International experience shows that countries’ export growth is driven mainly by new firms – in existing product categories and to existing destinations – with a stronger capacity for growth than existing exporters. 7 As some authors have pointed out, taking advantage of this growth potential requires fostering factor mobility across firms of different productivity levels. This process generates a major portion of the gains from economic openness, such that policies that hinder workers crossing over to other firms or that raise the cost of adjusting the scale of production weaken capacity for innovation. 8 Finally, and in the same token, it is clear that the opportunities that China’s strong growth generates for the region must be well used. For this to take place, not only will greater saving be required, but also more productive investment. In other words, one significant challenge facing the economies of the region – and Chile in particular – is to take advantage of this momentary boom in the terms of trade by promoting saving and investment, thus making sure that it does not simply translate into an unsustainable spending spree. To that end, fiscal policy plays a key role by setting up well evaluated investment programs, while maintaining the incentives that promote the accumulation of scarce physical and human capital among private agents. Policies that distort these incentives inevitable end up lowering the rate of saving and investment.
Their conclusion is clear: “For debt-intolerant countries, sustaining access to capital markets can be problematic unless debt ratios are quickly brought down to safer levels. To assess how such ‘deleveraging’ might be accomplished, we examine how, historically, emerging market economies with substantial external debts have managed to work them down. To our knowledge, this is a phenomenon that has previously received very little, if any, attention. We analyze episodes of large debt reversals, where countries’ external debt fell by more than 25 percentage points of GNP over a three-year period. Of the twenty-two such reversals that we identify for a broad group of middle-income countries since 1970, two-thirds involved some form of default or restructuring. Only in one case – Swaziland in 1985 – was a country  1  Sources: World Bank, Moody’s and IMF (WEO, April 2012). 2  Reinhart, C., M. Savastano and K. Rogoff, (2003), “Debt Intolerance”, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1. BIS central bankers’ speeches  1  able to bring down a high ratio of external debt to GNP solely as a result of rapid output growth.” Thus, in the early 2000s, there were widespread expectations that a default would occur. Overall, the history of Latin America in the 2000s did not go as expected. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, Latin American countries succeeded in lowering their levels of external debt by nearly 20 percent of GDP.