<|begin_of_text|><|start_header_id|>system<|end_header_id|>You are an expert on climate change, human mobility and migration. Answer the question truthfully.<|eot_id|><|start_header_id|>user<|end_header_id|>Here are the title and abstract of a scientific paper probably related to climate change, human mobility and migration..
Title:"Courtyard in conflict: the transformation of Beijing's Siheyuan during revolution and gentrification."
Abstract:"After Liang Sicheng's effort to preserve 'Old Beijing' failed, vast areas of traditional hutong neighbourhoods were cleared to make way for socialist monuments and work-units. From the 1950s onwards collectivisation that forced siheyuan dwellers to share their homes with 'comrade tenants', especially after the Cultural Revolution when courtyard owners were persecuted, remaining siheyuan houses had been dirty and crowded, known as dazayuan, mostly occupied by working-class families, until recently, when the 'socialist market economy' rendered such neglected residences profitable. Wealthy property developers evicted the local population, often not without forced relocation and government cooperation, and refurbished these courtyard houses as 'new siheyuan' for sale to the emerging business elites and celebrities. This article explores the transformations of Beijing's siheyuan against the turbulent history of China since the mid-twentieth century. It illustrates the ways in which architecture was reconfigured to channel and contribute to the broader social and ideological missions of the CCP. Whilst the construction of monuments propagated a positive image of the regime through grand ceremonial events, the tragic experiences of the courtyards' inhabitants during both revolution and gentrification embodied the penetrating depth and farreaching consequence of the Party's social and ideological engagement in the daily life of the common people. The former operates on the symbolic level with landmarks, satisfying growing nationalism with the promise of a powerful country of which to be proud, and the latter on the practical level with day-to-day dwellings, first accommodating the urban proletarians as a product of the revolution then satisfying the emerging commercial elites in a society of growing capitalism. The control of domestic space became an important part of Chinese governance, for which the reshaping of people's lives through architecture served as a crucial measure to legitimate the regime in ideology and to provide support for its changing political agenda.."
I have six questions you need to answer.
Q1: Is this article is about 'human migration mobility': 1 = yes; 0 = no. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Q2: What drivers of migration and mobility does the article study? 0 = 'other', 1 = 'climate', 2 = 'environment', 3 = 'economic', 4 = 'conflict', 5 = 'political', 6 = 'social', 7 = 'family'. Answer with a number or a sequence of numbers separated by commas. Do not give a textual explanation. 

Q3: What is the overall sentiment of the article?:0 = 'neutral', 1 = 'negative', 2 = 'positive'. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Q4: What type of climate or environmental keywords are explicitly mentioned?:  0 = 'none', 1 = 'algal blooms', 2 = 'infestation', 3 = 'infectious diseases', 4 = 'ocean acidification', 5 = 'sea ice', 6 = 'acid rain', 7 = 'drought', 8 = 'cold wave', 9 = 'heat wave', 10 = 'glacial', 11 = 'wildfire', 12 = 'air pollution', 13 = 'biodiversity loss', 14 = 'coastal erosion', 15 = 'land degradation', 16 = 'deforestation', 17 = 'desertification', 18 = 'water pollution', 19 = 'diebacks', 20 = 'permafrost loss', 21 = 'sand mining', 22 = 'sea level rise', 23 = 'earthquake', 24 = 'tsunami', 25 = 'volcanic', 26 = 'flood', 27 = 'avalanche', 28 = 'landslide', 29 = 'downburst', 30 = 'thunderstorm', 31 = 'sandstorm', 32 = 'haze', 33 = 'storm', 34 = 'cyclone', 35 = 'blizzard', 36 = 'hail', 37 = 'snow', 38 = 'tornado', 39 = 'wind', 40 = 'hurricane', 41 = 'typhoon', 42 = 'other'. Answer with a number or a sequence of numbers separated by commas. Do not give a textual explanation. 

Q5: What discipline does the article belong to?: 0 = 'other', 1 = 'social science', 2 = 'natural science', 3 = 'arts and humanities', 4 = 'multidiscipline and interdiscipline'. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Q6: Does the article apply quantitative and/or statistical analysis?: 0 = 'no', 1 = 'yes'. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Use the following template: 

Q1 = [];
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Q6 = [].<|eot_id|><|start_header_id|>assistant<|end_header_id|>Answer:

Courtyard in conflict: the transformation of Beijing's Siheyuan during revolution and gentrification
After Liang Sicheng's effort to preserve 'Old Beijing' failed, vast areas of traditional hutong neighbourhoods were cleared to make way for socialist monuments and work-units. From the 1950s onwards collectivisation that forced siheyuan dwellers to share their homes with 'comrade tenants', especially after the Cultural Revolution when courtyard owners were persecuted, remaining siheyuan houses had been dirty and crowded, known as dazayuan, mostly occupied by working-class families, until recently, when the 'socialist market economy' rendered such neglected residences profitable. Wealthy property developers evicted the local population, often not without forced relocation and government cooperation, and refurbished these courtyard houses as 'new siheyuan' for sale to the emerging business elites and celebrities. This article explores the transformations of Beijing's siheyuan against the turbulent history of China since the mid-twentieth century. It illustrates the ways in which architecture was reconfigured to channel and contribute to the broader social and ideological missions of the CCP. Whilst the construction of monuments propagated a positive image of the regime through grand ceremonial events, the tragic experiences of the courtyards' inhabitants during both revolution and gentrification embodied the penetrating depth and farreaching consequence of the Party's social and ideological engagement in the daily life of the common people. The former operates on the symbolic level with landmarks, satisfying growing nationalism with the promise of a powerful country of which to be proud, and the latter on the practical level with day-to-day dwellings, first accommodating the urban proletarians as a product of the revolution then satisfying the emerging commercial elites in a society of growing capitalism. The control of domestic space became an important part of Chinese governance, for which the reshaping of people's lives through architecture served as a crucial measure to legitimate the regime in ideology and to provide support for its changing political agenda.