(1997), “Inflation Forecast Targeting: Implementing and Monitoring Inflation Targets”, European Economic Review 41, pp. 1111–1146 introduced this type of loss function to analyse so-called flexible inflation targeting. However, the behavioural assumption that the loss function (or very similar variations of it) implies, has a long tradition in analyses of monetary policy (for example, Kydland, Finn E. and Edward C. Prescott (1977), “Rules Rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of Optimal Plans”, Journal of Political Economy 85, 473–491.) 15  One can also calculate the mean value of these deviations, what is known as the mean squared gap. The mean squared gap for inflation and resource utilisation can then be drawn in as points in a figure; see, for instance, the article “A method for assessing different monetary policy alternatives” in the Material for assessing monetary policy 2011, Sveriges Riksbank. 16  See, for example, Apel, Mikael, Per Jansson and Lars Heikensten (2007), “The role of academics in monetary policy: a study of Swedish inflation targeting”, Sveriges Riksbank Economic Review 2007:1, pp. 21–58. 17  The document “Monetary policy in Sweden 2010”, Sveriges Riksbank, summarises the Riksbank’s monetary policy strategy. It is stated there (p. 5) that monetary policy “in addition to stabilising inflation around the inflation target, also strives to stabilise output and employment around long-term sustainable paths”. However, this does not mean that policy needs to be pegged to specific numerical estimates of these paths; see the continued discussion in this speech.
On 6 October, a statement of government policy declared that there was almost total support for the hard currency policy and that the prospects of success were good. We all know what happened. Just over one month later, on 19 November, the Riksbank was forced to give up the fight and the krona was allowed to float, or perhaps I should say sink. As I have understood things with hindsight, there was no clear plan in place as to how monetary policy would be conducted from then on.1 And this was perhaps not so strange – with the exception of a couple of brief periods between the wars, Sweden had had a fixed exchange rate for the past 120 years. So it was probably difficult to think along new lines. The aim also seems to have been that Sweden would return to some form of fixed exchangerate system as soon as possible, and so the idea was to find some way of conducting monetary policy until then. Inflation targeting has worked well, but has been criticised Some countries, New Zealand, Canada and the United Kingdom, had begun to apply a new type of monetary policy known as inflation targeting. This entailed setting a numerical target for inflation, which the central bank then tried to attain by using the policy rate to affect aggregate demand. Sweden also jumped onto this bandwagon and it proved to be a much more enduring solution than most people expected at the time.