Dec 19  Jun 20  Dec 20  80 Jun 21  Sources: OECD Quarterly National Accounts, IMF World Economic Outlook and Bank calculations. Across the advanced economies in aggregate, spending on services in first quarter of the year was 5% lower than at the end of 2019; spending on goods was 5% higher (Chart 7). Shifts in demand happen all the time and, as long as supply can shift in response, they needn’t have any impact at the macro-economic level. But this one was far larger, more widespread and occurred much faster than most. And, far from shifting in response, and meeting that extra demand, the pandemic meant the global supply of goods was actively impaired. Local lockdowns affected production in many Asian countries and effective capacity in shipping and other forms of transport was also hit. Earlier this year my own guess was that these things would visibly start to reverse by the end of it. Because they were caused by the pandemic it was reasonable to expect the shifts in demand to reverse, and the problems in supply chains to abate, as vaccinations took effect. As yet it’s clear that hasn’t happened to the degree that I, at least, expected. Shipping costs remained very high throughout the autumn; as we’ve seen, energy (and particularly gas) prices took a huge lurch upwards; at the retail level there is no sign yet of any deceleration in goods prices.
The recent reforms to strengthen the euro area fiscal framework – the so-called six-pack and the fiscal compact – are welcome and go in the right direction. But they remain within the logic of the Maastricht Treaty where responsibility for fiscal policies is exclusively in national hands. This creates an inherent credibility problem, as for fiscal frameworks to be fully credible, they have to enforceable. This is impossible without a further and deeper sharing of budgetary sovereignty. This could be achieved by giving European institutions greater competence to effectively compel euro area Member States – in a graduated manner if and when the situation deteriorates – to take the necessary fiscal policy decisions. This would correspond to a further sharing of national sovereignty. But for both weaker and stronger countries, it is in fact an opportunity to regain substantive sovereignty as opposed to formal sovereignty. For the weaker countries, measures that put the soundness of their fiscal policies beyond doubt will allow them to be fully sovereign, in the sense that they can use fiscal policy in its vital economic stabilisation role and take free decisions about taxes or types of expenditure without fear of excessive discipline from financial markets. For the latter, sharing sovereignty at the European level will allow them to effectively protect their domestic economies from spillovers from the rest of the euro area. Moreover, they will no longer be placed into situations where they are de facto forced into taking decisions to avert imminent catastrophe.