Such an outcome may not be what we expect to happen or what is likely to happen but rather the worst possible case. The risk has not been generated by the financial sector. But, if it occurred, it would almost certainly lead to a correction in UK asset prices and losses for UK banks. The task of the FPC has been to ensure that such a correction, were it to occur, would not lead to a UK financial crisis. We have tested the banking system to equal and greater stresses to give us the confidence that while losses would occur, unlike 10 years ago, the system would have the capital to absorb them. We have required the banks to hold liquidity, in the currencies that they would need, to withstand a liquidity stress greater than that experienced in the financial crisis. And the Bank stands ready to provide liquidity in all major currencies. And, with other UK authorities, we have ensured that regardless of the Brexit outcome there should not be disruption to the provision of financial services in the UK by EU firms. The Financial Stability Reports of the FPC over the past 18 months have set out the actions that have been taken. The Record of the Financial Policy Committee’s February meeting, published earlier this week, makes clear the Committee’s assessment that the core of the UK financial system is resilient to, and prepared for, the wide range of risks it could face, including a worst case disorderly Brexit.
In economic terms, the early debt systems and the debts themselves, painstakingly recorded in the ledger systems of the temples of bronze age Mesopotamia, appear to be primarily about what we would now call working capital and overdraft facilities in agrarian societies that produced little economic surplus – credit to tide farmers over until the harvest or through bad harvests with the debt repaid in standardised units of agricultural produce.2 1  See chapter 4 of Hudson (2018) See Graeber (2011). An interesting example is Mesopotamian alehouses which seem to have been run on a seasonal credit system that would put to shame the average pub’s willingness the run a tab. See also, Item 15, ‘clay writing tablet’ in MacGregor (2010). 2  2  All speeches are available online at www.bankofengland.co.uk/speeches  2  This stock of debt periodically got beyond society’s willingness or ability to repay.3 We know this because of the practice of Mesopotamian rulers declaring debt amnesties to wipe the debt slate clean.4 Much has been written on the debt amnesties and Jubilee mechanisms of ancient near eastern societies. That such reset mechanisms existed and were used is clear. The motivation may have been a moral one. It may have been a way of rulers preventing large numbers of the population falling into destitution and debt bondage and as result being unable to fulfil other necessary societal functions. Or simply a way to reset the balance of economic power in society before it was reset in a more violent way.