Zapatista Army of National Liberation

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Zapatista Army of National Liberation
Participant in Chiapas conflict
Flag of the EZLN.svg
Flag of the EZLN
Active 1994–present
Ideology Neozapatismo
Libertarian Marxism
Libertarian socialism
Social anarchism
Collectivist anarchism
Anarchist communism
Direct democracy
Radical democracy
Leaders Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee
whose spokespersons are
Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano
Comandante Hugo 
Comandante Ramona 
Subcomandante Pedro 
Subcomandante Elisa
Subcomandante Moisés
Area of operations Chiapas, Mexico



The group takes its name from Emiliano Zapata, the agrarian reformer[2] and commander of the Liberation Army of the South during the Mexican Revolution, and sees itself as his ideological heir. In reference to inspirational figures, nearly all EZLN villages contain murals with images of Zapata, Ernesto "Che" Guevara, and Subcomandante Marcos.[3]

Although the ideology of the EZLN reflects libertarian socialism, paralleling both anarchist and libertarian Marxist thought in many respects, the EZLN has rejected[4] and defied[5] political classification, retaining its distinctiveness due in part to the importance of indigenous Mayan beliefs in Zapatismo. The EZLN aligns itself with the wider alter-globalization, anti-neoliberal social movement, seeking indigenous control over their local resources, especially land.





The Zapatista Army went public on January 1, 1994, the day when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) came into effect. On that day, they issued their First Declaration and Revolutionary Laws from the Lacandon Jungle. The declaration amounted to a declaration of war on the Mexican government, which they considered so out of touch with the will of the people as to make it illegitimate. The EZLN stressed that it opted for armed struggle due to the lack of results achieved through peaceful means of protest (such as sit-ins and marches).[7]




Armed clashes in Chiapas ended on January 12, with a ceasefire brokered by the Catholic diocese in San Cristóbal de las Casas under Bishop Samuel Ruiz, a well known liberation theologian who took up the cause of the indigenous of Chiapas. The Zapatistas retained some of the land for a little over a year, but in February 1995 the Mexican army overran that territory in a surprise breach of ceasefire. Following this offensive, the Zapatista villages were mostly abandoned and the rebels fled to the mountains after breaking out of the Mexican army perimeter.


— Dissent magazine[10]

Army camps set up along all major thoroughfares failed to capture the guerrilla movement's commanders. Instead, the Mexican government pursued a policy of negotiation, while the Zapatistas developed a media campaign through numerous newspaper communiqués. After the First Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle, subsequent declarations have focused on non-violent solutions, both through political channels and through the assumption of many of the functions of government in the state of Chiapas. After the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, the Zapatistas have not engaged in further military actions. Other groups in Chiapas, such as the pacifist Las Abejas, support many of the goals of the Zapatista Revolution without condoning the use of violence to achieve those goals. A strong international Internet presence prompted numerous international left-wing groups to support the Zapatista movement.

Military offensive[edit]

Once Subcomandante Marcos was identified as Rafael Guillén on February 9, 1995, in a turn of events counterproductive to the understandings the Mexican Government and the EZNL had reached, Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo made a series of decisions that were completely at odds with the strategic plan previously defined by his government, and with the agreements he had authorized his Secretary of Interior, Lic Esteban Moctezuma, to discuss with Marcos a mere 3 days prior, in Guadalupe Tepeyac- Zedillo sent the Mexican army to capture or annihilate Marcos, without first consulting his Secretary of Interior, without knowing exactly who Marcos was, and only with the PGR's single presumption that Marcos was a dangerous guerrilla. Despite these circumstances, President Ernesto Zedillo decided to launch a military offence to capture or annihilate the EZNL's main spokesperson, a figure around which a cult of personality was already forming.

Arrest warrants were made against Marcos, Javier Elorriaga Berdegue, Silvia Fernández Hernández, Jorge Santiago, Fernando Yanez, German Vicente, Jorge Santiago and other Zapatistas. At that point, in the Lacandon Jungle, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was under military siege by the Mexican Army. Javier Elorriaga got captured on February 9, 1995, by a military garrizon at Gabina Velázquez in the town Las Margaritas, and later taken to the Cerro Hueco prison in Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas. »[11] On February 11, 1995 the PGR informed the country that they made an operation in the State of Mexico, where they had captured 14 people presumed to be involved with the Zapatistas, of which 8 had already being turned over to the Judicial Authorities. They had also seized an important arsenal, the PGR stated. »[12] The PGR's repressive acts reached the point of threatening the San Cristóbal de Las Casas' Catholic Bishop, Samuel Ruiz García, with arrest, for allegedly aiding to conceal the Zapatistas' guerrilla uprising, even though their activities were reported years before the uprising in what is considered one of Mexico's most important magazines, Proceso (magazine), which the Mexican Government had tried to cover it up. »[13] »[14] »[15] This dealt a serious blow to the recently restored Mexico-Vatican diplomatic relationship »,[16] taking account the May 24, 1993 political assassination of a Prince of the Catholic Church, the Guadalajara Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo, that the PGR has left unresolved to this day.

Marcos' resolve was put to the test when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was under military siege by the Mexican Army in their camp and at the Lacandon Jungle. Marcos' response was immediate, sending the then Secretary of Interior, Lic. Esteban Moctezuma, with whom he had met three days earlier, the following message: "See you in hell". The facts seemed to confirm former Chiapas Peace Commissioner Manuel Camacho Solis's accusations, made public in June 16, 1994, that the reason for his resignation was sabotage, done by the then presidential candidate Ernesto Zedillo.

Under the considerable political pressure of a highly radicalized situation, and believing a peaceful solution to be possible, Mexican Secretary of the Interior Lic. Esteban Moctezuma campaigned to reach a peacefully negotiated solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis, betting it all on a creative strategy to reestablish a dialogue between the Mexican Government and the EZNL to find peace, by demonstrating to Marcos the terrible consequences of a military solution. Making a strong position against the February 9 actions against Peace, Moctezuma, defender of a political solution, submitted his resignation to the President Ernesto Zedillo which he refused to accept. Moved by Moctezuma's protest, President Zedillo abandoned the military offensive in favor of the improbable task of restoring the conditions for dialog to reach a negotiation. For these foregoing reasons the Mexican army eased its operation in Chiapas, giving an opportunity that Marcos needed to escape the military perimeter in the Lacandon Jungle. »[17] Faced with this situation, Max Appedole, Rafael Guillén, childhood friend and colleague, at the Jesuits College Instituto Cultural Tampico asked for help from Edén Pastora the legendary Nicaraguan "Commander Zero" to prepare a report for under-Secretary of the Interior Luis Maldonado Venegas; the Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma and the President Ernesto Zedillo about Marcos natural pacifist vocation and the terrible consequences of a tragic outcome. »[18] The document concluded that the marginalized groups and the radical left that exist in México, have been vented with the Zapatistas movement, while Marcos maintains an open negotiating track. Eliminate Marcos and his social containment work will not only would cease, but will give opportunity to the radical groups to take control of the movement. They will response to violence with violence. They would begin the terrorist bombings, kidnappings and belligerent activities. The country would be in a very dangerous spiral, which could lead to very serious situations because not only there is discomfort in Chiapas, but in many places in Mexico[19]


During the investigative stage to identify Subcomandante Marcos, the Mexican government speculated that he was a dangerous guerrilla fighter. This theory gained traction at the end of 1994, after the dissident Zapatista Comandante Salvador Morales Garibay give away the identity of his former fellow Zapatistas to the Mexican government, among them Marcos identity. »[20] They all were indicted for terrorism, warrants were issued arrest where made in a military action. The Mexican government alleges some Zapatistas to be terrorists, among them Marcos. »[21] There was a storm of political pressures claiming for a fast military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. On February 9, 1995, in a televised special Presidential broadcast, President Ernesto Zedillo announced Subcomandante Marcos to be one Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, born June 19, 1957 in Tampico, Tamaulipas to Spanish immigrants. An Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana School of Sciences and Arts for the Design former Professor. And after the government revealed Marcos identity in January 1995, when Rafael Guillén, old friend, classmate with the Jesuits at the Instituto Cultural Tampico, direct intervention in the conflict, Max Appedole played a major role with the Mexican government to avoid a Military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. By demonstrating that contrary to the accusations announced by President Ernesto Zedillo, »[22] Rafael Guillén, was no terrorist. Max Appedole recognized his literary style in all Marcos manifestos that where published in the media, linked them to their literary tournaments organized by the Jesuits in which they competed in Mexico. Confirming that he had no doubt that Marcos was his friend Rafael Guillén, a pacifist. »[19] »[23] »[24] »[25]



Subcomandante Marcos in 1996



Main article: Neozapatismo

The ideology of the Zapatista movement, Neozapatismo, synthesizes traditional Mayan practices with elements of libertarian socialism, anarchism,[28][29] and Marxism.[30] The historical influence of Mexican Anarchists and various Latin American socialists is apparent in Neozapatismo. The positions of Subcomandante Marcos add a Marxist[31] element to the movement. A Zapatista slogan is in harmony with the concept of mutual aid: "For everyone, everything. For us, nothing" (Para todos todo, para nosotros nada).

The EZLN opposes economic globalization, arguing that it severely and negatively affects the peasant life of its indigenous support base and oppressed people worldwide. The signing of NAFTA also resulted in the removal of Article 27, Section VII, from the Mexican Constitution, which had guaranteed land reparations to indigenous groups throughout Mexico.


In an unusual move for any revolutionary organization, documents released by the EZLN[32] (in Spanish) before the initial uprising in 1994 explicitly defined a right of the people to resist any unjust actions of the EZLN. They also defined a right of the people to:



Women's Revolutionary Law[edit]


  6. Women have the right to an education.

Postcolonial gaze[edit]

The Zapatistas' response to the introduction of NAFTA in 1994 reflects the shift in perception taking place in societies that have experienced colonialism.[34] The theory of postcolonial gaze studies the cultural and political impacts of colonization on formerly colonized societies and how these societies overcome centuries of discrimination and marginalization by colonialists and their descendents.[35] In Mexico, the theory of the postcolonial gaze is being fostered predominantly in areas of large indigenous populations and marginalization, like Chiapas. Over the last 20 years, Chiapas has emerged as a formidable force against the Mexican government, fighting against structural violence and social and economic marginalization brought on by globalization.[36] The Zapatista rebellion not only raised many questions about the consequences of globalization and free trade; it also questioned the long-standing ideas created by the Spanish colonial system. Postcolonialism is the antithesis of imperialism because it attempts to explain how the prejudices and restrictions created by colonialism are being overcome.[35] This is especially obvious in countries that have large social and economic inequalities, where colonial ideas are deeply entrenched in the minds of the colonials' descendents.

An early example of the Zapatistas' effective use of the postcolonial gaze was their use of organizations like the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) to raise of awareness for their rebellion and indigenous rights, the Mexican government's lack of respect for the country's impoverished and marginalized populations.[37] Appealing to the ECOSOC and other traditionally Western-influenced non-governmental bodies allowed the Zapatistas to establish a sense of autonomy by using the postcolonial gaze to redefine their identities both as indigenous people and as citizens of Mexico.[38]

Political expressions[edit]



After the cessation of fighting in mid-1994, the EZLN called for a Democratic National Convention. As part of the call, they began the practice of setting up cultural spaces for exchanges and meetings between the EZLN and Zapatistas, on the one hand, and political and cultural sectors of civil society in Mexico and the international community, on the other. These spaces were called Aguascalientes, in memory of the city of Aguascalientes that had harbored the Supreme Revolutionary Convention of Aguascalientes that brought together, among others, the most progressive forces of the Mexican revolution (such as the Magonistas, the Villa, and the Zapatistas). This new "Aguascalientes" was created in the Lacandon Jungle, near the community of Guadalupe Tepeyac Tojolabal, in the municipality of Las Margaritas, from August 6 to August 9, 1994.





Caracoles and the Councils of Good Government (JBG) of the Zapatistas were formed in summer 2003. A feast was held to mark the founding from 8 to 10 August 2003, in Aguascalientes Oventic. This was the culmination of a series of changes in the EZLN and the 27 Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities (MAREZ). The changes came after a long analysis of MAREZ and Aguascalientes, the problems they had faced, and their relationship to Mexican and international civil society. The new organizations were meant to represent a major advance in the autonomy of communities and indigenous peoples of Mexico.[27] The EZLN declared that the Councils of Good Government also marked a transition where the EZLN military would no longer give orders in civil matters in the autonomous communities. The Caracoles is an attempt to unilaterally implement San Andres expression and culture and rights of Indigenous people in Mexico.



Wearing a headset. "Marcha del Color de la Tierra" (2001).


Before 2001, Marcos' writings were often published in some Mexican and a few international newspapers. Then Marcos fell silent, and his relationship with the media declined. When he resumed writing in 2002, he assumed a more aggressive tone, and his attacks on former allies angered some of the EZLN's supporters. Except for these letters and occasional critical communiqués about the political climate, the EZLN was largely silent until August 2003, when Radio Insurgente was launched from an unknown location.

In mid-2004, COCOPA head Luis H. Álvarez stated that Marcos had not been seen in Chiapas for some time. The EZLN received little press coverage during this time, although it continued to develop the local governments it had created earlier. In August, Marcos sent eight brief communiqués to the Mexican press, published from August 20 through 28. The series was entitled Reading a Video (possibly mocking political video scandals that occurred earlier that year). It began and ended as a kind of written description of an imaginary low-budget Zapatista video, with the rest being Marcos' comments on political events of the year and the EZLN's current stance and development.




2005–2013 activities[edit]








Horizontal Autonomy and Indigenous Leadership[edit]

Zapatista Chiapas

Zapatista communities continue to practice horizontal autonomy and mutual aid by building and maintaining their own anti-systemic health, education, and sustainable agro-ecological systems, promoting equitable gender relations via Women's Revolutionary Law, and building international solidarity through humble outreach and non-imposing political communication. In addition to their focus on building 'a world where many worlds fit', the Zapatistas continue to resist periodic attacks. The Zapatista struggle re-gained international attention in May 2014 with the death of teacher and education promoter Galeano who was murdered in an attack on a Zapatista school and health clinic led by 15 local paramilitaries.[46] In the weeks that followed, thousands of Zapatistas and national and international sympathizers, mobilized and gathered to honor Galeano. This event also saw the famed and enigmatic unofficial spokesperson of the Zapatistas, Subcomandante Marcos, announce that he would be stepping down,[47] which symbolized a shift in the EZLN to completely Indigenous leadership.

Notable members[edit]

Artistic expression inspired by Comandanta Ramona.

New media technologies and the Zapatista idea[edit]

The Zapatista idea is the use of tactical media to draw public attention to a political cause. Used as a form of political activism, the Zapatista idea is the notion that "the important thing is the spectacle that you make out of an event in the media, as opposed to the event itself".[48] The concept derives from the Zapatistas' ability through new media to communicate and generate universal solidarity in Mexico and worldwide. An example of the use of new media technology is through the Chiapas Media Project.

The "communications revolution has generally shifted the 'balance of power' from the media to the audience".[49] This has allowed the Zapatista idea to flourish, opening up new channels and providing a powerful forum for political participation by citizens (see e-democracy) on an unprecedented scale. "Digital, networked media allow for faster, diverse, two-way communications between users who have both more control and more choice"[50] as they become simultaneously users, producers, and agents of social change.

See also[edit]



  1. ^ Gahman, Levi: Zapatistas Begin a New Cycle of Building Indigenous Autonomy
  4. ^ "The EZLN is NOT Anarchist - A Zapatista Response Archived August 13, 2009, at the Wayback Machine."
  5. ^ "A Commune in Chiapas? Mexico and the Zapatista Rebellion"
  7. ^ SIPAZ, International Service for Peace webisite, "1994" Archived November 17, 2015, at the Wayback Machine.
  10. ^ From Che to Marcos by Jeffrey W. Rubin, Dissent magazine, Summer 2002 Archived October 4, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
  11. ^ «La Jornada: mayo 4 de 1996»
  12. ^ «U.S. military aids Mexico's attacks on Zapatistas»
  13. ^ «Sedena sabía de la guerrilla chiapaneca desde 1985» Archived November 3, 2013, at the Wayback Machine.
  14. ^ «Ganaderos e indígenas hablan de grupos guerrilleros»
  15. ^ «Salinas recibió informes sobre Chiapas, desde julio del 93»
  16. ^ «Relaciones entre México y el Vaticano»
  17. ^ «Renuncia en Gobernación»
  18. ^ «Tampico la conexión zapatista» Archived November 3, 2013, at the Wayback Machine.
  19. ^ a b «Marcos en la mira de Zedillo» Archived October 17, 2013, at the Wayback Machine.
  20. ^ «El otro subcomandante»
  21. ^ [1]
  22. ^ [2]
  23. ^ Sí es Sebastián Guillén»
  24. ^ Otra Campana Pintada de Azul»
  25. ^ Maestros y condiscípulos de Tampico recuerdan a Rafael Guillén»
  26. ^ O'Neil et al. 2006, p. 378.
  27. ^ a b Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle on Wikisource
  30. ^ "The Zapatista Effect: Information Communication Technology Activism and Marginalized Communities Archived August 16, 2011, at the Wayback Machine."
  31. ^ "The Zapatista's Return: A Masked Marxist on the Stump"
  32. ^ "Editorial". Retrieved 2013-10-29. 
  35. ^ a b Lunga, Victoria (2008). "Postcolonial Theory: A Language for a Critique of Globalization". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 7 (3/4): 191–199. doi:10.1163/156914908x371349. 
  37. ^ Jung, Courtney (2003). "The Politics of Indigenous Identity, Neoliberalism, Cultural Rights, and the Mexican Zapatistas". Retrieved November 24, 2013. 
  42. ^ 2008.
  43. ^ "Zapatista Commander: Gaza Will Survive" Archived January 17, 2009, at the Wayback Machine. Palestine Chronicle
  45. ^ "the Little School of Liberty according to the Zapatistas"
  46. ^ Gahman, Levi - Death of a Zapatista
  47. ^ "Mexico's Zapatista rebel leader Subcomandante Marcos steps down". BBC. 26 May 2014. Retrieved 15 November 2015. 
  48. ^ Meikle, G: "Networks of Influence: Internet Activism in Australia and Beyond" in Gerard Goggin (ed.) Virtual nation: the Internet in Australia, University of New South Wales Press, page 83, 2004.



Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]