Friday, October 30, 2015

किसान कारीगर पंचायत, वाराणसी

किसान कारीगर पंचायत
रविवार - सोमवार , 15-16 नवम्बर 2015
गंगाजी के तट पर, भैंसासुर घाट, वाराणसी

किसानों और कारीगरों की आमदनी पक्की व नियमित हो और यह आमदनी सरकारी कर्मचारी के बराबर हो।
यह पंचायत इस आवाज़ को बुलंद करने के लिए है कि वेतन आयोग द्वारा तय वेतन 
के बराबर आय पाने के हक़दार सभी हैं।

आंध्र प्रदेश, तेलंगाना, महाराष्ट्र, मध्य प्रदेश और उत्तर प्रदेश से किसान और कारीगर संगठनों की आवाज़  

रविवार, 15 नवम्बर 2015  - शाम 5 बजे भैंसासुर घाट से मैदागिन टाऊनहॉल तक जुलूस और  गांधी - कस्तूरबा प्रतिमा के सामने आम सभा।
सोमवार, 16 नवम्बर 2015 - सुबह ८ बजे से भैंसासुर घाट पर लोकविद्या सत्संग - लोकविद्या गायकी और 12 बजे से यहीं पर सभा जिसे कारीगर समाजों और किसान  संगठनों के नेता सम्बोधित करेंगे।

पंचायत में निम्नलिखित बिन्दुओं पर चर्चा की जाएगी और समाज हित में फैसले लिए जायेंगे।
  1. असंगठित और संगठित क्षेत्र के बीच भेदभाव बंद हो। 
  2. देश की और सूबे की सरकारों की यह ज़िम्मेदारी बनती है कि अपने ज्ञान और हुनर के बल पर यानि लोकविद्या के बल पर जीविका चलने वाले सभी किसानों और कारीगरों की आमदनी उतनी ही हो जितनी तनख्वाहें वे अपने कर्मचारियों को देतीं  हैं।  इसका मतलब यह है कि किसानों और कारीगरों की आज की कमाई और सरकारी कर्मचारी के वेतन का अंतर सरकारों को पूरा करना होगा।  
  3. समय पर और सही दाम में बिजली व कच्चा माल मिले।  हमारे उत्पादन को सही दाम और हमारी सेवाओं को सही मूल्य चाहिए। 
  4. राष्ट्रीय संसाधन जैसे बिजली, पानी, शिक्षा, वित्त तथा नागरिक सुविधाएं (सड़क, सफाई, सुरक्षा --) आदि सभी को बराबरी से मिलें।  किसानों और कारीगरों को भी यह सब उतना ही मिले, जितना उच्च शिक्षित समाजों को, मॉल को और कार्पोरेट व्यवस्थाओं को दिया जाता है।  
  1. लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन, वाराणसी, उत्तर प्रदेश (दिलीप कुमार 'दिली' 9452824380 )
  2. बुनकर वेलफेयर संघर्ष समिति, वाराणसी (एहसान अली 8303244310 )
  3. कारीगर नजरिया, वाराणसी (आलम अंसारी 7668853291 )
  4. भारतीय किसान यूनियन, वाराणसी (लक्ष्मण प्रसाद 9026219913 )
  5. राष्ट्रीय चेन्था कार्मिक समाख्या, चिराला, आंध्र प्रदेश (मोहन राव 9441041266 )
  6. लोकविद्या प्रपंचम, हैदराबाद, तेलंगाना (नारायण राव 9849389550 )
  7. लोकविद्या समन्वय समूह, इंदौर , मध्य प्रदेश ( संजीव दाजी 9926426858 )
  8. लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन, नागपुर, महाराष्ट्र ( विलास भोंगाडे 9890336873 )
  9. नारी हस्तकला उद्योग समिति, वाराणसी ( प्रेमलता सिंह 9369124998 )
  10. माँ गंगा निषाद राज सेवा समिति, वाराणसी (विनोद निषाद गुरु 9335855912 )
  11. गुमटी व्यवसायी  कल्याण समिति, वाराणसी, ( चिंतामणि सेठ 9450857038 )
  12. उत्तर प्रदेश धोबी कल्याण समिति, वाराणसी ( छक्कन कन्नौजिया 9335215946 )
  13. जिला धोबी घाट बचाओ संघर्ष समिति , वाराणसी ( राजकुमार कन्नौजिया 8417805781)
  14. किसान संघर्ष समिति , मोहन सराय , वाराणसी  ( प्रेमचंद गुप्ता 9651520701 )
  15. किसान संघर्ष समिति डोमरी, वाराणसी (बिंद्रा प्रसाद पटेल 8009397782 )
  16. कूड़ा डंपिंग विरोधी संघर्ष समिति, करसड़ा, वाराणसी ( भृगुनाथ पटेल )
  17. वाराणसी ऑटो रिपेरिंग एसोसिएट, वाराणसी ( श्याम सुन्दर 9559457500 )
  18. राजभर एकता समिति, वाराणसी (मुन्नू राजभर) 
  19. वाराणसी काष्ठ खिलौना खराद दस्तकारी समिति, कश्मीरी गंज, वाराणसी ( श्याम बाबू 9696129955 ) 
  20. अखिल भारतीय विश्वकर्मा महासभा, वाराणसी ( रामराज  विश्वकर्मा  8090237324)
  21. विश्वकर्मा समाज , बबियांव, चोलापुर, वाराणसी ( तरनतार विश्वकर्मा 9621365418 )
  22. गाँव -गिराँव अख़बार, रामनगर, वाराणसी (गोपाल मौर्य 8765330110 )
  23. मज़दूर मानव सेवा समिति, वाराणसी ( राजेंद्र प्रसाद पटेल 8115692405 )

 विद्या आश्रम 

Tuesday, October 20, 2015

सूचना के बाज़ीगर

इस सदी के शुरूआती वर्षों में सूचना प्रौद्योगिकी के चमत्कारों के बल पर एक ज्ञान आधारित दुनिया बनाने का नशा लगभग सभी सत्ताधिशों के सर चढ़ कर बोलने लगा था। ज्यादातर सामान्य लोग ज्ञान आधारित दुनिया के बनाने में सूचना के पूँजी में बदलने  की क्रिया से  बेखबर थे। इस क्रिया में सामान्य लोगों के पास के ज्ञान को, यानि लोकविद्या को लूटकर सूचना में ढालकर उसे बाजार में बेचने का काम एक बड़े उद्योग का रूप लेने लगा।  सामान्य जनता यानि किसान, कारीगर, आदिवासी, महिलाएं आदि इस नई बात को कैसे समझें इसके लिए एक छोटी सी कविता लिखी गयी थी , जो नीचे दी जा रही हैं।

सूचना संचार युग में
सूचनाएं दौड़ती हैं
इधर से उधर
उधर से इधर
और बदल जाती हैं पूँजी में !

इस जादू के बाज़ीगर
कहलाते हैं ज्ञान प्रबंधक
जो सूचनाएं इकट्ठा करते हैं
कभी सस्ते में खरीदकर,
कभी छीन-झपट कर,
कभी झांसा देकर या ललचाकर ,
कभी कभार पैदा भी कर लेते हैं !
फिर उन्हें सजाते हैं, निखारते हैं,
चमकाते हैं और
दुकान लगाकर बेचते हैं
और इस कारोबार को
'ज्ञान' का कारोबार कहते है ।


Thursday, October 15, 2015

LJA Reservations

Delegitimization of Lokavidya:
The basis of the demand for reservations/special assistance

Based on available historical evidence, we know that during the vedic age (pre 300 BC) relatively free access to knowledge by all castes and study of Vedas was encouraged irrespective of caste/avocation. Sometime thereafter(between 300BC and about 600AD) acquisition of vedic knowledge by castes other than the Brahmins, was discouraged. During this period there were great movements (Buddha, Jaina) that questioned many 'beliefs' associated with vedic thought and caste-hierarchy. The subsequent 'reformation' saw the idea of inter-caste equality becoming prevalent , though the basis of equality was seen more in a philosophical and moral sense rather than on other 'tangible' facts. Subsequent history tells us that the struggle against caste-hierarchy was continuous and had many ups and downs. Most of such(Bhakti) movements sought to preach an equality among different castes (including dalits); but all of them were based on some idea of universal equality 'in the eyes of God'. The knowledge-basis of the caste-system was almost never alluded to in any practically demonstrable form; so the concept of equality did not cover the realm of knowledge, that definitively characterised(identified) the various castes and sub-castes comprising society.

The requirement of knowledge, 'outside' the knowledge concerning productive & service processes, was largely about 'uncontrollable' natural processes that affect, often very adversely, the activity of the producing & service sections of society. Such 'acts of nature' eg flood, drought, epidemics, pest attacks etc, were not understood or predictable. Special knowledge was needed to either predict , mitigate or prevent such 'acts of nature'. The study of astronomy(astrology), medicine, weather/ climate etc was probably greatly encouraged by this need. The classes which had the time and inclination to such study, developed these diciplines and, over a period of time, acquired a pre-eminent position in society because of their possessing this specialised knowledge. This was largely the caste of Brahmins- who were generally given to the study of Vedic literature as a whole-time occupation. The ability to predict and/or control/mitigate such adverse 'acts of nature' thus gave an 'awe-inspiring' position to possessors of such knowledge(much like present-day scientists- especially doctors). [In the west too, Astrology was developed by early astronomers such as Ptolemy,Copernicus,Kepler etc as a 'science' of predicting natural events that could have a bearing on human activities. Most of these men were from the Clergy i.e those who had chosen a 'profession' of study of religious texts].

The apportioning of such 'commanding heights' to this 'specialised' knowledge resulted in others, especially the productive and service classes, acceeding that their knowledge as relatively 'inferior' . This incidence of heirarchy in knowledge, however, did not affect the activity of these productive classes ,they continued their avocations and made inventions to suit their needs.There is no evidence that this hierarchy was life or livelihood threatening. In course of time an operatively hierarchical caste-system came into being. The challenge to the Vedic-knowledge based world-view began about 600 AD with alternate world-views, such as Islam, Christianity etc., gaining currency. This led to large scale conversions of 'lower' jatis and panchamas (outcastes). However, Lokavidya and Lokavidya-based activity did not get adversely affected in the entire period upto about the 18th century.There is also no evidence that inter-caste rivalry/conflict (during this period) was ever life or livelihood threatening.

The advent of direct British rule (around the turn of the 18th century) saw changes brought about in various aspects of governance, education, market, trade, communication etc. The concept of Government jobs/employment, as an assured means of livelihood, took shape. The basis of this 'employment' was the acquisition of knowledge that would facilitate and sustain suck work- viz education in British established/promoted schools/colleges and the acquisition of degrees/diplomas from such institutions. The castes that took, almost immediate, advantage of this 'new livelihood opening', were the brahmins- who just shifted their whole-time study activity from vedic literature, astrology, mathematics etc to English-based knowledge pertaining to governance, jurisprudence, science etc. A new concept of 'employment' took currency in society and these upper-caste sections could secure ' permanent' jobs and an assured source of income in this newly fashioned livelihood!

With the economic ascendency of such sections of the upper castes, Lokavidya Samaj began to see itself in a disadvantaged position and began to regard Lokavidya as 'inferior' to the knowledge acquired, largely by the upper castes, in the newly established schools and colleges. The British government's preference for a system of education that promoted economic, social and cultural activity, directly linked to Imperial interests(governance, market, industry etc), led to the delegitimization of Lokavidya, especially in the ranks of the Samaj.

In course of time the concept of 'forward' and (relatively) 'backward classes' came into being in public discourse and very large sections of Lokavidya Samaj saw themselves( and were seen to be) 'backward' relative to the 'educated' classes, most of whom were Brahmins. From about the late 19th century, demands for reservations in government employment and/or special assistance to these 'backward classes', began to be a rallying point for the 'dispossessed' sections of Lokavidya Samaj. The Imperialist power saw two advantages of supporting the demand for reservations. Firstly, it served to formalise a new(increasingly antagonistic) division in Indian society, especially among the Hindus(who constituted a very large section of the population); and secondly, it warded off any united challenge to the hegemony of modern(school-college based) education. The concomitant processes of delegitimization of Lokavidya and antagonistic caste-based division of society, soon took firm root in the minds of the people and gave birth to a new trend in politics i.e caste-based political movements.

The anti-British freedom movement was, by and large, led by men and women from the upper(forward) castes, who strove to maintain an united front of people of all religions and castes, in the struggle for independence. The process of delegitimization of Lokavidya, that had gained momentum with the advent of direct British rule ,however, brought about , in addition to religious antagonisms, new fissures in the unity of the Indian peoples' struggle for independence. The division along religious lines was secured effectively with the partition of the country -first in Bengal and then with the creation of Pakistan. The caste antagonism led to movements for reservations/special assistance and even for separate constituencies for dalits/tribals. The fight against inequality, exploitation and poverty was diverted into a fight for and against reservations! It continues today and dominates public discourse during elections, at the workplace, in the trade- union movement and even in the (modern) farmers' movement.[Dryland farmers are seen to be 'inferior' to irrigated-area farmers; even though their knowledge-base(of sustainable organic/natural farming, pest resistant seeds etc) is far superior in terms of drought and pest resistance practices and in terms of harmony with natural environment].

The path to liberation from knowledge hierarchy

The solution to this impasse cannot be found through providing reservations to all sections of Lokavidya Samaj. Rather it should be based on the recoginition of equality between every aspect of Lokavidya-based activity and (all of them) with modern-knowledge-based activity. The heirarchy of knowledge should be done away with.
How is this to be done? One starting point would be the re-legitimization of Lokavidya both within Lokavidya Samaj and in society as a whole. The local market is the arena where there is economic and social interaction between various sections of the Samaj. Commodities and services are exchanged. The value of a commodity is largely determined by its 'market' value rather than by the labour content and certainly not on the knowledge content. If the emphasis on value of a product/service is shifted from market-determined terms to (inherent) knowledge-based terms, then a transformation in 'terms of trade' will begin to take place and with it a movement toward a more equal social order bereft of inter-caste rivalry and acrimony.

The demand for 'equal wages for all work/labour on par with government employment' will kick-start a movement for the removal of inequality between univeristy-based knowledge and Lokavidya and the concomitant rural-urban, Bharat-India divide.

The 'development' and 'backwardness' debate will also be recast in an altogether (more humane) mould and a true contemporary concept of equality and harmony with nature will take shape.

2nd October 2015

Social Exclusion

A Lokavidya Perspective


Social exclusion is the process by which individuals or entire communities of people are systematically blocked from (or denied full access to) various rights, opportunities and resources that are normally available to members of a society, and which are fundamental to social integration within that particular society (e.g., housing, employment, healthcare, civic engagement, democratic participation and due process).

Alienation or disenfranchisement resulting from social exclusion is often connected to a person's social class, educational status, childhood relationships, living standards or personal choices in lifestyle. The result of social exclusion is that affected individuals or communities are prevented from participating fully in the economic, social and political life of the society in which they live.

Many communities experience social exclusion; such as racial (e.g., Black in America) and economic (e.g., Dalits and tribals in India, tribals in latin America). Another example is the Aboriginal community in Australia and the indigenous 'Indians' of the American continent. Externalisation of native communities is a product of colonisation. As a result of colonialism, these native communities lost their land and were forced into destitute areas, lost their sources of livelihood and were excluded from the labour market. Importantly, native communities lost their culture and values through forced assimilation and lost their rights in society. Today various native communities continue to be externalised from mainstream society due to the pursuit of (capitalist market)practices, policies and programmes that meet the 'development' needs of mainstream society and, often wilfully, ignore the needs of these marginalized groups themselves.

In India, jati (caste) has been the dominant mode of expression of social segregation. The rights/privilages accruing to a particular jati, within the aggregate social society (village or panchayat) began, it is said, to be hierarchically determined about 300 BC and this hierarchy became oppressive and cast into a rigid mould during the next 1000 years as depicted in the later smritis, shutras etc. The panchamas or dalits became “untouchables” and were socially ostracised and made to live separate from other jatis with severe restrictions on their social interaction with other jatis( The 'origin' of the dalits is still an open question). Inter-dining and inter-marriage across jatis was utterly taboo.

One of the most pressing problems , of Indian society today, in its march towards 'equality' and an egalitarian social order, is the dismantling of the opressive hierarchy of the caste-system. There have been many “social reform” movements, all aimed at negating this hierarchy and heralding a more humane and equal social order, during the past two millenia. However, caste barriers and taboos of all kinds persist even to this day in the subconsciousness of the polity and affect, many times adversely, the effort of many soci-economic programmes designed to ameliorate the condition of dalits, tribals and other oppressed communities.

Lokavidya and externalisation

We can look at the history of 'social reform' movements(revolutions) as a continuing flux in Lokavidya(knowledge in and with society) . Every time a certain knowledge thread came into ascendency and sought to radically alter Lokavidya Samaj(the society that lived by Lokavidya) there was a movement within Lokavidya Samaj to relegitimise or redefine a 'relegated' thread of Lokavidya and ensure inclusion of those sections that were(being) 'excluded' from Lokavidya Samaj.

As examples:

  1. The ascendency of (what we know as)Vedic thought around 1500BC while reinforcing the hierarchy in the extant social organisation (varna-jati system – a system that sought to 'preserve' nascent productive knowledge and practice and the inherent equality bewteen such threads of knowledge); led to the exclusion of large sections of these productive sections from mainstream society. This process 'resulted' in the Buddhist and Jaina movements for re-legitimisation of a knowledge thread(in Lokavidya) that promoted inclusion and served as a basis for a more egalitarian and less-hierarchical social organisation. This phase of social inclusion, of the hitherto excluded sections, lasted upto about 700 AD.

  1. The infusion of ideas(knowledge) from Christianity(33 AD onward) and Islam(6th century post Nalanda) resulted in the externalisation of various segments of the Samaj(especially Dalits and tribals) from 'mainstream' Hinduism largely through 'conversion', with the 'promise' of providing such sections a more egalitarian social status. This process gave rise to movements during the period between the 8th and 12th century to restablish the supremacy of Vedic thought in Lokavidya(through AdiSankara, Madhava, Ramanuja etc) and sought to resestablish the primacy of the 'Vedic thread' in Lokavidya while attempting to include those sections that had been 'excluded' through conversion during the Buddhist, Christian and Islamic periods.

  1. The ascendency of this 'Vedic' thread, which once again led to an increasing exclusion of the productive castes/jatis from the centre stage, led to a widespread Bhakti movement, (12th to 14th century) all over the country(probably for the first time), initially in South India( Nayannars, Alvars etc)which spread rapidly northward throughout this period and upto about the 17th century, and established a very visible presence through verse and music (Dnyāneshwar, Namdev, Tukaram, Eknath, Kabir, Meerabai, Annamacharya, Purandara, Ramadasu,Tygaraja etc). [The rise of Sufism through Nizamuddin Auliya , Kwaja Bande Nawaz and others, also paralleled this movement]The Bhakti movement, among other things, attemped, through music and verse, to re-include the productive Sudra jatis including the dalits and tribals, into the mainstream Samaj while emphasising the inherent unity of the Samaj. Among the 'worshipped heroes' were Krishna a Yadava(sudra) god- included as an avatar of Vishnu .

  1.  With the advent of British rule ,in the 18th century, a system of production and governance came into being, that proved ruinous to the Samaj. Livelihoods based on Lokavidya were systematically destroyed and there was a concerted attack on Lokavidya with a view to delegitimizing it. Every member of the Samaj was made to feel inadequate and incapable of a productive role in society. The focus (of localised movements) shifted to the productive activities of the Samaj and attempts were made to preserve the livelihoods and strengthen Lokavidya Tana-bana(the idioms used in the early wars against British rule were all rooted in various aspects of the culture and traditions of the Samaj). The incursion of modern science and technology(19th century onwards) and the development of capitalist modes of production and distribution led to the exclusion of these jatis(Bahiskrit Samaj) and, importantly, vastly altered the mode and relations of prodcution and market. Gandhiji spearheaded the movement to relegitimise that thread within Lokavidya that was based in the ordinary life of the productive jatis and bring it to the fore- as providing the guiding principle of regeneration and rebuilding of society(sarvodaya); restablishing the pre-Vedic period 'equality' between the varnas
Gandhiji wrote a classic essay called “The Ideal Bhangi”: in which he said

The Brahmin’s duty is to look after the sanitation o f the soul, the
Bhangi’s that o f the body o f society ... and yet our woebegone
Indian society has branded the Bhangi as a social pariah, set him
d own at the b o t tom o f the scale, held him fit only to receive kicks
and abuse, a creature who must subsist on the leavings o f the caste
people and dwell on the dung heap.
If only we had given due recognition to the status o f the Bhangi as
equal to that o f the Brahmin, our villages, no less their inhabitants
would have looked a picture o f cleanliness and order. I therefore
make bold to state without any manner of hesitation or doubt that
not till the invidious distinction between Brahmin and Bhangi is
removed will our society enjoy health, prosperity and peace and be happy.

and firmly believed that only this would 'recast and reorient' productive activity and help release the true creative potential of the people (swaraj).

  1. The economic disruption in productive activity, caused by British rule, brought inter-caste rivalry based on a seeming heirarchy of 'forward' and 'backward' castes to the fore, while the dalits(untouchables) were 'urged' to circumvent this conflict through conversion and achieve a 'favoured' status in the emergent modern social setup. Lokavidya Tana-bana and the unity of the Samaj were, then, cast in the mould of an opposition to caste-based social hierarchy and untouchability(Jyothiba Phule, Gandhi, Ambedkar etc) and symbolised through a focus on the productive activity of the (Satyashodak)Samaj: the charkha and khadi (Gandhi). The 'backward class' movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries sought to preserve and protect the Lokavidya identity of these sections of the Samaj while demanding a prominant role for the Samaj in the new productive order.

  1. The Vaikom Satyagraha(1924–25) in Travancore led by TK Madhavan, KM Pannikar, Periyar Naranaswamy Naicker and others, was the first systematically organized agitation in Kerala against orthodoxy to secure the rights of the 'depressed' classes and against untouchability. The movement was centered at the Shiva temple at Vaikom near Kottayam.The Satyagraha aimed at securing freedom of movement for all sections of society through the public roads leading to the Sri Mahadevar Temple at Vaikom. The agitation brought forward the question of civil rights of the 'low caste' people into the forefront of Indian politics. No mass agitation in Kerala acquired so much all-India attention and significance in the twentieth century as the Vaikom Satyagraha. [Vaikom is a small temple town famous for its Shiva temple, which in the early twentieth century was the citadel of orthodoxy and casteism. As was the custom prevalent in those days, the Avarnas were not allowed to enter the temples. But at Vaikom, they were not permitted even to use the public roads around the temple. Notice boards were put up at different spots prohibiting the entry of Avarnas reminding them of their social inferiority. All the more unbearable to them were the fact that a Christian or Muslim was freely allowed on these roads. An Avarna had to walk through a circuitous route, two to three miles longer to avoid the road beside the temple. [There is an acecdote that when Ayyankali, a dalit leader of the pulaya caste, had to travel through this road, he was asked to get down from his bullock cart, and walk through the circuitous route and his bullock cart without him was allowed to pass through the road!]

The colonial phase of the knowledge movement

With the advent of direct British rule from the mid-18th century and the introduction of the 'modern' school system (which got a filip with Macaulay's minute) the infusion of 'western' knowledge including 'modern' science and technology into society began to sharpen the heirarchy and gave rise to intense caste rivalry in Lokavidya Samaj. A new definition of 'literacy' or 'learnedness' came into being and the process of delegitimising Lokavidya began in earnest. The advent of the capitalist mode of production and the consequent expansion of the capitalist market (at the cost of decentralised production and the local market) greatly added fuel to this fire. The establishment of (centralised) government bodies of authority spanning every aspect of public and social life introduced a new element of alienation among the constituents of Lokavidya Samaj. The new education, based and nutured by science and technology, developed a new class of 'skilled' labour in all areas of production and service. The class was comprised mostly of those members of the upper castes who had access to these educational institutions-schools and who believed that a capitalist path of development was 'progressive' and desirable for an independent India and would lead to an egalitarian society divested of the ills of caste-based discrimination where a new-found fraternity would emerge(pan-Indian nationalism) to replace localised community-based fraternities(Dr B.R. Ambedkar's position).The late 19th and early 20th century was witness to the 'Backward class' and 'Non-Brahmin' movements in South India and a Dalit movement led by Dr Ambedkar all over India- the disruption of the tenuous bonds of mutual cooperation and coexistence within Lokavidya Samaj was complete.

Gandhiji observed that these devlopments would actually lead to large scale deprivation of Lokavidya Samaj. He spearheaded a movement for relegitimising Lokavidya and regeneration of Lokavidya Samaj while attempting to rid the Samaj of many discriminatory social ills that plagued it (such as untouchability, oppression of women, uncleanliness, detestation of manual labour, destruction of the natural environment etc). In other words, Gandhiji led the first inclusion movement as a necessary corollary of the Independence movement so that, in Independent India, Lokavidya Samaj would have a voice and control over its productive and service activities and a re-invigorated local market served by these activities.

The current phase of the knowledge movement

In 67 years after Independence, we see that the plight of Lokavidya Samaj has, in every aspect, become more precarious. This society, which once had the wherewithal of meeting the basic needs of its members- food, clothing, shelter and livelihood; now finds itself completely at the mercy of the knowledge(centralised planning for development) that guides the ruling urban industrialised section of society. Even the provision of access to 'modern' education has not significantly altered the soci-economic status of the Samaj and large sections of its population are forced to live on earnings amounting to much less than Rs.50 per day per family. The wanton acquisition of lands and forests have forced vast farming and tribal communities into the ranks of landless and homeless(beggars). The weavers and artisans of all types, who possessed knowledge and skills of cloth and fabric production, utensils and implements/machinery, service activities of all types- have also been forced to join the ranks of 'uneducated skill-less' labour. The children of the Samaj see no salvation in pursuing the 'trades' of their fathers and , having spent their childhood and youth in attempting to acquire new found knowledge and skills in schools and colleges now find themselves holding Lokavidya in contempt and nowhere to go in the modern industrialised world. The local markets have all but been destroyed so much so that even those sections of Lokavidya Samaj, who can only pursue the 'traditional' livelihoods, find no means of obtaining a 'remunerative price' for the products of their knowledge, skills and labour.

The way forward

The real( and remaining) strength of Lokavidya Samaj lies in Lokavidya. It is Lokavidya that has sustained 'traditional' society and livelihoods and has, against all odds, helped the Samaj to survive and continue to contribute to the productive and service activities of Indian society as a whole. In this strength lies the basis for the unity of the Samaj and the motive force for the rebuilding of the Samaj; with a new dispensation, commensurate with the changed times and environment. The inter-relationships between different sections(jatis, communities) of the Samaj also need to be recast in a new and more robust manner that will perpetuate and enhance the mutual cooperation and fraternity that appears to have sustained them for so long.

In the post 1990 'knowledge era'-where University knowledge, based on Science and Technology, has assumed commanding heights and in the era of the Internet where the potential of 'knowledge management' has come to the fore; there has been a renewed attempt to de-legitimise Lokavidya and decimate the knowledge-basis of Lokavidya Samaj. This is a sort of reverse-exclusion. The knowledge-basis of livelihoods of Lokavidya Samaj and the material basis of these livelihoods-land, water, forests etc have been encroached upon. The acquistion of natural resources for the purposes of intensifying capitalist development has led to a great knowledge-divide. Lokavidya Samaj is being deprived of its fundamental right to a life of dignity based on its inherent knowledge and skills and because it has no knowledge-certification from the dominant sections of society it is being excluded from the 'development' paradigm!

In the age of the Internet and 'Information revolution' , Lokavidya Jan Andolan represents the current phase of the knowledge movement for re-legitimising Lokavidya and including all movements for the assertion of peoples' knowledge and fundamental rights thereof.

The 'revival' of Lokavidya Jan Andolan in 2011 by Vidya Ashram, Varanasi started with attempting to relegitimise Lokavidya in Lokavidya Samaj and appealing to the westernised sections of Indian society to recognise the need to allow space for (ever-dynamic) Lokavidya Samaj to assert itself and re-cast Lokavidya to help it counter the onslaught of centralised industrial production and market.
LJA carried out campaigns to re-establish the local market for Lokavidya-based products so that fraternal and more equal relationships between different sections of the Samaj could find their contemporary moorings. The role of women in the productive and social life of the Samaj has to be reasserted and this was sought to be achieved through a concerted campaign for Women's empowerment through recognition of her knowledge, skills and labour. The belief in the fundmental right of every individual to live a life of dignity based on his/her knowledge led to the movement for a demand of equal basic pay for all sections of workers(Multai, 2014)- be they members of urban indutrialised society or Lokavidya Samaj. This would , we believe, lead to an appreciation of the knowledge, latent strength and contribution of every section of Lokavdiya Samaj and lead to better fraternal relationships between them. In the realm of education, the ongoing attempt is to incorporate the teaching/learning of Lokavidya-based skills in schools and recognition of mastercraftsmen and farmers, formally, by institutions of higher learning. Local self-government is the connerstone to the establishment of a truly democratic polity and we believe that the restablishment of a Panchayat Raj (based on a Gyan Panchayat i.e a local collective of knowledge-represenatatives)system of planning and government alone would help the amelioration of Lokavidya Samaj while providing the modern centralised system with a new knowledge paradigm to face the challenges of socio-economic and environmental degeneracy. This local self-government system would also moderate the relationships between different jatis of Lokavidya Samaj and help them recast the inter-relationships in a new mould capable of sustaining
their existence as dignified members of a more egalitarian society.

Written May 2015 Posted October 2015

Thursday, October 1, 2015

ग्राम पंचायत गाँव के लिए आगे आये

उत्तर प्रदेश में ग्राम पंचायतों के चुनाव घोषित हो गए हैं। अक्टूबर में चार चरणों में चुनाव होंगे और 1 नवम्बर को नतीजे घोषित किये जायेंगे। लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन, वाराणसी की ओर से यह अभियान चलाया जा रहा है कि -

  1. ग्राम प्रधान अपने को सरकार का नुमाइंदा न समझकर गाँव का प्रतिनिधि समझें। 
  2. इस बात के लिए संगठन और संघर्ष का मन बनाएं कि सरकारों का गाँव के साथ सौतेला व्यवहार बंद करना है और यह हासिल करना है कि हर ग्रामीण परिवार में सरकारी कर्मचारी जैसी आय का प्रावधान हो।  
एक परचा निकाल कर  इस बात की ओर ध्यान खींचा गया है  कि गाँव के लोग, जो खेती, कारीगरी, मज़दूरी और सेवा या छोटी - मोटी दुकानदारी करके अपना जीवनयापन करते हैं और समाज की सेवा करते हैं, उस सबमें वे अपने ही ज्ञान और हुनर का इस्तेमाल करते हैं।  उनका सोचने का तरीका अलग होता है तथा उनकी ज्ञान की दुनिया लोकविद्या के नाम से जानी जाती है। यह लोकविद्या किसी भी अर्थ में विश्वविद्यालयीय ज्ञान से कम नहीं होती तथा यह सर्वथा जायज़ है कि इसके बल पर भी वैसी ही आय होनी चाहिए जैसी आय पढ़े - लिखों को होती है। 

मध्य प्रदेश में इंदौर क्षेत्र में लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन के तीन सक्रिय कार्यकर्ता ग्रामप्रधान चुनकर आये हैं।  ये दो मांगें आगे कर रहे हैं -
  1. गाँव के ज्ञान यानि लोकविद्या की प्रतिष्ठा के लिए हर गाँव में एक स्थान ज्ञान पंचायत के लिए मुक़र्रर होना चाहिए।  इस स्थान से गाँव वाले अपने ज्ञान का दावा  पेश करेंगे। 
  2. हर ग्रामीण परिवार में सरकारी कर्मचारी जैसी आय का प्रावधान होना चाहिए।  
2  अक्टूबर को भोपाल में पूरे प्रदेश के ग्राम प्रधान अपनी मांगों को लेकर इकठ्ठा हो रहे हैं।  ऊपर दी गयी दो मांगें भी शामिल  करने का प्रयास लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन, मध्य प्रदेश, कर रहा है।  
  विद्या आश्रम