got 1730s, 1758, that happens. And who also happened to witness that execution to send overture as a younger man. 1761, 1760, 1761, tacky's revolt. Seven years war, as Vincent already said, is also happening in there, right? And then after, even though the tacky's revolt was put down, we know, and Vincent talks about this, so clearly within five years, there are other major revivals of resistance happening again. 1776, everybody knows that date is when the American Revolution kicks off, right? It's almost like we're going boom, boom, boom, boom, boom, around the known world of what is supposed to be civilization, right? Supposed western civilization. 1776, you've got that. And then 1789, the French have their revolution. Everyone in San Domingue is paying attention to this. So you have free people of color that are also saying, we also have our rights. We should be citizens and respected as that. But then you see also that the enslaved are saying, but we are also human and should be free to be free to also live our rights. So what happens two years later, 1791, Haitian Revolution kicks off. Right? It just goes and goes and goes until we get into the 19th century. So in terms of the Haitian Revolution itself, you have so many different insurgents happening. It is one of the most complex wars. You cannot see it as white versus black because in some cases it was about the French versus the non-whites. But sometimes you had free blacks, enslaved blacks fighting with the French, fighting against the French, fighting with the Spanish. I mean, just allegiances were changing all the time. And even though you did have many of the enslaved that took up arms and would follow leaders like Desaline and Toussaint Louverture as well, not just those military leaders, but some of those that were still considered enslaved, they did not all necessarily have the same end goal. And that unfortunately is what has troubled many people in trying to make the Haitian Revolution as a very simple good guys, black, bad guys, white. It was far more complicated than that. And we always have to remember that. One of the other things we often do too often is that we still see it as a very solely masculine male war as if women had no part in this. When women were fighting, resisting alongside men as soldiers, sometimes as spies, sometimes in just being able to help the resistance in any way possible as maroon leaders, there were all these different ways that women were definitely part of this. In many cases, just as Vincent has been talking about, where you had military, military leaders very adept in warfare that came from West Africa, there were women who fought in the Haitian Revolution that were also warriors like the Dahome women that were warriors there and just took up arms and fought in the Haitian Revolution. But a lot of those names never seemed to come up, which I always find highly problematic because again, it's this false representation that war and the desire for freedom is solely male. And I pick up on that point because I think that's really so important what Peggy is saying. So it goes back to your first question about resistance. And we've had this idea that women tend to resist in different ways more on the domestic front as opposed to these violent confrontations. And that is in part true. So I think of Aisha Finch's fantastic book, Rethinking Slave Rebellion in Cuba, where she talks about how important women were to logistics and care and the organization and motivation for even the violent slave revolts, even if they weren't doing the actual physical fighting. But then one of the things that Peggy's saying too is we have also this stereotype of warfare as almost an exclusively masculine activity. And this despite the fact that whenever you look and look closely, you find women engaged in combat throughout history. One thinks about Linda Haywood's fantastic biography of Queen Jenga of Angola. And the subtitle is Africa's warrior queen. Who is a military leader of significant, significant power. One thinks of Queen Nanny of the Maroons. One thinks ahead to Thavolia Glimp's fantastic work on the Civil War, where she shows that there were women fighters, black and formerly enslaved women fighters in the Civil War, not just Harriet Tubman and her raid on the Combahee River, but others, right? So kind of whenever you look and the dummy fighters that Peggy mentioned, so whenever you look, you find that women are represented, even if not in his greater numbers as men. And I think that compels us to rethink our general assumption that warfare is an exclusively male activity throughout history until the present. Because when one looks closely at history, one finds women doing a lot of the fighting. But what's also interesting, Vincent, is when some of these women warriors are portrayed or discussed by contemporary historians of their time, they are given such a negative representation, which I think is fascinating, right? They're never respected for their strategic tactics or their prowess in military advancements. If they do anything, it's because they're evil secretly, or they have powers, right? They said that about Nanny was, well, in some ways, it could be seen as a compliment that she might have had powers, but how else could she have been able to have led the windward maroons, right? She had to have powers because a woman couldn't do that. I think this is where we have to kind of separate what women actually do from the gendered meaning of an activity, right? They're kind of, I guess, you know, semi-autonomous. So warfare has been traditionally gendered as male, right? Seen as a male activity. So that when women do it, they're somehow de-gendered, right? Or they're gendered as masculine. And even Jenga in Angola, right? Kind of gendered as male, right? For a large part of, one would say, their military career, right? So the meaning of warfare kind of, you know, is ascribed a masculine gender. But, you know, in actual fact, there are biological women engaged in combat throughout this period. But one has to kind of separate what women do from what the activity means in gendered terms. Right, right. I just find it absolutely fascinating how the descriptions of these women is less about how skillful they are as leaders, how dynamic and charismatic they are as leaders, and how it has to be something unnatural to them. Which, you know, we also need to be very careful about. And how is it, how do we find the women in these performances, in these events, right? Because a lot of them aren't often discussed or remembered. I mean, and just looking outside Jamaica or San Domingue, which is currently known as Haiti today. When you look at Guadalupe and the woman known as Solitude, right? She has this beautiful statue of her erected, not far from where she met her demise. But this was a pregnant biracial woman who was a rebel and fought. Unfortunately, you know, they saw her as this nasty evil person when she was doing nothing different than what everybody else has been doing, which is fighting the good fight for their objective, whether it was freedom, whether it was not to have slavery reinstated in Guadalupe at that point in time, or something else altogether, statehood, nationhood. Yeah. I don't want to trivialize the point, but actually extend it to say one can look at all the kinds of activities of care performed by men that were then seen as feminine because they were not performing traditionally masculine roles. So much so, and under conditions of slavery, those relations of care were scrambled to put it politely, so that people did lots of things that didn't have what would have been then traditionally gendered assignments. And that's one of the reasons why kind of emerging from slavery, one of the strongest claims that, you know, black men make is I am a man trying to claim some distinctive gender role, right? Because many felt they had been feminized by the kinds of activities they had practiced. I think it just goes back to saying like, this is a broad and important point, then one has to see how gendered meaning is working, even when it looks at something like slave war and slave resistance. Absolutely. Wonderful. I don't know, I just feel, as you were talking about women there, the figure of Aqua, a queen of Kingston came up. Can you tell me, Vincent, who a little bit about this character, this person? Yeah, so we don't know much about her except what emerges in the context of the slave war itself, and particularly in the work of Edward Long, who was an 18th century Jamaican planter and historian who wrote a three volume history in Jamaica and in the records of the Jamaica assembly where she's mentioned as well. But Aqua, who they called Kuba, queen of Kingston, was someone who in the midst of the revolt was seen sitting under a canopy in Kingston, among many other enslaved Africans, sitting in state, they said, kind of elevating herself, and that's why they called her a queen of Kingston. She was also seen with a sword, a ceremonial sword, which was supposed to indicate a rebellion. Now she was captured, tried, exiled from the island, but then managed to convince the ship captain that was taking her away to drop her off on the other side of the island. As it turned out, drop her off very close to where one of the main centers of rebellion had been, and I surmise that she was going to rejoin the fight, in fact. Now we don't know much more about her than that. The historian Walter Rucker has written an excellent book on the Gold Coast diaspora, where he has argued that that's a kind of role she might not have played on the Gold Coast, but that in Jamaica she could elevate herself in ways that she may not have been able to elevate herself as a leader in West Africa. I don't know that that's necessarily the case, but that's what's been said about her. Interesting character though. Very interesting. And it's also interesting to just pick up on and underline the point that you're making about the fact that the African population in the Caribbean at this time were very aware of what was going on elsewhere in the globe. They were integrable to the other conflicts and the goings on everywhere. It goes back to what we were saying about the meaning of slavery. There's this idea that a slave is merely the extension of a master's will. But when one thinks about the predicament of enslavement and those people there, of course they understood what was going on around them. Everything depended on them understanding what was going on around them. Many of them, from 50 to three quarters of the population of Jamaica at this time, even greater percentage of the population of San Domingo and the Evaluation Revolution, these were migrants who were engaged in African political conflicts, were subject to African political conflicts before they got to the Americans. And as people in extremely precarious circumstances, they had to be keenly aware of what was happening, of the dangers of their predicament, and also of potential opportunities. And so when one kind of shifts focus away from the ideology of enslavement, that slaves were simply ciphers, extensions of a master's will, to the personhood that was there in that predicament, it becomes obvious that they were political people, that they had to understand what was going on, and that they had to make extremely fraught calculations about their situation in order to resist slavery. But this is also dependent on the fact that for the most part, for most of at least what we understand as resistant leaders, most of them were not Creole. And what I mean by that is that they weren't born and raised within the Caribbean, within the plantation economy, they weren't indoctrinated from birth, that their lot in life was to solely be a producer that will be used like a sponge and discarded within six years. If they're lucky, maybe they may get 10 or 15. Many of them were born free, raised within their own culture, within their own ethnic community, and taken from that. And then dropped into the Caribbean, those that survived the horrific phenomenon as the Middle Passage, survived that alone psychologically and physically. And then we're expected to believe in this false indoctrination that they are nothing but enslaved people to be used as a commodity, to produce commodities for someone else. That is why so many of the leaders that you see in these different events, whether we're talking on Jamaica, Curacao, throughout the Caribbean, so many of them were African and resisted the ideology that they should be anything but free and themselves. Yeah, I think that's a really important distinction. But we can't forget that even those people who were Creoles kind of born within slavery had African parents, could see other Africans who had been free, could mark the possibilities for freedom among either free colored populations or among whites. So even those Creoles who were consistently told from birth that you are to be nothing but a slave didn't always believe it. So that one sees when we have even kind of larger Creole populations in the 19th century, slave rule doesn't stop. No. And in fact, the largest slave rule in Jamaican slavery is Sam Sharpe's rebellion in 1831 and on into 1832 among a mostly Creole and Christianized population of enslaved people. And that happened after the 1816. That was after the end of the British slave trip. So again, these these revolts were always happening, always happening, that even if it was put down in one place, it was never and and of course, the their bodies had to be made examples of their heads will be cut off, put on, on, on posts and things. It did not stop people from organizing, planning, plotting, preparing to resist yet again, whether in mass or to run away and find their way hopefully into the mountains where they could either join a maroon community or start their own. I'm interested in that that that just picking up on that that context of opportunities and opportunism and something that that Vincent you've written about in Tacky's revolts about about road building and actually the fact that the the the the black or the the enslaved population is specifically what I'm referring to here. It are involved in this in this in the projects of road building and improving the getting about in in in in in in Jamaica specifically. Could you just talk to us a little bit about that specific? Yeah, and that gets into why I think it's so important to think of African history in parallel to what's happening in American history and to consider them together at the same time, right? So as I said, the slave trade worked through a kind of symbiotic relationship between the expansion of European empires, the weapons trade and an African warfare on the coast, right? One of the expanding polities in on the Gold Coast was Ashanti, right? Kind of with its with its capital at Kumasi was an expansive slave trading one could say almost imperial state, right? And Ashanti was engaged through the 18th century were in a major road building campaign, right? And they were using kind of Africans, many of whom ended up in the Americas to build those roads. As it happened, right? After the signing of the maroon trees in Jamaica, the Jamaican colonists were engaged in major road building campaigns as well. And employed Africans, some of whom had many of them had road building experience in West Africa, right? Now, what is the significance of kind of experience building roads? Well, that's movement across the landscape, understanding very well where the cracks and fissures and gaps are in state power, where it is that one could escape to, right? A better knowledge of the landscape gives you a better sense of possibility, a political possibility. So by kind of, you know, understanding that there were people who had not only military experience, but also construction experience that from Africa that they used in in the Americas, one also then gets a sense of how their political opportunities seemed to them, right? And that's why I think one has to understand not just kind of African culture as a background, but actual African history as it was playing out at the same time as American history in order to understand the experience of the people who were captive migrants to the Americas, and also what they did when they got there. I just have, I have two, you know, important questions to ask before we begin to sort of wrap up. The first one is very much, well, they're both for both of you, Peggy, I suppose I'll ask you to go first. How was peace or some form of peace resolved? How would these conflicts, you know, kind of in some way resolved or brought to an end, be that according to the historians, the European historians of the day or anything else that you know? In terms of the Haitian Revolution, peace occurred when Napoleon finally conceded that he did not win, even though he ended up bringing even Polish troops to come and fight for him, which guess what, they ended up siding with the Haitians. So that didn't work. In terms of the Haitian Revolution, peace was achieved briefly with the establishment of the First Black Republic in the world in 1804. I say briefly, because once Haiti did not need to deal readily in terms of warfare with France or any other European power, then the fight became very obviously internal. The country was divided into different kingdoms, one and the different military leaders, you know, Henri Christophe, Dessalines, everyone got a different cut of the land and whether they called themselves emperor or king, once again, playing into the political system that they were fighting against in the first place, which already tells you this is not going to work out. So technically for Saint-Domingue that threw away its colonial shackles in the sense of slavery, but still kept much of the idea of its political construction and governance, the way France did with emperors and kings, that would be the way that they ended up finding peace with regard to Europe, but not within themselves. No. And in Jamaica, I'm sensing it was an equally unstable piece that was eventually established. I know that treaties were signed, I think you've mentioned. Yeah, I mean, Peter Tosh once said, you know, peace is the certificate that they give you when you graduate to the graveyard, right? I don't see that in the context of Jamaican slavery, there ever was peace. One of the things that I'm arguing is that slavery itself was a kind of low intensity state of war. Collective violence was always instrumental to the maintenance of the system. And so it's hard for me to see kind of where warfare ended and peace began, certainly through the period that I'm talking about, and maybe even afterwards. So it's a hard question for me, right? What I see is changing and transforming patterns of violence. And so Tacky's revolt itself was largely suppressed in 1761, even though there was simmering violence ever after. Kind of smaller scale revolts through the 1760s, a major slave conspiracy in 1776. Some disturbances in the 1790s, even though compared to Saint-Domingue, Jamaica stayed relatively quiet as far as the British were concerned. So I think that that's kind of important to remember that, you know, that this warfare and peace aren't kind of mutually opposing states, right? There's kind of, you know, less violence in one area and at one time. And sometimes that's contingent on more violence over there, right? Peace between Europeans often means more warfare against people in the rest of the world. And I think that that's kind of worth remembering always. There is no sense of peace. There's no true sense of peace if there's a plantation economy based on modes of oppression. There is no real peace. Absolutely, yes. And I suppose my last question is one which is slightly different. Now, you're obviously both historians with voice and a presence. What are you, you're raising awareness here of really what I think really important stories for people of the African diaspora today. What is your goal, really? What do you want people to take from you raising awareness of these particular passages in time? Well, one of the things that I focus on is Black food ways. And I see Black food ways, particularly when we think of slave food ways and what evolves into whether it be soul food in North America or different forms of Creole cuisine in the Caribbean. I see that as culinary resistance. I see the fact that in many places in the Caribbean, especially in the French Caribbean, their laws had to be created to remind planters to feed the enslaved. Those laws don't exist for the beasts of burden. That seems to be clear, but that laws had to be created in France and then local ordinances in the Caribbean constantly trying to oppress upon French planters, you must feed them if they are to keep living and working. And so the fact that resistance in terms of food and the fact that these different subsistence practices were created, were modified, not only to sustain life, but to provide pleasure and bond communities and families together, especially through a social power that is still very apparent today in our in our descendant communities, because everybody knows if you want the best pepper pot, you go to auntie so-and-so, or if you want the best fried chicken, you go to so-and-so, or Miss, you know, Miss Jackson, she made some gumbo, she's got the best, right? There's a social power that still exists, but still continues to bond people. So the idea for me that I love trying to impress upon audiences is that there's so many ways that we can understand resistance, but it's not always, you know, there are other ways beyond just fighting slavery. There is also the idea of sensory pleasure, of celebration, of pride, that we still hold on to many of those slave food, those slave cuisine dishes today because we choose to, we don't have to, we choose to. It is part of our identity, and we love that. So the idea of culinary resistance as celebration, as joyful, as something we can, we still celebrate is what I like to press. I think that's so important what Peggy just said, and it reminds me that one of the reasons I do this work, and I think that, you know, drawing from what she said that she does this work, is to remind myself and others that, you know, kind of what Black people have done, even under extreme circumstances, was and is consequential, right? I mean, as historians were in some ways, you know, kind of pushing a boulder up a hill, in part because, you know, GWF Hegel, right, the philosopher, one of the founders of modern Western philosophy, proclaimed in the early 19th century that Africa, and by extension Black people, forms no historical part of the world, right? That nothing, there's no historical movement in Africa, that nothing that happens there is consequential. And in fact, right, when the disciplines, the academic disciplines, were set up in the 19th century, the discipline of history didn't consider Africa to be a subject worthy of study. Africa was the province of anthropologists, right? And the idea was one who'd go to Africa to find primitive culture, but not to find consequential history. It's not really until decolonization in the mid 20th century that we get, you know, serious professional academic studies of Africa, right, as being consequential for all of world history. So in some ways, we're kind of starting behind. And that and even what we know in academia, right, is not necessarily suffused throughout the world as common sense. And so one of the things that I think we're both doing is trying to build a common sense that Africa and its descendants, right, matter in the world.  Fabulous. And I can't think of a better note on which to end. Dr. Penny Brunash, Peggy Brunash, thank you so much for your time, Professor Brown. Likewise, thank you so much for your time and for your words. Thank you. Thank you, Wayne. Thank you, Peggy. Thank you, Vincent.


What's up guys, Mike, the coder here. And today I was looking through online. What are the best books for math in competitive programming? And I was just looking through the competitive programming topics for math, the math needed necessary in competitive programming. And then I realized a lot of the competitive programming is like basic number theory and basic probability. And then it's basic combinatorics, right? So when I was wondering, like, what is like the best book that helps you in these topics? And this isn't just for competitive programming. This isn't computer science in general. And this is a book that I found. It's called Concrete Mathematics for Foundations in Computer Science by Leonard Elier, I think. No, no, no, it's by Donald E. Knuth, right? And Ronald L. Graham. And this book is actually really good for not just in competitive programming, but also computer science. And the main reason why is because just the topics in this book are very correlated with competitive programming. So if you look at the topics in this book, the starting topics are like recurrence problems, which is essentially these are exactly pretty much the exactly the same as the algorithms in competitive programming, Tower of Hanoi, like that's actually a thing in competitive programming lines in the plane. That's also a thing in competitive programming. And then the Joseph problem. I don't know what that is, but that is a thing. And then that's just the first chapter. There's also like sums where you go over like how to solve recurrence relations, which is similar to doing recursion and also doing like just doing, yeah, doing recursion, solving recurrence relations and writing for loops is very similar to sums. And then there's also it goes over a number theory, which is like the basics of number theory, which is also part of competitive programming. And then you have something like binomial coefficients, which is like something else. But then after that, they have like generating functions.  And that's actually a thing in competitive programming. And then it ends it with discrete probability, which is basically the parts of competitive program that are necessary, that, you know, such as doing like variants mean expected value in flipping coins. So essentially, is this book, I think this book is actually pretty good as a reference for competitive program for math. So the math needed in my competitive programming, it's not that much, I would say, honestly, it's whatever book that really like resonates with you, like you technically don't need a book for math for competitive programming, if you're just going to like look up theorems online by yourself, if you have something that you don't understand. But I personally think that this is actually a pretty good book, concrete mathematics, a foundation for computer science. So I think, I think the book title, I think the actual like the actual cover page is actually like a sum. So if we go here, yeah, it's actually a sum here. Yeah, so the title page looks something like this. And I think this is actually a pretty good book, just from looking at the PDF, you technically don't need to buy it. But this is not like sponsored, this video is not sponsored by them at all. This is what I think why I think this is good as like the best book for competitive programming. But to be honest, it's whatever book that resonates with you, whatever book that motivates you to read. There isn't really like a best book for everyone. But this is like, this is a book that I saw like that I thought it was pretty, the topics correlate the best in competitive programming. But yeah, I hope you guys enjoyed this video. You could go on this book just read some topics through it and do some of the problems. But yeah, essentially, like all you need to know is like, essentially, all you need to know is just, you know, probably number of the first chapter, and then second chapter, you could probably skip the third, go to the fourth chapter, seventh and eighth, right? That's pretty pretty much the all you have to know from these are the topics you have to know. But yeah, I hope you guys enjoyed this video. This is just like a video on what I think is the best book for computer competitive programming, but also computer science. Yeah, write a comment, subscribe, I'll check you guys later. Peace.


To my channel lanta. I've been here since what time is it? Um, I've been here since two. Yeah, I was supposed to get my hair done today But that got canceled So but it's all good cuz I was traveling and stuff and I'm just like I wasn't even in the mood to get my hair Done, so we just gonna postpone it tomorrow and look who's here Look who is here Dandy Crocker Mm-hmm. She's showing me how to do a hooker. She's not going to teach you She's trying to teach me a lesson Step four like that. Did you light it up? Is that electric one? No Not I'll never mind Um, the one the electric ones got the LED light on it or something So we about to smoke some hooker we got a date tonight at Houston's Because but yeah, yeah, I haven't been vlogging because I haven't seen my homegirls though. We just been vibing She's just been missing a bit.  Oh What what flavor is this?  It's cute. It's gonna be very much kebab land or something What is it giving you it's giving me peaceful vibes Bitch, I told you we was gonna get this together We need to do that this could be our little project for the week cuz It's cute No, where was they at? Y'all look at the rainbow and it's crazy because it didn't even rain today I think God's trying to tell me like this was your end of the rainbow Kyra This is it for you It's best by opening I don't feel like buying a new camera, but um Yeah, this is her chair so y'all we just gonna relax before we go out This chair is cute. It's from Marshall's, right?  It just doesn't I'll be depressed. I Be missing my friend She'd be out here having the best time of her life and I just be looking like so we just been a vibe and I'll probably check in with y'all once we get to the rescue But we ain't on the ground You sure got me up in here listening to Shade What is it? Y'all can't see this part. I'm sorry He's in a motherfucking building in my hair slayed This is Jasmine shop the dollhouse of Atlanta. It's so cute in here. This is my first time getting my Hair done in here. It's cute Hey boo. What's your name? Aubrey Yeah, we finna we finna get slayed So yeah, I can't wait. I'm excited.   She's crazy and Yeah, so I'm about to do my makeup. I'm not really I don't know how I want to do I don't know what clothes I want to wear I told Jasmine where we're going cuz she's out to dinner with her man So, you know, they got to get that quality time in but I was telling her the clothes We finna go to she's like girl you need to look your best cuz that's where the niggas be at I'm like, oh period. So Yes, I'm gonna Girl, I'm gonna do my makeup. I'm finna get started. It's 847. She's supposed to come beat me at 10 o'clock and Yeah, so and I love my brows Like I'm really gonna fill them in Cuz they were done y'all probably have seen that in another video But yes, so that's what I'm about to do get ready and yeah, so I don't know if I'm a little child See a little bit, but I might so Okay, y'all, let me show y'all the face. So I got this so cute One-shoulder crop top these cute as jeans These are from fashion Nova and then Underwear to show it and then My heels are cute as well. They from Zara. So, yeah super cute Super cute and then I'm gonna wear my Louis bag, so That's the big I'm trying to figure out my hair situation because it's not Working for me and this is the same that I have on this is the Time for it. This is the Very cheery by time for it. So yeah, y'all This is the vibes for tonight It's gonna be a whole bunch of us me, Aliyah Brie Jew And whoever else they invited So, yeah, I'm just waiting on Aliyah. She on Instagram live y'all literally while I'm saying this she's on Instagram live Y'all probably you have she's probably told you but yeah, so Yeah, so I'll probably talk to you after club. I'll probably vlog a little bit. Maybe I don't know But yeah, so I'll see y'all later. Y'all it is 723 the next day Father's Day. Happy Father's Day to any of the fathers that watch No Okay, it's played for so what else do you know no one's been put that across the room They out of everything y'all probably wouldn't know Jasmine. It's a rat.  I just like my wine But But tonight is just a little chill wine night y'all it's raining outside It wasn't just me it was Morgan. It was Morgan too Women's our reservation and we're not fucked up about it because we can still have Everything is booked because of Father's Day It's just like everything just we turn over there every day So I don't realize it's a whole day and Kyra trigger the mother is the single mother crew My girl bosses choose to clean welcome day My baby and you call me it's a me at Father's Day, and I know I've been a daddy Not But anyway, we're watching this crazy movie is called 365 days It's real good Hey girl Why is Josh watching my story in the next one? What I She's looking at the She finally gave in. Hey y'all. So it's a Monday. Hey girl Um, I haven't really been blogging y'all look at my hair. It's so cute but anyways, um, it's my last day here in Atlanta and We're about to go to Cirque right now because I'm hungry and I want to get something to eat before my flight isn't until The rate and it's okay because I've been really just soaking up living in the moment. I'm sorry I apologize.  No, I'm gonna come back. Yes.


OK, right. Thank you very much. Now, to carry on lots of the things that were just saying, you said, well, differently, less. Insightfully, the start of this, the reason that there are these two logos up there is on the conversation I had, maybe it was at EAA last year. It was a suggestion that the people that German archaeologists think they should talk to, to then-influenced politicians, are other archaeologists. Are the archaeologists working for government at the regional landed level? I thought, to me, thinking from a UK perspective, no, no. That would not happen in the UK. British archaeologists would not speak to the local government archaeologists. The local government archaeologists are scanning the room just in case there's any of sneaking. They work for the municipal authority. They work for the city or the county. They are really quite low-level local government inquiries, and their job is to advise the planners. And then the planners who are also local government employees speak to the elected representative to make a decision. They do not have any kind of position in influencing or subtracting the democratic process. So I'm then thinking about, so the paper is the idea of thinking about who is and who can be influential archaeologists. Yeah, we should stop talking to archaeologists. I think this is exactly what we should stop talking amongst ourselves. So half of my paper is, it was already presented with the one or two snippets of what I had just said, but the. So it's thinking about the idea that there are different ways to do things. There are different contexts, and that I think a lot of these are very culturally specific. What might be right and appropriate in Germany is not necessarily appropriate in UK or anywhere else. This is thinking about approaches to changing minds. It's thinking about lobbying, and it's thinking about advocacy. And the idea that any efforts to change minds, there are two routes. There is either you're taking an active route of essentially getting into a place where you can actively form and shape policy before it's put into place, or reactively. And lying down in front of people, those are as Arthur Dent and rescue Richard Pottsville Trust would do in an attempt too late to change something that's already been decided. I think that there is headline grabbing value in reactive behavior, but I really don't think it is actually very useful when it comes to changing policies, when it comes to changing what will happen. So then moving on from thinking just in the simplest way about activeness and reactiveness, to think about lobbying and advocacy as two different strands to the way of doing things and the way that I see lobbying and advocacy as being different. Now they don't just fit neatly into those active and reactive patterns, but they do become quite opposed to it. It also made me think a little bit about the nature of the words. So there's a quick digression into cultural studies, but there's been semiotics. The words lobbying and advocacy in French, lobbying is the pressure. And advocacy is a way to plead. It is much more, it tries to come across as being a much softer way to do things. As you see from that photograph on the spot, advocacy doesn't always have to be soft. It's advocacy does have value when it is grassroots, when it is continuous, when it is authentic. It does help to convince, change people's minds. But lobbying is more technical, lobbying requires a different kind of investment in order for it to be effective. And actually, I'm much more interested in lobbying. And so that's what the rest of the paper is going to be thinking about. So I'm thinking of three different models for lobbying. And first, I'm going to be technocratic. This is about how one can influence the European institutions. I spoke about this a couple of years ago. I think you're talking about that there is a route to approach the European Commission. It is formal, it is only formal lobbyists, only people who have signed the European Transparency Register of Organisations that have signed that have the opportunity to have access to European Parliament and Council and the European Commission to try to guide, to advise the Commission on what should we put into material. Now, of course, I'm certainly not in a position to say that the European Commission is some sort of un-democratic mechanism. These materials will ultimately be subject to democratic process. But this is the only way to influence things at the European level. But it is the model that works there. It works in theory works. It does work at the European level. But then there are different models of ways to try to change minds. Now, this one, I'm calling accountability. This is thinking about the wonderful and well-intentioned EU, the EAA European Benchmarking Exocitement, which we've been talking about in recent days, and possibly maybe later in this session too. It is lovely, the idea of presenting benchmarks to the politicians to say, this, you, what are you going to do about this, this, and this, and we'll record what we said, and we'll come back in five years' time and we'll hold you to account. And this is good and transparent and wonderful and utterly culturally specific and utterly inappropriate in many contexts. It is good and German, and the German parliament is beautifully transparent. But I don't think it will work in every cultural situation. And when Harold Macmillan was asked to report what he feared as a politician, the great quote is, events, dear boy, events, things change for politicians. They change every day, every week. They certainly change in five years' time. And what if they were having to be confronted by every single interest group coming out to me, presenting them with their shopping list of things that they wanted, what the beekeepers want, what the bicyclists want, what the bee hunters want, what the archaeologists want. And especially when you think about individual elected members of the European Parliament or elsewhere, they just don't have the resources to accommodate this. So I do think it's lovely. I fear that it might not be very practical. And then the last model that I've seen and would like to talk about, at the Society for American Archaeology's annual meeting this year, 2018, it was in Washington, D.C. in the spring. And what SAA set up was a mechanism in the route for individual members of the Society who were at conference to then have access to their elected members, their elected representatives at the Capitol Hill. And to SAA with their governments, forget what David Lindsey's job title is, but SAA has a member of staff who's responsible for political engagement and supporting the society, was able to provide people with a briefing, with handouts, with suggestions of what to speak to your representatives about. And I went to Washington, this briefing was great, I didn't have a representative to go and speak to, but the briefing was fantastic. The important thing, David was quite excited that SAA thinks, yes, of course, it is good to go and talk to the politicians. What the politicians want to hear is they want to hear nice things. They want to be flattered, they want to be told, they want to be reminded about something they had done that we think is good. Oh, yeah, yeah, we appreciate that, we appreciate we've done that. And the politicians like that and they like having their people flattered. And this is the way to get in and convince them out. And now, of course, this is only at an individual rather than last level, but individual votes are all the only votes that they have. And so I think that the SAA's model, again, it was very culturally specific and it was very appropriate for this year when the membership were right there and they could get on the metro and go and meet their representatives. But I thought it was an impressive and effective model. So that's the third of the three groups that I want to think about. So final thoughts and another miserable point to finish this off with. The, as I was discussing at lunch with a couple of friends who are not in the room, so I'll just do a quote from my presentation, we talked about archeology as political influencers. And the position is, there you go, archeologist. The, and we may be few, but we are weak. So we, when the views were trying to change, they may be many and they may be strong, that we, there are no actual mass movements within archeology that can be motivated to be out on the streets. They, we don't have the political and financial capital to change minds, because let's be cynical. A person standing in the back of the room taught me in one of his presentations, in one of his articles, that there are no political issues that no people overturn without spending sufficient money, spend enough money and any political decision can be overturned. And the, sometimes the forces that we are campaigning, we're campaigning against, they have those resources. The thing that is most important to politicians, and these are the decision makers that we're talking about, the most important thing to them is being reelected. And that's what matters to every politician with the exception of members of the British House of Lords and British members of the European Parliament. Everyone else will have to be reelected at some point. And so they, they care about getting reelected and they cannot, they cannot focus on a single, single narrow political issue. They need to be doing things that are going to please as many people as possible, as much of the time as possible. So we have to be aware of this. Now, this doesn't mean that what we're doing is actually pointless. What we are able to do is get it and put thoughts in people's minds, make people aware and remember that, oh yeah, archaeology, I was talking about that, I was hearing about that cultural heritage. Yeah, this is a good thing. Yeah, that seems like a pretty easy way and I can take that off. But we are not going to, I think that we're just talking about is actually going to, it was a sweeping change. What we can do is be careful and think hard about what we're doing and how we do it. And we can change some minds and this is how the world ends. But we can change some minds and we can have some influence for the better for archaeology as a thing that doesn't practice. Thank you very much.