Summers, L (2013), speech at IMF Fourteenth Annual Research Conference in Honor of Stanley Fischer. Susskind, R and Susskind, D (2015), The Future of the Professions: How Technology Will Transform the Work of Human Experts, Oxford University Press. Swinney, P (2018), ‘The wrong tail’, Centre for Cities. Universities UK (2017), ‘Patterns and Trends In UK Higher Education’, Universities UK. Van Reenen, J, Bloom, N, Draca, M, Kretschmer, T, Sadun, R, Overman, H and Schankerman, M (2010), ‘The Economic Impact of ICT’, SMART N. 2007/0020. Willetts, D (2017), A University Education, Oxford University Press. 26  All speeches are available online at www.bankofengland.co.uk/speeches  26  Annex Chart 1: World GDP per head since 1000 AD 1990 International Dollars  7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0  1000  1100  1200  1300  1400  1500  1600  1700  1800  1900  2000  Year Sources: De Long (1998). Chart 2: UK productivity, real wages and GDP per head Index, 1760 = 100 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 1760  1810  1860  Productivity  1910 Real wages  1960  2010  GDP per head  Sources: Bank of England, ‘A millennium of macroeconomic data’, available online. Notes: Labour productivity per head uses GDP at factor cost. Real wages defined as nominal wage divided by GDP deflator at factor cost.
In other words, looking at a cross-section of UK companies, secular innovation (for the upper 1% or 0.1%) has co-existed with secular stagnation (for the remaining 99%). The two are engaged, not so much in a secular struggle, as a secular stand-off. Technological diffusion, and hence productivity growth, has been the casualty. 67  Andrews, Criscuolo and Gal (2016). Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy (2017). 69 Haldane (2017). 70 Productivity figures refer to the non-financial business sector, but other sectors for which data are not available over the full ten-year period are also omitted. 68  19  All speeches are available online at www.bankofengland.co.uk/speeches  19  There have been one or two recent studies which have been quoted as questioning the importance of this “long tail” issue for the UK. 71  These pieces use the same data used here. The problem arises not from the  data but from the (mis)interpretation placed on them by these studies. All of these studies show, very clearly, that the UK has a significant long tail problem. Appropriately defined, they also demonstrate that this tail has lengthened during the course of the crisis. To give one example, my Bank colleague Patrick Schneider recently published a blog post showing that a good chunk of the slowing of productivity growth since the crisis could be accounted for by workers in the top quartile of the productivity distribution. 72  This is entirely consistent with the tale of two companies.