<|begin_of_text|><|start_header_id|>system<|end_header_id|>You are an expert on climate change, human mobility and migration. Answer the question truthfully.<|eot_id|><|start_header_id|>user<|end_header_id|>Here are the title and abstract of a scientific paper probably related to climate change, human mobility and migration..
Title:"DRINKING IN HAWAIIAN PLANTATION SOCIETY."
Abstract:"Differences in drinking among the Caucasian, Portuguese, Puerto Rican, Hawaiian, Japanese and Filipino ethnic groups in the Hawaiian plantation community and changes in drinking patterns through time have been described. They appear to be products of culturally persistant patterns of drinking, position in the social structure, phychic stress, group interaction, and social control. The ethnic pluralism of the plantation community was favorable to the continuity of drinking patterns, but the composition of the migrating groups had limiting effects on the establishment of these patterns in the new environment. The Japanese, probably because of their large numbers, more balanced sex ratio, ingroup marriage, and capacity to establish native institutions (the teahouse) have shown greater cultural continuity in their drinking than other groups. Caucasians, too, seem to have adhered to older drinking forms, but perhaps more than other groups have had their drinking patterns shaped by their position in the social structure and by interaction with Hawaiians. Incompleteness of information on drinking by Puerto Ricans and Portuguese makes generalizations about them difficult, other than that whatever patterns existed among the Portuguese have largely disappeared. Hawaiian and Filipino drinking appear to be unpatterned and expressions of stress related to social disorganizatioa The history of Hawaiian drinking suggests this, as do the present-day problems which Filipinos have in using liquor. In these groups temperance movements have made the greatest headway. Hawaiian drinking, however, may be more patterned than it appears or has been represented in historical tracts; the seeming capricious disregard of work and family responsibilities for periods of indulgence actually may be part of an older festive pattern of drinking by Hawaiians, which serves to reaffirm older, esoteric, Polynesian values which center around psychic rapport. Filipinos, largely because of their lack of experience with alcohol and their aggressiveness when intoxicated, more nearly justify the claim that drinking for them remains culturally or socially unintegrated. How much of their difficulty is due to some kind of culturally induced anxiety, and how much is due to the absence of family affiliations, with attendant sexual and affectional frustration, is uncertain. Both kinds of stress may operate and an important part of their problem may be a special kind of culturally learned paranoid behavior which intoxication activates. One hypothesis suggested by the effect of upward mobility on the beverage choices of the different ethnic groups is that the number of beverages drunk by a population group may be taken as a measure of their acculturation, secularization, or the range of social participation required by their status in society. Hawaiians, however, are a negative case, for lower-class workers in this group have more versatile drinking habits than the higner ranking Hawaiians. A possi."
I have six questions you need to answer.
Q1: Is this article is about 'human migration mobility': 1 = yes; 0 = no. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Q2: What drivers of migration and mobility does the article study? 0 = 'other', 1 = 'climate', 2 = 'environment', 3 = 'economic', 4 = 'conflict', 5 = 'political', 6 = 'social', 7 = 'family'. Answer with a number or a sequence of numbers separated by commas. Do not give a textual explanation. 

Q3: What is the overall sentiment of the article?:0 = 'neutral', 1 = 'negative', 2 = 'positive'. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Q4: What type of climate or environmental keywords are explicitly mentioned?:  0 = 'none', 1 = 'algal blooms', 2 = 'infestation', 3 = 'infectious diseases', 4 = 'ocean acidification', 5 = 'sea ice', 6 = 'acid rain', 7 = 'drought', 8 = 'cold wave', 9 = 'heat wave', 10 = 'glacial', 11 = 'wildfire', 12 = 'air pollution', 13 = 'biodiversity loss', 14 = 'coastal erosion', 15 = 'land degradation', 16 = 'deforestation', 17 = 'desertification', 18 = 'water pollution', 19 = 'diebacks', 20 = 'permafrost loss', 21 = 'sand mining', 22 = 'sea level rise', 23 = 'earthquake', 24 = 'tsunami', 25 = 'volcanic', 26 = 'flood', 27 = 'avalanche', 28 = 'landslide', 29 = 'downburst', 30 = 'thunderstorm', 31 = 'sandstorm', 32 = 'haze', 33 = 'storm', 34 = 'cyclone', 35 = 'blizzard', 36 = 'hail', 37 = 'snow', 38 = 'tornado', 39 = 'wind', 40 = 'hurricane', 41 = 'typhoon', 42 = 'other'. Answer with a number or a sequence of numbers separated by commas. Do not give a textual explanation. 

Q5: What discipline does the article belong to?: 0 = 'other', 1 = 'social science', 2 = 'natural science', 3 = 'arts and humanities', 4 = 'multidiscipline and interdiscipline'. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Q6: Does the article apply quantitative and/or statistical analysis?: 0 = 'no', 1 = 'yes'. Answer with a number. Do not give a textual explanation.

Use the following template: 

Q1 = [];
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Q6 = [].<|eot_id|><|start_header_id|>assistant<|end_header_id|>Answer:

DRINKING IN HAWAIIAN PLANTATION SOCIETY
Differences in drinking among the Caucasian, Portuguese, Puerto Rican, Hawaiian, Japanese and Filipino ethnic groups in the Hawaiian plantation community and changes in drinking patterns through time have been described. They appear to be products of culturally persistant patterns of drinking, position in the social structure, phychic stress, group interaction, and social control. The ethnic pluralism of the plantation community was favorable to the continuity of drinking patterns, but the composition of the migrating groups had limiting effects on the establishment of these patterns in the new environment. The Japanese, probably because of their large numbers, more balanced sex ratio, ingroup marriage, and capacity to establish native institutions (the teahouse) have shown greater cultural continuity in their drinking than other groups. Caucasians, too, seem to have adhered to older drinking forms, but perhaps more than other groups have had their drinking patterns shaped by their position in the social structure and by interaction with Hawaiians. Incompleteness of information on drinking by Puerto Ricans and Portuguese makes generalizations about them difficult, other than that whatever patterns existed among the Portuguese have largely disappeared. Hawaiian and Filipino drinking appear to be unpatterned and expressions of stress related to social disorganizatioa The history of Hawaiian drinking suggests this, as do the present-day problems which Filipinos have in using liquor. In these groups temperance movements have made the greatest headway. Hawaiian drinking, however, may be more patterned than it appears or has been represented in historical tracts; the seeming capricious disregard of work and family responsibilities for periods of indulgence actually may be part of an older festive pattern of drinking by Hawaiians, which serves to reaffirm older, esoteric, Polynesian values which center around psychic rapport. Filipinos, largely because of their lack of experience with alcohol and their aggressiveness when intoxicated, more nearly justify the claim that drinking for them remains culturally or socially unintegrated. How much of their difficulty is due to some kind of culturally induced anxiety, and how much is due to the absence of family affiliations, with attendant sexual and affectional frustration, is uncertain. Both kinds of stress may operate and an important part of their problem may be a special kind of culturally learned paranoid behavior which intoxication activates. One hypothesis suggested by the effect of upward mobility on the beverage choices of the different ethnic groups is that the number of beverages drunk by a population group may be taken as a measure of their acculturation, secularization, or the range of social participation required by their status in society. Hawaiians, however, are a negative case, for lower-class workers in this group have more versatile drinking habits than the higner ranking Hawaiians. A possible explanation is a kind of built-in gregariousness, or a strong cultural emphasis on food and drink hospitality'', leading them to offer and respond to offers of drinks in a variety of situations or with a variety of people.